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http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/5973045/site/newsweek/
The Holes in a 'Shia Strategy'
Fareed Zakaria, Newsweek

The British Empire often favored a single group as a quick means of gaining
stability. The results were almost always ruinous


Newsweek Sept. 20 issue - Trends in Iraq seem to be moving in two different
directions these days. The guerrilla war between the United States and
insurgents continues, with mounting clashes and casualties. Yet the standoff
with the Shia leader Moqtada al-Sadr in Najaf and Al Kufah has ended, and
those cities are no longer controlled by the Mahdi Army. The intractable
security problems in Sunni areas coupled with some success in Shia ones
might lead the Iraqi government (and Washington) toward a "Shia strategy" in
Iraq. But going down that path has deep dangers. It would polarize Iraq
along ethnic and religious lines. That would make today's problems look
easy.

After the creation of the interim Iraqi government in June, many hoped that
the insurgency would die down. It hasn't. Today it appears more organized,
entrenched and aggressive than ever. The American Army cannot use military
superiority to take Sunni cities from the guerrillas because it would mean
high civilian casualties and an angry public. The interim Iraqi government
may itself not have the necessary credibility to take on such a task. Prime
Minister Ayad Allawi is a tough guy, but he is clearly aware of the limits
of his legitimacy. And the Iraqi Army will not be up to the job for at least
another year. In these circumstances, it's difficult to see how the
insurgency diminishes in strength. Last week Iraq's ambassador to the United
Nations, Samir Sumaiada'ie, predicted to The Scotsman that unless the United
States and Britain added "a considerable amount" of troops to Iraq, the
insurgency would grow.

But for all its resilience, the insurgency has not spread across the whole
country, nor is it likely to. Its appeal has clear limits. While it has
drawn some support from all Iraqis because of its anti-American character,
it is essentially a Sunni movement, fueled by the anger of Iraq's once
dominant community, who now fear the future. It is not supported by the
Shias or the Kurds. (The Shia radical al-Sadr has been careful not to align
himself too closely with the insurgency, for fear of losing support among
the Shia.) This is what still makes me believe that Iraq is not Vietnam.
There, the Viet Cong and their northern sponsors both appealed to a broad
nationalism that much of the country shared.

Hence the temptations of a "Shia strategy." Such an approach would see the
Sunni areas in Iraq as hopeless, until an Iraqi Army could go in and
establish control. It would ensure that the Shia community, as well as the
Kurds, remained supportive of Allawi's government and of the upcoming
elections. It would attempt to hold elections everywhere—but if they could
not be held in the Sunni areas, elections would go forward anyway. That
would isolate the Sunni problem and leave it to be dealt with when force is
available.

The Shia are easier to handle. They supported the American invasion, which
rid them of Saddam Hussein's tyranny. They have also disciplined their own,
curbing al-Sadr's violent challenges to the government. Allawi and
Washington handled this well, careful not to blast their way through Najaf's
Imam Ali shrine (a "sensitive" war, one might say). But the key was that
Ayatollah Ali Sistani, the towering Shia figure, does want al-Sadr to
disrupt the path to elections (and thus, Shia majority rule).

But there are considerable risks to this approach. If the Sunnis end up with
no representatives, they will have even less incentive to support the new
Iraqi order. Today a significant number of Sunnis feel disenfranchised, and
thus they support the guerrillas (estimates vary from 25 percent to 65
percent). If they are cut out of the government, all will feel
disenfranchised. And to have 20 percent of the country—people who are well
trained and connected—supporting an insurgency makes it extremely difficult
to defeat militarily.

Allawi is trying hard to co-opt Sunni tribal and religious leaders. But the
structure of Sunni political authority is fractured; there is no dominant
Sunni leader like Ayatollah Sistani. And Allawi's plans to offer insurgents
amnesty were derailed by the U.S.'s objection to pardoning anyone who was
involved in killing Americans.

In Iraq, the one truly pleasant surprise so far is that there has been
little religious and ethnic bloodshed. Many of the experts who counseled
against an invasion predicted that after Saddam's fall, the Sunnis, Shias
and Kurds would tear each other apart. Nothing like this has happened. The
problems—of resistance, nationalism and anti-Americanism—have been quite
different. But the balance is fragile. If the United States and the Iraqi
government play a sectarian strategy, things could unravel.

In many of its colonies the British would often favor a single group as a
quick means of gaining stability. Almost always the results were ruinous—a
trail of civil war and bloodshed. If Allawi and the United States make the
same mistake, there will be 140,000 American troops in the middle of it all.

Write the author at [EMAIL PROTECTED]

© 2004 Newsweek, Inc.









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CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
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sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis-
directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with
major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
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