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Behind the Headlines
by Justin Raimondo
Antiwar.com
February 7, 2000

COLOMBIA – A VIETNAM FOR THE NEW MILLENNIUM
I may be dating myself, but whatever happened to the "Vietnam Syndrome"? After
watching the a US helicopter rescuing the last Americans from what used to be
the US embassy in Saigon – and collectively gasping at the sight of it taking
off just barely before the Red Hordes closed in – the American people were
supposed to be wary of ever getting bogged down in another malarial swamp,
fighting Commies and pretending we were "winning." The Vietnam war tore a
nation asunder, brought down two Presidents, and would have ripped the social
fabric to shreds if the US hadn't hightailed it out of there. In the end,
everybody was against that war – not only the hippies and Commies in our midst,
who waved NLF flags and chanted "victory to the Vietcong" in the streets of
American cities, but also Richard Nixon, who campaigned on a platform of
"Vietnamization" and eventually negotiated with the North Vietnamese. As the
impossibility of winning a land war in Asia became all too apparent, the chorus
demanding US withdrawal began to be heard on the right as well as the left and
the center: even John Birch Society founder Robert Welch, who had earlier
demanded "victory," came to believe that the war was a cleverly laid trap which
the US had been pushed into by our liberal elites. The New Left and the
Birchers may have hated each other – but not so passionately as they hated the
technocratic liberals who got us into that war. For years thereafter, that
hatred persisted. On the left, it gave birth to a reflexive distrust of
military intervention, and on the right it invigorated an already healthy
skepticism of all government action, including – especially in the post-cold
war era – overseas military action.

MANKIND – A DULL PUPIL
But time blurs the tragic lessons of history, and so they are endlessly
repeated – the second and third and fourth times as farce, parody, and
pastiche, respectively. By 1991, with the Gulf War in full swing, President
George Bush was exultantly proclaiming: "By God, we've kicked the Vietnam
Syndrome once and for all!" But that distinction does not belong to Bush: the
credit must go to Bill Clinton, the man who made imperialism popular with a
generation brought up on the slogan "make love, not war." Now that many of them
can't make love like they used to, yesterday's flower children have turned into
post-millennial warmongers – all in the name of "humanitarianism," of course.
Kosovo was their holy war, and now they turn their sights on Austria, the
Caucasus, Russia, and even Colombia – the one nation on earth where the analogy
to Vietnam is the closest.

IT'S DEJA VU ALL OVER AGAIN
I turn to a discussion of how and why the US is slowly sinking into the
Colombian quagmire with a strange sense of detachment, and despair at the
seemingly invincible self-destructiveness of Homo sapiens. Are we lemmings, or
is there some higher meaning or purpose in the suicidal pattern of events
unleashed by our mindlessly interventionist foreign policy? Today the Clinton
administration is unveiling its $1.3 billion plan to fight drug-dealing leftist
insurgents and shore up the shaky government of President Andres Pastrana. Here
is a country that has everything Vietnam had – jungle, Marxist rebels, grinding
poverty – with a post-millennial twist being the drug connection. This massive
infusion of military aid and equipment reflects Washington's growing commitment
to crushing the 40-year-old guerrilla insurgency and establishing an American
beachhead in South America. But why Colombia, and why now?

THE PHONY WAR ON DRUGS
Before I go any further, let us put aside the hypocritical and completely
unconvincing rhetoric about the "War on Drugs" – nobody but nobody believes a
word of it. If we have to pour billions into every Third World hellhole that
cultivates illegal drugs and markets them to US consumers, then we will have to
invade all of South America, as well as large parts of Asia. Is the bipartisan
coalition backing the Colombian adventure prepared to launch such a global war?
What utter nonsense. No, our deepening intervention in Colombia has nothing to
do with waging a war on drugs and everything to do with ensuring that important
US corporations, such as America Online Time-Warner, involved in commercial
ventures dependent on regional stability, have their investments protected –
with a little help from American taxpayers. When the President of the New York
Stock Exchange, Richard Grasso, travels to the isolated jungle hamlet of La
Machaca to meet with Paul Reyes, Colombia's chief guerrilla commandante, what
else are we to make of it?

