-Caveat Lector-

[radtimes] # 193

An informally produced compendium of vital irregularities.

"We're living in rad times!"
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Send $$ to RadTimes!!  -->  (See ** at end.)
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Contents:

--New Assault on City's Gangs
--ACLU Ads Warn Of 'Massive' Government Cyber-Snooping
--Robotic insect takes to the air
--Police ready for violence at ADB
--Anarchy in the air as summit draws near
--Biker Gang Pleads Guilty in Canada
--The voice of an anticapitalist manifesto
--Little Sympathy or Remedy for Inmates Who Are Raped
--Special Report: Crime on the Internet

===================================================================

New Assault on City's Gangs

<http://www.nydailynews.com/2001-04-08/News_and_Views/Crime_File/a-106468.asp?>


NYPD beefs up units to fight growing menace

By PATRICE O'SHAUGHNESSY
Daily News Staff Writer
Sunday, April 08, 2001

He was 12, looking to belong and wanting protection in his Bronx
neighborhood. He found the Netas.
He wore the red, black and white beads, slashed a Blood in the stomach with
a switchblade in a brawl outside Taft High School, did six months at Rikers
Island, and led a chapter of 62 Netas in Williamsbridge.
"I'm just trying to get out of the gang life now," said the 19-year-old,
who requested anonymity. "But today, there are so much more kids joining."
The city's gang members now number close to 15,000, with about half of them
active, authorities say. Some just sport the colors, others band together
in violence. Many are immigrants looking for muscle and status.
The fluid, varied nature of the gangs and their enduring appeal has
prompted a more focused law enforcement strategy.
As a result, the police are now attacking gangs from all sides:
Uniformed officers are at the schools; investigators work the streets and
share intelligence with jail authorities, and cops educate parents at
community meetings.
The gangs reflect the changing face of the city: While new immigrants cling
to ethnic associations, older gangs have become as assimilated as the
neighborhoods.
"There are no more parameters. The traditional ethnic membership is no
longer there," said Deputy Warden Peter Curcio, commander of the Correction
Department's gang intelligence unit.  "The Bloods leader at Rikers is
Latino. We have Chinese Bloods, black Netas, a white Five Percenter."
"They are not sophisticated like in Los Angeles. We could have three Bloods
on one corner, three on the next street, and they don't know each other,"
said Deputy Inspector William Tartaglia, head of the revamped NYPD Gang
Division.
Indeed, the New York gang scene is anything but monolithic.
Graffiti on buildings along Rockaway Parkway in Brooklyn mark the turf of
the 823 Canarsie G-Stone Crips, while the Sally Gangsta Crips tag walls on
Pitkin Ave., each claiming local turf.
"The rules differ from set to set, and Bloods in Brooklyn don't know Bloods
in the Bronx," said one detective.
On Feb. 20, police say enemy gang members joined forces in a robbery-murder
in Central Park.
Ismael Marzan, 25, was fatally shot as he sat on a bench with a friend. One
suspect was arrested; he had a tattoo over a Bloods burn mark, showing he
was a former member. His accomplice was a Crip.
"The two gangs are usually archrivals," said an investigator. "That shows
us they're not organized."
Since Jan. 1, gang-linked crimes have included 24 homicides, 44 shootings,
32 slashings and 147 robberies.
On March 30, Ivan Martinez, a Mexican immigrant delivering pizza in East
New York, Brooklyn, became the latest fatality. Police said he was shot
dead by a youth wearing blue beads  a symbol of the Crips.
The alleged killer and his pals robbed Martinez of $35, and spent it on
Chinese food.
"Being in a gang makes it easier to become involved in such violence,
because you're bound to follow the directives, you do what you got to do,"
said Bob DeSena, head of Council for Unity, which has chapters in 56 city
schools.
Police Commissioner Bernard Kerik said the NYPD's new strategies have
identified more people as members of gangs.
"These are bad people," Kerik said. "They've identified themselves as
security threats. It's an issue we have to stay on top of. [But because of
NYPD efforts] New York has more control over this type of problem."
The largest gangs are the Bloods, the Latin Kings, Netas, and the Crips, a
rapidly growing force in Brooklyn.
The Bloods claim about 5,000 members, but "only about half are 'blooded
in,' the rest just wear red," said one investigator.
The Latin Kings, once the largest and most violent gang in the city, had a
strict hierarchy and a code of rules that every member in every borough
followed. That structure led to its near-undoing by federal cases that put
the leaders in prison.
Mexican and Central American street gangs represent an emerging phenomenon,
as those burgeoning immigrant groups seek a foothold in the city.
"Most towns in Mexico are almost empty of young men," said Brother Joel
Magallan of the Tepeyac Association, a citywide advocacy group for Mexican
immigrants. "And when they come here, they are without parents, uncles or
aunts; they need a family, so the group is useful to them.
"They feel weak in the city, they have everything to lose, so they fight
for territory, for small things."
He estimates there are 30 Mexican gangs. Some amount to social clubs,
others commit robberies or other crimes to support drug habits.
"There are 500,000 Mexicans in New York, and the problem is 50% of the
population are between 12 and 25 years old, and they have no activities,"
Magallan said.
Two Salvadoran gangs causing concern are the Mara Salvatrucha or MS-13, and
Salvadorans with Pride, which have been engaged in a murderous feud in Long
Island. Authorities said there were six MS-13 members in city jails last week.
Four years ago, gangs were not a law enforcement priority. Only a handful
of cops were assigned to the problem, and there was no coordination between
precincts, schools and jails.
But by last December, 300 cops were assigned to three units in the Gang
Division. The suppression unit responds to trouble at schools and
violence-prone locations, the intelligence unit gathers information and
tracks membership, and the investigative unit probes criminal enterprises.
As part of the fresh focus on gangs, Curcio said Correction Commissioner
William Fraser put several anti-gang initiatives in place at Rikers, where
six years ago the Latin Kings ruled, wearing their gold and black beads and
chanting together in the yard.
There were more than 1,000 slashings a year in the mid-1990s at the prison.
Now gang members cannot wear colors or beads, or gather in groups of more
than five. There have been 15 slashings so far this year, Curcio said.
He also gets a weekly report of the "hot precincts" from the NYPD, showing
gang activities and other crimes, and correction investigators interview
inmates from those neighborhoods for leads.
"We knew activity was centering on Rikers, so we share information with
Correction ...where the members are, who they are, when they get out,"
Tartaglia said.
Since Jan. 1, the Gang Division has taken 66 guns and 100 knives  from box
cutters to daggers  off the streets, and has made 900 arrests.
In December, gang cops were led to one gun by a man arrested on a minor
charge in the 108th Precinct in Queens. A gang detective debriefed him, and
was told Windmuller Park at 52nd St. and Roosevelt Ave. was a hangout for
three Mexican gangs: the Pitufos, Crazy Homies and Cachondos.
On Saturday nights, the leaders would alternate possession of a 9-mm.
pistol, and hide it in a trash basket in the park. Cops staked out the park
and arrested 22 alleged gang members for trespassing, and found the gun.
In January, gang cops watching a roller-skating rink near Prospect Park in
Brooklyn saw groups of teens in red and blue fighting outside.
The red-clad Bloods ran into an apartment building, came back out and
returned to the rink. The cops approached the kids, and found a loaded .380
Beretta pistol on one.
The armed youth told police he was bent on revenge  the Crips at the rink
were part of a group who stabbed him in a knife fight near Pacific High
School two weeks earlier.
Last week, the Brooklyn suppression unit was deployed at South Shore and
Canarsie High Schools, two schools with a history of gang incidents because
teens from throughout the borough attend, bringing their neighborhood
rivalries.
"Next week is Easter break, so we want to make sure everything stays calm,"
said Lt. Bill Dentrone, liaison between gang division and schools.
Detective John Reilly was on hand to talk to any students who were
arrested. "If you treat them like gentlemen, they open up to you," he said.
As hundreds of kids poured out of South Shore at dismissal, two girls began
yelling and pushing each other in what turned out to be a minor dispute.
Within seconds, school safety officers ran out, two vans of gang
suppression cops pulled up and 69th Precinct bicycle cops arrived.
"We try to be more proactive," said Sgt. Paul Saraceno. It seems to be
working.
  From September to January, there were 240 gang-related incidents at city
schools, a decrease of about 25% from same period last year.
Tartaglia said the division has just launched a community relations effort
in which one of his officers will meet with parents, clergy and community
groups.
Magallan welcomed the initiative.
"We're interested in working with them," he said. "I have a lot of hope.
There is still time to do something for all young people."

