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<A HREF="aol://5863:126/alt.conspiracy:508837">A CHAPTER FROM CIA'S SORDID
PAST</A>
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Subject: A CHAPTER FROM CIA'S SORDID PAST
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Dr. Jai Maharaj)
Date: Mon, Mar 22, 1999 8:34 AM
Message-id: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

A CHAPTER FROM CIA'S SORDID PAST

By K. V. Krishnaswamy
The Hindu
Monday, March 22, 1999

AS the Cold War was winding down in the late Eighties, one of Mr.
Mikhail (remember him?) Gorbachev's advisers told an American
friend: ``We are doing something really terrible to you. We are
depriving you of an enemy.'' For all its tantalising simplicity,
the statement was predicting with amazing clairvoyance the state of
suspended animation in which the espionage agencies of the two
superpowers, the Central Intelligence Agency of the U.S. and the
KGB of the former Soviet Union, were to find themselves in the
aftermath of the Cold War's end.

Even as these agencies have been reinventing a role for themselves
in the past decade, startling new material from the archives is
being released that throws light on their activities during the
Cold War. The German reunification, for one, stirred a torrent of
interest in the activities of the Stassi, the espionage agency of
East Germany, and yielded an avalanche of information on the ways
of the cloak-and-dagger men. The revelations in Germany caused no
horrified reaction since Europe was the main battlefield and
visible victim of the ideological war. But far away a grim battle
was being fought which received hardly any attention, first because
America saw no reason to turn the spotlight on it and secondly
because it had won the battle even before it began through methods
it is now regretting.

The objective of that war was to keep communism out of the
Americas. A flood of democratic vitality across the Latin American
continent has recently led to a digging up of the recent past in
order to come to terms with it, to garner knowledge to ensure
against a repetition of that terrible experience. The arrest of the
Chilean dictator, Gen. Pinochet, and the bizarre battle over his
fate also helped focus some attention on a continent that has
remained in the shadow for long.

Now comes an apology from the American President for the way the
CIA (not named by him, of course) teamed up in the Sixties and
Seventies with rightist forces to instal a government in Guatemala
that killed tens of thousands, including indigenous Mayan Indians,
in a 36-year civil war. There was a free flow of arms and money to
these fascist despots to keep communism and revolution at bay. Gen.
Pinochet was one distinguished beneficiary of this short-sighted
policy. Here is a resume, however imperfect, of that inglorious
period in south and central American history. Only the tyranny of
geography could have kept Asia largely ignorant of the
brutalisation of those societies, of the murders and forced
disappearances in the civil wars that tore the fabric of these
nations. That many of them have been able to recover from the
trauma of that period is a tribute to their resilience.

It was a time when either bloc considered that if you were not with
it you were in the enemy camp, when nonalignment and independence
of foreign policy action were derided and undermined, when
democracy was not yet fashionable. It was South America's
misfortune that a revolution was succeeding so close to the
capitalist bastion, in fact across the shores of America, sparking
and spreading revolutionary fervour. It was a time when Latin
America spawned more theorists than successful revolutions.
America, with its vast resources and ideological fervour aided by
an overzealous intelligence agency, ensured that no other
revolution succeeded even as Washington went about trying to annul
the successful one of Mr. Fidel Castro.

The Castro example, alas, proved to be the wrong model. For,
conditions in Latin America differed considerably as Che Guevara
and his Bolivian adventurists were to find to their ultimate
destruction. Guevara was then dreaming of ``opening the final stage
of the liberation of the Americas,'' according to the diary
recovered from his knapsack by the Bolivian military after his
capture and murder in 1967. He had helped romanticise the Cuban
revolution with his comrade-in-arms, Mr. Castro. But he was
mistaken when it came to duplicating that revolution.

For, what the revolutionaries in Latin America were up against was
not the type of flabby dictatorship that Mr. Castro and his men
faced and overthrew. They had to contend with a state apparatus in
which the military by tradition exerted a dominant role and was
well-entrenched. The regimes - encompassing a wide swath from
Argentina deep down south to Chile, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia and
Central America's Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador and Nicaragua -
had for historical reasons a tendency to lapse into
authoritarianism. They were, therefore, ever on the alert to meet
leftist guerilla campaigns. At the ready were time-tested counter-
revolutionary weapons: terror and torture, infiltration and
intelligence and, above all, a notoriously ruthless apparatus whose
face is just now being systematically unmasked.

Gen. Pinochet's Chile typified the havoc wrought by the fascist
groups as they entrenched themselves with generous assistance from
the CIA. No one had any doubt then save sections of Americans that
but for the active cooperation of the intelligence agency the
democratic seed would have sprouted in Chile. The election of the
socialist Salvador Allende was then hailed universally and Chile
was held up as carrying the promise of a pluralist democratic
society. Gen. Pinochet and his men in khaki stamped out that light
in a violent coup that forced Allende to commit suicide. The year
was 1973. The bloody decade had begun in earnest.

The battle against communism had, of course, begun the previous
decade, scoring a major victory with the liquidation of Che Guevara
and his dedicated band of guerillas.

``The U.S. will no longer take part in campaigns of repression,''
Mr. Bill Clinton promised a fortnight ago. ``We must and will
instead continue to support the peace and reconciliation process,''
he added at a forum with regional leaders in Guatemala city,
hailing Guatemala as a society coming to terms with its painful
past and moving forward. ``For the United States, it is important
that I state clearly that support for military forces and
intelligence units which engaged in violence and widespread
repression was wrong and the U.S. must not repeat that mistake.''

``We are determined to remember the past,'' the President said,
``but never to repeat it.''

To most Latin Americans, the apology must have come rather too late
even in terms of its symbolism. Nor would the irony of it have been
lost on them. For, only a month ago Guatemala's version of the
truth commission had released its findings on the murders and
disappearances that had taken place during the military regime. The
only surprise in its conclusions was that they were contained in an
official document.

The report said that the U.S. gave money and training to Guatemalan
forces that committed acts of genocide against Mayans and leftist
groups and other extreme human rights abuses during the brutal
conflict which began in 1960. It said that American training of
Guatemalan military officers in counter-insurgency techniques
played a significant role in the torture, kidnapping and execution
of thousands of civilians.

The CIA released crucial documents on its role to the Guatemalan
Historical Clarification Commission but has been reluctant to
declassify details about its involvement in Chile. A U.S. Senate
committee began an investigation in 1975 into the CIA's role in
destabilising the socialist government of Allende. It found that
the agency had run numerous covert operations to keep Allende from
becoming President and had close ties to the most sinister of Gen.
Pinochet's secret service organisations. Declassified documents
also reveal that Richard Nixon in 1970 ordered the CIA to organise
a military coup in Chile.

The most revolting of the details relates to the vigilante
killings, often by death squads composed of off-duty policemen. In
the State of Rio de Janeiro in Brazil, a former policeman operated
a death squad. Almost all of these countries witnessed security men
moonlighting as gangsters. A brutalised society and an inadequate
judicial system ensured that the perpetrators had the cover of
popular acquiescence and even approval.

One of Argentina's well-known historians once warned that ``the
next bend in the road for the countries of the continent is
unlikely to be the last.'' But an America pushing for capitalist
economic revolution in its backyard has the obligation to ensure
that there are no more violent turns in Latin America's democratic
path.

End of the article by K. V. Krishnaswamy

Not for commercial use. Solely to be fairly used for the
educational purposes of research and open discussion.

Jai Maharaj
Latest world news at:
http://www.flex.com/~jai/topnews.html
Om Shanti
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Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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