A JUNGLE DIALOGUE
It was a remarkable occasion: Grasso and Reyes met for two and a half hours.
What did they talk about? The Associated Press reported that Grasso, in 'his
first visit with a rebel chief," underscored the commitment of "the world
financial community " to the stalled negotiations between the rebels and the
Colombian government. Here was the living symbol of the world capitalist system
holding out a promise of peace and collaboration with the last of the Marxist
revolutionaries holed up in his jungle hideout, and announcing that he hoped
his visit would "mark the beginning of a new relationship between the FARC
[Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia] and the United States." Inviting Reyes
to join the global economy, he sought to reassure that this would not be a
betrayal of socialism but only a refinement: "We talked about economic
opportunity and how developed and developing markets around the world were
broadening the participation of ownership, the democratization of capitalism."
While Grasso stated that he wanted to keep his deliberations with Reyes
private, the AP article went on to report that the FARC "although ostensibly
Marxist," doesn't "oppose foreign investment or free market mechanisms as long
as social justice is guaranteed." On the other hand, we are told that "critics
of the FARC's peasant-based leadership say it is out of touch with the modern
world and needs to better grasp how the international economy works." This
should give us a good enough inkling of how the Grasso-Reyes dialogue went:

REYES: "The situation here is intolerable. The peasants have no land, and the
elites run the show for their own profit. That is why we are fighting for
socialism."

GRASSO: "Never mind all that old-fashioned Marxist stuff, we can give you
socialism with cell phones – if you'll just turn your country over to us. After
all, what can you do to build socialism here in this god-forbidden jungle?
Listen, Paul, we're all socialists now – haven't you ever heard of the Third
Way? Instead of being doctrinaire and stubborn and living in this little
shanty, you and your comrades could be living it up in Bogota, investing in the
stock market and talking on your cell phone. Hey, listen, why not come and
visit the Stock Exchange? I'll show you around and we'll do lunch. And who
knows If we're lucky, another move by the Federal Reserve to cut interest rates
may send stock prices soaring – and then you can get to see real socialism in
action!"

GETTING SERIOUS
Unconvinced, Reyes and his guerrillas fight on, increasingly confident that
they don't have to compromise or temporize in their battle for total power. In
Washington, meanwhile, the Clinton administration is getting serious, putting
Colombia at the top of its foreign policy agenda – in what may perhaps
ultimately prove to be the most shameful aspect of a perfectly depraved
Administration..

McCAFFREY'S WAR
White House drug czar General Barry McCaffrey has become the War Party's chief
publicist and spokesman in the Latin American theater of operations. As the
Administration's point man, he dismissed rising complaints by top defense
officials as organizational jealousy, averring that "everybody tried to get
aboard this mule in Sunday's New York Times. But the same piece describes these
unnamed critics as opposed to the operation per se, as not only "decidedly
unenthusiastic about the military's growing role in the antidrug effort" but
also gravely "worried that it may be dragged deeper into the civil war that has
ravaged Colombia for almost 40 years." McCaffrey admitted that "there wasn't a
huge fight among agencies over this package": what the huge fight is about is
whether the mule should go forward at all, or whether it is likely to throw
whomever is foolish enough to mount it.

OH NO, NOT THEIR CELL PHONES!
While the Republicans are screaming "who lost Colombia?" and General McCaffrey
is pushing for the militarization of the antidrug effort, with strong
Administration backing, law enforcement officials are more cynical. The Times
cites anonymous officials as suggesting that the Colombian government could
take measures that would cost nothing, such as "taking cellular telephones away
from jailed traffickers so they cannot operate from prison." Oh, now I get it:
while we send 30 sophisticated UH-60 Blackhawk helicopters to Colombia at a
cost of more than $400 million, drug traffickers are making deals on their cell
phones from the comfort of their Colombian jail cells.