                     Gang Turf

Brooklyn
Bloods and Crips: East Flatbush, Brownsville, Canarsie
Several Mexican: Sunset Park

Bronx
Bloods: Morris Heights, Highbridge

Manhattan
Bloods, Latin Kings, Netas: East Harlem
Bloods: Harlem

Queens
Several Mexican: Corona, Elmhurst
Gangs by the Numbers

Gang-related crimes since Jan. 1:

Homicides: 24, up 1 over 2000
Shootings: 44, down by 16
Robberies: 147, down 29
Slashings: 32, down 18

Since Jan. 1, the NYPD Gang Division has:

Arrested 900 suspected gang members
Seized 66 guns
Seized 100 knives
Executed 33 warrants

Rikers Island population on April 5 was about 15,000, with 1,775 inmates
identified as members of 47 gangs. Allegiance broke down as follows:

Bloods: 600
Latin Kings: 300
Netas: 151
Five Percenters: 80
Crips: 50
Trinitarians: 41
Born To Kill: 19
MS-13: 6
M-18: 5
La Familia: 4
Aryan Brotherhood: 2

Other gangs represented include: Bad Boys, Chicano Boys, Black Panthers,
Dominicans Don't Play, Los Papi Chulos, Los Solidos, Traviesos, Vagos,
Jamaican Posse, Zulu Nation.

Sources: NYPD and Department of Correction

===================================================================

ACLU Ads Warn Of 'Massive' Government Cyber-Snooping

http://www.newsbytes.com/news/01/164373.html

By David McGuire, Newsbytes
WASHINGTON, D.C., U.S.A.,
10 Apr 2001

Ratcheting up its attack on government cyber-surveillance efforts, the
American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) is launching a print and Internet
advertising campaign that warns of "massive" government monitoring efforts.

In a full-page ad set to debut later this month in issues of The New Yorker
and The New York Times Magazine, the ACLU warns that government
e-surveillance programs like "Carnivore" and "Echelon" are encroaching on
Fourth Amendment protections against "unwarranted government surveillance."

ACLU Associate Director Barry Steinhardt said today that he hopes the ads
will re-spark the national debate over government surveillance efforts,
prompting Congress, in turn, to move the issue to the top of its agenda.

"We are clearly trying to raise public awareness about the extent of the
government's capacity for (electronic) eavesdropping," Steinhardt told
Newsbytes today. "We're trying to focus the attention of the (Bush)
administration and the Republican leadership."

Steinhardt said that Republican leaders in Congress set the right tone last
year by scrutinizing government cyber-snooping efforts. With the new
Congress and administration settling in, now is a good time to revisit those
issues, Steinhardt said.