SPIN JOB
The Administration spin job on this vast increase in the US military and
political investment in Colombia was succinctly summed up by one Defense
Department official quoted by the Times, who said: "Here's the dilemma: Do you
just let them go down the tubes? It is far preferable for us to try to train
them and equip them than it is for American troops to ultimately have to be
there."

I HAVE A QUESTION
Why? Will somebody please tell me why American troops will "ultimately have to
be there?" Are we fated to reenact the worst disasters in our history? Why not
"let them go down the tubes?" Governments are overthrown around the world all
the time: another coup in Ghana, a revolution in Venezuela, an uprising in
Burma, yet another insurgency threatens the "legitimate" government of the
Congo – who cares? And don't tell me that the difference is that Pastrana was
democratically elected: the US is now siding with the European Union in
attempting to nullify the results of the Austrian election. What is so
important about Colombia, of all places, that it requires such a costly
commitment?

FOLLOW THE MONEY
When in doubt, follow the money, and the AOL-Time-Warner connection is just the
beginning: British Petroleum is another big investor, currently involved in a
dispute with native Indians who claim the company is poaching on their land and
polluting their cultural and religious heritage. BP facilities have been a
target of opportunity for the various guerrilla groups: if the huge new aid
package to Colombia is passed by Congress, then BP will no longer have to
contract out with a private security force to protect the pipelines – the
American taxpayers will pick up the bill. While Administration officials insist
that US combat personnel will not be "directly" involved in counterinsurgency
operations, a recently-released White House document described the central
purpose of the new aid package as "helping the Colombian government push into
the coca-growing regions of southern Colombia, dominated by insurgent
guerrillas." As General Fred F. Woerner, the former commander of US military
forces in Latin America, put it: "How do you push into a area dominated by
these guys without having anything to do with them?" Good question, General,
and one that I expect we'll be asking whenever this issue begins to show up on
the national radar screen.

ON OUR RADAR SCREEN
Naturally, Colombia has been on Antiwar.com's radar screen all along. Faithful
readers of this column will perhaps remember my last column on this subject,
which I recommend with one caveat: Pastrana is no hero, as I depicted him,
perhaps inadvertently, but instead the chief architect of US intervention. It
was in this role that he recently made a special lobbying trip to the United
States to lobby for US aid and assistance, stopping just short of asking for
direct military intervention. Significantly, he appeared before the US Chamber
of Commerce, in Washington, DC, and basically pursued his agenda of offering up
the entire state-run apparatus of railroads, oil facilities, and communications
media to the highest bidder – in exchange for military and economic assistance.
This is 'market socialism" or the Third Way, in the era of Clinton and Blair:
privatize the profits but socialize the costs.

THE CASTRO CONNECTION
One surprising aspect of the Colombian intervention that throws new light on
this whole operation is the Cuban factor. Last year around this time Pastrana
arrived in Cuba seeking assistance from Fidel Castro. Two top items on the
agenda: Castro's intervention with the guerrillas to enforce a cease fire and
cooperation between the two countries in drug interdiction operations. With
Pastrana facing military defeat at the hands of the rebels, and Castro
increasingly concerned about increasing drug usage in Cuba, there was a natural
confluence of interests. Like our own rulers, Castro is currently on an
antidrug kick, blaming their influence – instead of life under Cuban socialism
– for the restlessness and alleged nihilism of increasingly violent Cuban
youth. This US-Colombian-Cuban alliance is much easier to understand as US
immigration authorities legitimize Castro's regime by doing their damnedest to
send Elian Gonzalez back into slavery.

THE OMINOUS PARALLELS
As far as I know, not a single presidential candidate has even mentioned the
word "Colombia." This issue, about ready to explode onto the headlines, is not
even going to be debated by the candidates this election year. Here is yet
another ominous parallel with Vietnam: that war, too, was "escalated" so slowly
as to be almost imperceptible. Eisenhower got us involved, and the program was
expanded by each succeeding President. Nobody really noticed it until it
burgeoned into a national tragedy.

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