House Majority Leader Dick Armey, R-Texas, agrees with the concerns raised
by the ACLU, Armey aide Richard Diamond said today. "I think this is a good
time to focus on government privacy abuses," Diamond said, adding that the
Majority Leader looks forward to those issues being taken up sometime during
this Congress.

Specifically, the ACLU wants Congress and the Justice Department to turn up
the heat on the FBI for its use of the controversial e-mail surveillance
device, "Carnivore."

While Carnivore came under heavy fire from lawmakers and civil liberties
advocates last year, the debate over the device has been somewhat muted
through the first few months of 2001.

The ACLU advertisement bears a picture of a wireless phone under the legend
"Now Equipped With 3-Way Calling. You, Whoever You're Dialing And the
Government." The ad, which also includes a written statement about alleged
government privacy abuses, includes a link to a special ACLU Web site
dealing with the issue.

That site is located online at http://www.aclu.org/privacyrights .

===================================================================

Wednesday, 11 April, 2001

Robotic insect takes to the air

<http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/sci/tech/newsid_1270000/1270306.stm>

Prototype: 'At the same stage as the Wright brothers'

By BBC Science's Dr Chris Riley

Engineers have test flown a prototype of the world's first robotic
insect.

It is hoped that future generations of this curious craft could carry
tiny spy cameras into buildings.

The designers, at a California-based company called AeroVironment, have
been building micro-spy planes for years.

Their fixed wing "Black Widow", a tiny black pocket plane just 15 cm (6
in) in diameter, is already being used by the military for surveillance
behind enemy lines.

"From a hundred metres above the ground it is hardly detectable to the
eye and ear and can beam back crystal clear pictures of the ground
below," says project manager Matt Keennon.

But the team's ultimate dream is to build something they can fly inside
a building without bumping into walls.

Insect inspiration

The Black Widow flies too fast to navigate carefully around a room.

And what these pioneers of micro-flight wanted to do was create a craft
which could fly slowly, change direction with ease and hover in the
corner of a room.

Their inspiration came from the world of insects.

Insect wings often beat with a complex figure of eight motion, which
gives excellent mid-air manoeuvrability, but is very hard for engineers
to mimic.

'More like a bat'

AeroVironment's latest attempt is dubbed "Microbat", because the 20 cm
(8 in) long robot flaps its wings more like a bat than an insect.

Such flapping wing aircraft - called ornithopters - have been around for
years, says AeroVironment ornithopter engineer Joel Grasmeyer.

"Our challenge has been to create a small, ultra-light wing to give us
enough lift to carry an electric motor and battery into the air."

In a smoky wind tunnel at the University of California at Los Angeles,
doctoral students Nick Pornsin-Sirirak and Steven Ho have come up with a
wing which gives as much lift as the insect wings they have been
studying.

Wright brothers

They admit that when it comes to micro-flapping flight, they are at
about the same stage that the Wright brothers were in 1903.

But the ultra-light wings they have designed and built out of a thin
polythene film and a simple carbon-fibre skeleton seem to give enough
lift.

And fitted to Microbat, they can keep the little robot aloft for as long
as its tiny battery lasts.

We might be far from machines which can master the air as well as
insects and carry tiny cameras, but the spy's dream to become a fly on
the wall might one day come true.

===================================================================

Police ready for violence at ADB

<http://starbulletin.com/2001/04/13/news/story5.html>

Police preparing for violent protesters at Asian Bank meeting

But a local group opposed  to the bank says no such protests are planned

By Nelson Daranciang
Star-Bulletin
04/13/01

The Honolulu Police Department is preparing for a small group of violent
protesters it believes may be heading to the Asian Development Bank
conference at the Hawaii Convention Center May 7-11.
Assistant Police Chief Boisse Correa said yesterday the group caused
millions in damage at the 1999 World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle
and also caused problems at last year's Democratic Party and Republican
Party conventions in Los Angeles and Philadelphia, respectively.
"They're very smart; they're well organized," he said. "They actually
separate and grid out a
location and assign people in different areas to work with larger groups
and try to infiltrate in that way." Correa believes the majority of the
protesters will be peaceful.
But ADBwatch, a network of local organizations and individuals opposed to
the ADB, said police are overreacting.
"The way they're reacting is setting up an atmosphere of paranoia," said
Carolyn Hatfield.
She said no groups here are making preparations for violent protests. And
she believes national protest groups will concentrate their efforts on
other meetings on the mainland.
"We're hoping that these people go somewhere else, leave us alone and let
us run a peaceful Asian Development Bank conference," Correa said. "If it
is less than peaceful, we are prepared to handle that."
Honolulu police have been training for the meeting since last summer.
Correa said police will use Ala Wai Community Park and Ala Moana Beach Park
to provide security for the ADB.  However, he is not saying how many
officers will be involved.
Correa said some streets will be closed during the meeting. They could
include portions of Atkinson Drive and Kapiolani Boulevard that face the
convention center's large glass windows.
"We are majorly concerned about the glass in the convention center," Correa
said. "It's a big-time issue with us, and we have expressed those concerns
to the state and the convention center."
The state and the Hawaii Tourism Authority, not Honolulu police, are taking
responsibility for security at the convention center.
ADB officials expect 3,000 people will attend next month's meeting.
ADBwatch has applied for a permit for a march and rally on May 9 for 5,000
to 7,000 protesters, but members are not sure how many participants there
will be.

===================================================================

Anarchy in the air as summit draws near

ALLISON HANES
The (Montreal) Gazette
April 13, 2001

So what's it going to be then, eh?

The famous opening line of Anthony Burgess's novel A Clockwork Orange
neatly encapsulates the confrontation brewing between police and
anarchists at next weekend's Summit of the Americas in Quebec City.

With both predicting that if any violence occurs, it will be initiated
by the other side, things could get ugly.

Calling from his office at Yale University, where he is an assistant
professor of anthropology, David Graeber laughed when asked how it feels
to be the cause of the biggest security operation ever mounted by the
RCMP.

Graeber is an anarchist.

In the past, he has also participated in Black Blocs, a confrontational
protest strategy used at the World Trade Organization meetings in
Seattle that the Canadian Security Intelligence Service has ominously warned
might lead to violence at the Quebec summit.

But when Graeber talks, he's most polite and forthcoming: he returns
calls promptly, he cracks jokes and he explains the finer points of the
anarchist philosophy patiently and thoroughly.

"Our long-term goals are pretty ambitious because we pretty much want to
re-invent democracy and do it on a global scale," he said.

"We're trying to create alternative institutions that would make the
state unnecessary."

Graeber's casual, friendly tone tends to gloss over some of the more
contentious aspects of his world view, but he articulates anarchism as a
political philosophy like any other, rather than some sort of scary
anti-social behaviour.

But a lot of anarchist rhetoric found on the Internet and in newsgroups
is confrontational and sometimes downright inflammatory.

"Nothing ever burns down by itself," quips a banner on the popular
anarchist Web site infoshop.org. "Every fire needs a little bit of help."

The RCMP are certainly worried.

The presence of anarchists in Quebec is one of the top reasons for the
6,000 police officers, the arsenal of plastic bullets and the
3.8-metre-high security fence (nicknamed The Wall).

"As far as the security measures go, it's the Black Bloc and others who
espouse violence that most concern us," said RCMP Constable Julie
Brongel. "Anything that is going to put either the property or the
safety of people - be they protesters, officers or dignitaries - in peril is
going to require our intervention."

A recent CSIS report about protests planned for the summit also raises
alarm: "Radical anti-globalization elements, many with links to
anarchist groups, will take advantage of the meeting in Quebec City to organize
protests and engage in violence. Anarchists, with their philosophy that
justifies the destruction of private property, will draw disenfranchised
youth to participate.

"The call for the organization of Black Bloc affinity groups and the
presence of several radical anti-globalization groups ... increases the
likelihood of violence. ... The use of petrol bombs and similar
disruptive instruments by a few radicals cannot be ruled out."

Black Blocs are not formal groups but informal groupings of individuals
who come together at demonstrations, usually with an agreed-upon set of
tactics. They operate secretively and are organized horizontally into
affinity groups, which co-operate and make decisions about action by
consensus both before or during demonstrations.

The affinity-group members dress alike, sometimes in black, sometimes in
costumes, to obscure their identities, but also in a show of solidarity,
the idea being: "If you did it, I did it with you; it might as well have
been me."

Within each affinity group, roles and responsibilities are distributed.
Each has a "spoke" who meets with members of other affinity groups to
present ideas, talk tactics and build the consensus needed to make
decisions.

Other roles can include the medic, who is responsible for first aid and
the well-being of each affinity-group member, the supply person and the
legal eagle, who tries not to get arrested and who keeps track of who
does.

"That person also keeps a list of whose dog needs to be walked if they
go to jail for a few days - we don't want anyone's pet starving - and whose
mom needs to be called," Graeber said.

He will not be participating in Black Bloc activity in Quebec City, but
as a member of Italian-based Ya Basta!, a group that dons brightly
coloured protective gear and blocks roads.

But he has been in a Black Bloc - as recently as January. At the
inauguration of President George W. Bush in Washington, he and 600 other
anarchists protested alongside disgruntled Democrats. "The most radical
thing we did was throw paint bombs at the Washington Post," he said. "We
thought it would be suicide to crash the parade route."

They did storm the Naval Memorial, where the U.S. flag was ripped down
and burned and the anarchist banner bearing the scrawled red "A"
hoisted.

As Graeber explains it, anarchists see a future where the state is
replaced by a network of communities, where decisions are made locally
by consensus and where borders don't exist.

He doesn't pretend to speak for all anarchists or all sects of
anarchism, but he is plugged in to the community.

And he offers an important insight into the movement, because he is the
only anarchist who would talk to The Gazette for this story.

(One local anarchist said he would speak only about anarchist opposition
to the Free Trade Area of the Americas, the pact being discussed in
Quebec City; another called a Gazette reporter an obscenity in an
E-mail; and a Quebec-City-based group's Internet manifesto included the warning
"Journalists can go to hell.")

Anarchists draw many of their ideas about democracy from indigenous
peoples: the Maoris in New Zealand, the Indians in Chiapas, the Mohawks
in Canada.

They try to operate using these concepts.

Anarchists have become part of the so-called anti-globalization movement
because they, too, are concerned about the lack of democracy in
international institutions, even though they reject their legitimacy.

"We say, 'If you want to globalize, let's do it, but let's really do it
and get rid of all the borders and national governments,' " Graeber
said.

Black Blocs are a strategy often employed by anarchists, but other
groups form them, too.

Tactics are not set in stone, but depend on a given situation. They can
include "unarresting."

"When police try to grab someone and haul them off, the Black Bloc will
try to grab them back," Graeber said.

Some, but not all, actions involve property destruction, usually of
corporate targets. "In an international system founded on the pursuit of
profit, we find our most effective action is to attack oppressors where
it hurts most: their wallets," reads a communique from the Anti-Statist
Black Bloc out of Philadelphia dated Aug. 9, 2000.

Black Bloc followers adhere to a moral code, Graeber said. They make
distinctions between private and personal property, so they might smash
the window of a police cruiser (as long as no one is inside) but not the
windshield of a private car. They do not consider vandalism to be violence.

"There's a detailed code of ethics. People think very hard ethically
about the actions they do," Graeber said. "Most of them are vegans. They
wouldn't step on a worm."

The blocs hate predictability and try to be creative about their strategy.

An infoshop.org article on mobilizing for Quebec City suggested Medieval
Blocs: "Beautiful battering rams, ladders, catapults and dead cows
infected with the plague. ... Watch out for those cauldrons of hot oil."

And also Doughnut Blocs: "Please don't feed the cops. Those jelly rolls
make great-looking splats."

But it's not always about the action.

"The action can be secondary to the idea of just being there and having
a presence," Graeber said.

Black Blocs were formed at the International Monetary Fund and World
Bank meetings in Washington, D.C., last year. A softer approach was taken
after the Battle in Seattle in 1999.

That's when Black Blocs first popped up on the cultural radar, although
they date back to the Gulf War in the U.S., and a squatters movement in
Germany in the 1980s.

After days of peaceful demonstrations, badly outnumbered Seattle police
clamped down with tear gas, spurring the Black Blocs into action.

They smashed store windows and looted one Niketown outlet, threw eggs
filled with glass-etching solution and spray-painted city benches and
garbage bins, to the horror of more peaceful protesters, who formed
rings around stores and even tackled Black Bloc practitioners to the ground.

For a time there was a rift among anti-globalization activists, but
successive demonstrations where police came down hard and heavy have
united protesters.

Leading up to Quebec, no protest group with which The Gazette spoke
would denounce another's strategy; and they all blamed baton-wielding police
for the outbreak of violence at past world meetings.

The spectre of violence may again depend on police.

A declaration on infoshop.com, dated March 28, and signed by seven
groups, including Groupe Anarchiste Emile-Henry in Quebec City and La
Main Noire in Montreal, states: "We shall respect the spirit and
parameters of this rally, organized by various unions, non-governmental
organizations, popular groups, women's groups and student associations:
unless attacked by the police or the security forces, which could
require us to defend ourselves, we shall remain non-violent during this event."

Constable Brongel of the RCMP calls the declaration a hopeful sign about
the tenor of the demonstrations, and said she hopes the anarchists stick
to it.

But she vehemently rejected the idea that police could instigate violence.

"Through their training (officers are) taught to be very calm and very
tolerant and to make a distinction between protest and illegal acts,"
she said. "Officers will be there to intervene if there has been an
infraction of the law."

Graeber offered this observation: "All the coercive force needed to keep
order is a result of having the coercive force in the first place. If
they'd said, 'Do what you like,' the worst that would've happened is
we'd be doing a blockade."

- Some Anarchist Web Sites:

<www.infoshop.org>,
<www.pouvoir-ouvrier.org>,
<flag.blackened.net/~global/1299bbcommunique.htm>,
<www.ainfos.ca>,
<www3.sympatico.ca/emile.henry/eh.htm>.
------
- Allison Hanes's E-mail address is [EMAIL PROTECTED]

===================================================================

Saturday, April 14, 2001

Biker Gang Pleads Guilty in Canada

<http://news.findlaw.com/ap/i/1101/4-11-2001/20010411023216540.html>

QUEBEC (AP) _ Eight members of a gang prosecutors say is linked to the
Hells Angels pleaded guilty Tuesday to charges of gangsterism and
drug-trafficking.
The guilty pleas were a major victory for Canadian law enforcement agencies
in their crackdown on motorcycle gangs accused of running Mafia-style drug
rings.
The defendants were arrested last year and were among the first to be tried
under a federal law that makes it illegal to take part in organized crime.
"I'm not a football player and I won't do high-fives ... but it's a very
important victory," prosecutor Robert Rouleau said. "Let's say that this
year is a good year for law enforcement."
Late last month, police arrested more than 100 people suspected of links to
the Hells Angels in a series of raids in Quebec, Ontario and other Canadian
provinces.
Police say drug-trade turf wars between the Hells Angels and a rival group
are blamed for at least 158 murders, 169 attempted murders and the
disappearances of 16 others.
Described by prosecutors as enforcers who beat rival drug dealers with
baseball bats and wooden beams, the defendants Tuesday pleaded guilty to
more than 80 charges including drug-trafficking, aggravated assault,
kidnapping and weapons offenses. More than 40 other charges were dropped.
A sentencing hearing was scheduled for May 1.
The trial proceeded after the judge rejected a constitutional challenge to
the organized-crime law.
Special security measures were in place for the trial. Plexiglas was put up
around a prisoner's dock that faced away from the witness stand to prevent
the defendants from intimidating those testifying against them.

===================================================================

NEW LEFT

The voice of an "anticapitalist manifesto"

<http://www.csmonitor.com/durable/2001/04/17/p1s4.htm>

By Ruth Walker ([EMAIL PROTECTED])
Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor

TORONTO
Talk about branding.
A Times of London interviewer calls Naomi Klein "probably the most
influential person under the age of 35 in the world."
The National Post calls her the "wunderkind of the new New Left" and the
"New Noam Chomsky."
Hyperbole, perhaps.
But Ms. Klein's blast against international corporate power, "No Logo:
Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies," is now a bestseller in Britain, Sweden,
and on college campuses across Canada.
The author and newspaper columnist will take center stage today as co-chair
of the "People's Summit," a countercultural alternative to the official
Summit of the Americas, opening in Quebec City on Friday.
Klein is emerging as the leading voice of the antiglobalization movement,
and it's tempting to call her the spokeswoman.
But Klein is as hard to label as the "movement of movements" she writes and
lectures about. "I'm less a spokesperson for the movement than its most
devoted follower," she demurs. "Antiglobalization," she adds is not the
best term, either. She prefers to call it "the pro-democracy" movement.
It is precisely the amorphousness and leaderlessness of free-trade
opponents that has helped focus attention on the articulate, mediagenic
Klein and her work.
And she certainly was in the right place at the right time with the right
text. "No Logo" came out just after the 1999 street battles in
Seattle.  The protests confirmed free trade, once a topic that only a
policy wonk could love, as an issue that could galvanize a new generation
of political activists as civil rights and nuclear disarmament had inspired
earlier generations. The book "gave voice to a movement almost before it
existed," Maclean's magazine said in a cover-story profile last month.
Klein's "anticapitalist manifesto," as it has been described, is a polemic
against corporate power - the power to invade public space (ads and
placement of brand-name products everywhere, including schoolbooks) to
limit consumer options (as when big-box retailers drive out local players),
and to cut jobs (when work is moved to cheap-labor locations overseas).
In her book, Klein rails mostly against consumer-goods brand names.  In
today's economy, "brands" have replaced "products." Companies are selling
mere image and lifestyle. In this equation, the ratio of corporate
substance to corporate power is wildly out of whack.
Klein describes the movement as "a response to the privatization of life -
natural resources, health, education" and as "attempts to reclaim democracy
from trade agreements." She adds, "What creates the coalitions [against
trade pacts] is the ambitiousness of the agreements." Free trade is being
put ahead of other social goods, such as local control over environmental
protection and labor regulation. She's not opposed to free trade per se,
but she suggests that there are other models for it than the current US-led
push for a hemisphere-wide trade zone.
She's also skeptical of free trade as an economic panacea: "Like NAFTA
before it, the creation of the largest free-trade zone in the world is
being sold based on the cure-all powers of trickle-down economics," she
wrote in last week's column in the Globe and Mail.
"There's been a dumbing down of politics," she says. "But there's a
tremendous hunger to be part of the discussion." She speaks of students and
others crowding into university lecture halls on Sunday afternoons to hear
policy activists explain water issues or trade-law arcana.
"People want to understand. I think that's really hopeful and exciting,"
she says.
"It's hard to think of another person writing more colorfully and
creatively on these issues," says Boston College sociologist Charles
Derber. "She's a fresh voice." While cautioning against granting her
"celebrity status," he calls her "part of the emerging class of global
public intellectuals," adding that he distinguishes between "public
intellectuals" - those "whose writing and thinking is shaping the public
view" - and mere "talk-show pundits."
Her work is also informed by a lot of her own on-the-ground reporting on
issues like sweatshops in the third world.
Professor Derber compares her to the student leaders of the early 1960s,
who, in the early days of the "New Left" movement in the United States,
breathed new energy into progressive politics.
"No Logo" has sold nearly 20,000 hardcover copies in Canada since its
release in January 2000. Also out in paperback this January, the book has
been on the bestseller list here every week. It's been translated into nine
languages. Klein's work is less well known in the US, where her column
appears in The Nation. But she's enjoyed major success in Britain, where
the prestigious Guardian newspaper carries her column and "No Logo" is No.
1 on the Sunday Times bestseller list.
Her book is "obviously touching a nerve," says Nicholas Paschley,
trade-book buyer for the University of Toronto bookstore. The book is
selling well, he says, despite the fact that this university is "about as
tame and politically disengaged ... as you'll find."
That charge is not leveled against Concordia University in Montreal.  Rob
Green, outgoing president of the student union, reports, "We have 90 buses
confirmed filled for the trip to Quebec City."
The police presence at the official summit is being described as the
largest in Canadian history, however, and Klein and others are concerned
about limits on civil liberties during the summit.
She and other activists have petitioned Prime Minister Jean Chrétien to
remove the four-kilometer-long chain-link fence erected in Quebec City to
keep protesters out.
Mr. Green, the student leader, suggests that under Canada's Constitution,
the level of curtailment of free speech and freedom of assembly anticipated
this week would be legal only if the War Measures Act, a provision for a
sort of martial law, were invoked.
"The whole movement has been criminalized and presumed guilty," he says.
Klein, too, worries that the extreme elements are becoming the public
persona of the movement. But she also sees the movement expanding beyond
street protests at summits.
"Recently, police have taken to patting themselves on the back for learning
to 'control' mass demonstrations," she wrote last week. "But how will they
adapt to a global movement that is already transforming itself into
thousands of local mini-movements, all internationally linked? They're
going to need a pretty big fence."
--------------------------
For further information:
NoLogo.org
<http://www.nologo.org/>
No Logo by Naomi Klein Guardian: First Chapters
<http://books.guardian.co.uk/firstchapters/story/0,6761,402483,00.html>
Canadian artists launch plea to tear down Quebec City's 'Wall of Shame'
<http://www.canoe.ca/NationalTicker/CANOE-wire.Summit-Security-Petition.html>

===================================================================

Little Sympathy or Remedy for Inmates Who Are Raped

<http://www.nytimes.com/2001/04/15/national/15RAPE.html>

By TAMAR LEWIN
April 15, 2001

Eddie Dillard, a prisoner at Corcoran State Prison in California, knew what
was in store the instant he heard who his new cellmate was to be: Wayne
Robertson, a 230-pound sexual predator.

Two years earlier, the men had fought after Mr. Dillard rejected Mr.
Robertson's sexual advances. And Mr. Dillard, a 120-pound inmate serving
time for assault, had been worried enough about future encounters to put
Mr. Robertson's name on a list of known enemies with whom he should not
share a cell.
But on Friday, March 5, 1993, Mr. Dillard was moved into Mr. Robertson's
cell.  On Saturday, Mr. Dillard was raped. Mr. Robertson, who is serving
life without parole for murder, testified that he sodomized Mr. Dillard
"all night long."
On Sunday, Mr. Robertson raped him again. On Monday, Mr. Robertson was
taken to a hearing, and when the cell door was opened for his return, Mr.
Dillard ran out and refused to re-enter the cell.
Inmate rape has such an established place in the mythology of prison that
references to confinement often call forth jokes about sexual assault.
But while rape is accepted as a fact of prison life, the subject has
received little serious attention and legal remedies are rare. Few prison
rapists are ever prosecuted, and most prisons provide little counseling or
medical attention for rape victims, or help in preventing such attacks.
The widespread social reluctance to address the issue is reinforced by many
legal constraints. A 1996 law barring the Federal Legal Services
Corporation from financing legal aid organizations that represent prisoners
reduced the number of lawyers available to litigate on behalf of inmates.
That same year, the Prison Litigation Reform Act made it far more difficult
for inmates to challenge the conditions of their confinement. In the few
incidents that do lead to legal claims, the victims, as convicted
criminals, do not garner much sympathy from politicians, prison officials
or juries.
And the legal standards for prisons' liability create a perverse incentive
for guards to ignore the problem. Generally, prison officials can only be
held liable for an assault if they had actual knowledge of a substantial
risk to a prisoner and ignored it.
"Many inmates find that when they try to report a rape, the guards don't
want to hear it," said Joanne Mariner, a lawyer at Human Rights Watch, who
recently completed a study of prison rape, to be released on Thursday.
"They tell them to act like a man, to deal with the problem themselves.
There are very few prisons that follow good procedures for counseling, or
sending inmates for a medical examination."
Because almost half the states do not collect statistics on prison
rape  and many inmates quickly learn that there is nothing to be gained in
reporting rape  there are no reliable national figures on its frequency.
And many prison systems play down the problem, suggesting that rape is so
rare that there is no need for data.
Prison officials say that much of the sexual activity in prison seems to be
consensual  or if it is not that it is impossible to detect coercion. But
lawyers who have spent substantial time investigating prison conditions say
guards are too quick to assume consent.
Donna Brorby, lead counsel for the prisoners in a decades-old lawsuit
challenging Texas prison conditions, explained it this way:
"In the Texas prison system, where I spent months interviewing prisoners,
the policy, of course not written, is to leave it up to each prisoner to
defend himself, and to consider people who don't fight off their attackers
to be consenting. But many people feel powerless to fight off predators.
Rape is the top of the pinnacle of a whole spectrum of violence and
victimization in prisons."
With two million Americans incarcerated nationwide, only Texas, Ohio,
Florida, Illinois and the Federal Bureau of Prisons reported more than 50
sexual assaults a year in response to a Human Rights Watch request for
information.
But one study of inmates in seven men's prisons in four states  published
in the December 2000 issue of The Prison Journal, an academic
quarterly  found that 21 percent of the prisoners reported at least one
episode of forced sexual contact since being incarcerated, and at least 7
percent reported that they had been raped.
A 1996 survey of prisoners in Nebraska state prisons found that 22 percent
of the inmates said they had been forced to have sexual contact while
incarcerated, most of them having submitted to forced anal sex at least once.
Still, the next year, when Human Rights Watch asked for information on
prison rape, Nebraska prison officials said such incidents were "minimal."
Other states, like New Mexico, said they had "no recorded incidents over
the past few years."
A survey in one Southern state, which provided information to Human Rights
Watch on the condition that it not be named, underscored the confusion.
While the survey found that prisoners estimated that one in three inmates
had been coerced into sex, prison guards said it was about one in five.
Prison officials in supervisory positions estimated about one in eight.
The Dillard case  first in criminal court and now in civil court  is one of
the few to come to public attention. Mr. Dillard's court papers charge that
prison guards set up the rape, transferring him into the cell of Mr.
Robertson, known as the Booty Bandit, to punish him for kicking another guard.
Mr. Robertson backed Mr. Dillard's account. He told a state investigator in
1997 that he had asked Robert Decker, a guard, to place Mr. Dillard with
him, and that Mr. Decker agreed to the move so Mr. Robertson could show Mr.
Dillard "how to do his time."
Mr. Decker and three other guards at the prison were charged with aiding
and abetting sodomy. At the 1999 trial, they said they had not known that
Mr.  Robertson, 36, would attack Mr. Dillard, 23. or that the two were
enemies. The guards said that Mr. Dillard had not complained about the cell
transfer and that it had been a mistake, not an act of retribution.
But Mr. Robertson and Roscoe Pondexter, a former prison guard who worked
the weekend of the rapes, testified that the guards had knowingly exposed
Mr. Dillard to sexual assault.
"They knew Dillard was my enemy, and they knew who I was," said
Mr.  Robertson, whose records include more than a dozen complaints from
inmates of being raped, choked or attacked after they refused his advances.
"They put Dillard in for something to happen to him."
The four guards were acquitted in the criminal
trial.
Mr. Dillard is now out of prison, living with his wife and two children in
California.  His civil suit against the guards is scheduled for trial in in
January. If he wins, prisoners' rights advocates believe it could open the
door for other such cases.
"This is about as strong a case as there is," said Ms. Mariner, of Human
Rights Watch. "If Dillard loses this one, it will be hard to avoid the
conclusion that there's no point taking these cases to court."
The Human Rights Watch report documents just how common and brutal prison
rape can be  and how it can escalate into repeated assaults and even
slavery, in which inmates are sold or rented to other inmates for sex. The
report also establishes that many men, rather than being beaten into
submission, are coerced into sexual submission by those who seem to offer
protection in a gang- ridden and terrifying environment.
The study began in 1996, with announcements of the research project in
Prison Legal News and Prison Life Magazine, two publications widely
circulated in American prisons. Ms. Mariner was soon deluged with more than
a thousand letters from inmates, many of them detailing rapes.
One Texas inmate, whose experience was documented in the Human Rights Watch
report, was raped by another prisoner eight times from July through
November 1995. The first time he was raped, the inmate said, he told the
prison chaplain, who had him write a statement for the prison's internal
affairs department, whose investigator brought him into a room with the
rapist and asked what happened. The inmate repeated his accusation, he
said, but after the rapist said it had been consensual sex, the
investigator sent both men to their cells, telling them he was not
interested in "lovers' quarrels."
The rapes continued, becoming increasingly violent, the inmate said, adding
that although he filed several grievances, they were rejected. On the last
day of December, he said, the rapist attacked him with a combination lock
in a crowded prison dayroom, threatening to kill him.
The inmate has no memory of the attack, the report says, but others in the
dayroom watched as he was raped and beaten so forcefully that he suffered a
concussion and a broken neck, jaw, collarbone and finger. The rapist hit
him so hard with the lock that the word "Master"  the brand of lock  could
be read on his forehead, and four years later, the circular mark was still
visible to the Human Rights Watch researchers. The rapist was never
prosecuted.
The consequences of prison rape go beyond immediate physical injuries. Some
inmates contract AIDS through rape.
Kendell Spruce, an Arkansas prisoner serving time on a fraudulent- check
conviction who said he was raped by more than 20 inmates in one year and
contracted AIDS as a result, sued prison officials, charging cruel and
unusual punishment.
The prison warden, Willis Sargent, testified in Mr. Spruce's lawsuit that
prisoners bore the responsibility for fighting off sexual advances, by
letting others know they were "not going to put up with that."
A Federal District Court found that even if the warden should have known of
the risks to Mr. Spruce, his actions did not amount to deliberate
indifference, the standard for holding him accountable. An appeals court
reinstated the accusations against the warden and the case against him is
continuing. Mr. Spruce's accusations against two other officials were
dismissed.
Even men who suffer no serious physical consequences are profoundly shaken
by the experience of rape, some sinking into depression or attempting
suicide, the Human Rights Watch report says. Many tell of deep shame that
they did not put up enough resistance.
"I feel that maybe some women might look at me as less than a man," said
one inmate. "My pride feels beaten to a pulp."
In recent years, some correctional systems, including those in North
Carolina, Arkansas and Massachusetts and the San Francisco jails, have
taken action to train prison officials to prevent inmate rape and to
respond when it happens by seeking criminal charges against the
perpetrators and medical and psychological attention for the victim. But
these initiatives are the exceptions.
"We all know that when a woman is raped, it's a serious, traumatic event,"
Ms.  Mariner said. "But it's at least as serious for men. They need to talk
about it. They need counseling. Prison staff needs to respond appropriately
to inmates who have been threatened with rape or actually assaulted. And we
all need to recognize that this is a deeply rooted systemic problem."

===================================================================

Special Report: Crime on the Internet (video)

By Kelli Arena
CNN Justice Correspondent
04/17/01

(CNN) -- As technology becomes more sophisticated, so does cybercrime. U.S.
intelligence and law enforcement officials say that the future of national
security -- and the personal safety of everyone -- may hinge on how
prepared they are to fight crime on the Internet.

FBI officials say that technology-enabled terrorists are looking for new
ways to strike at critical national infrastructure and that organized crime
rings are extorting companies by stealing proprietary information from the
Web.

Child pornographers have thousands of pictures at their fingertips, and
according to law enforcement officials, easy access to Web sites is now
attracting a younger audience who have begun experimenting with the
production and publication of "peer" pornography.

U.S. government agencies, including the Secret Service, FBI, State
Department, Customs Service and the Department of Defense have all
committed money and manpower to cybercrime-fighting units. But officials
say that despite these efforts, the United States is still not completely
up to the task of preventing or dealing with all cyberattacks.

Those on the front lines of the cyberwar cite a number of problems in
fighting technology-savvy adversaries. Recruiting people with advanced
technological training on government salaries remains difficult -- the
salaries are low compared to those at the corporate level.

As soon as law enforcement develops a technological fix for a problem,
cybercriminals often have already found new technological strategies.

And deciding where to commit resources can be puzzling: Who would have
targeted Oklahoma City as a possible site for a terrorist act before 1995?

How does this affect you? In a three-part series on cybercrime, CNN Justice
Correspondent Kelli Arena examines the issues and the steps you can take to
protect yourself, whether it's protecting your personal information or
restricting your children's time on the Web.

Video links here:
http://www.cnn.com/2001/LAW/04/16/cybercrime.overview/index.html

===================================================================
"Anarchy doesn't mean out of control. It means out of 'their' control."
        -Jim Dodge
======================================================
"Communications without intelligence is noise;
intelligence without communications is irrelevant."
        -Gen. Alfred. M. Gray, USMC
======================================================
"It is not a sign of good health to be well adjusted to a sick society."
        -J. Krishnamurti
======================================================
"The world is my country, all mankind my brethren,
and to do good is my religion."
        -Thomas Paine
======================================================
" . . . it does not require a majority to prevail, but rather an irate,
tireless minority keen to set brush fires in people's minds . . . "
        -Samuel Adams
======================================================
"You may never know what results come from your action.
But if you do nothing, there will be no results."
        -Gandhi
======================================================
"The most dangerous man to any government is the man
who is able to think things out for himself, without regard
to the prevailing superstitions and taboos.  Almost inevitably
he comes to the conclusion that the government he lives under
is dishonest, insane, and intolerable."
        -H.L. Mencken
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