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STRATFOR GLOBAL INTELLIGENCE UPDATE
How Russia benefits
U.S. campaign plays into Moscow's hands

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Editor's note: In partnership with Stratfor, the global intelligence company,
WorldNetDaily publishes daily updates on international affairs provided by
the respected private research and analysis firm. Look for fresh updates each
afternoon, Monday through Friday. In addition, WorldNetDaily invites you to
consider STRATFOR membership, entitling you to a wealth of international
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academic institutions and press agencies.

© 2001 WorldNetDaily.com

Before Sept. 11, Moscow was faced with a U.S. administration that was
increasingly unconcerned with Russia's strategic interests. Now America's
efforts to combat terrorism are creating an environment that will help Russia
refashion its domestic security and international image while extending its
sphere of influence.

The events of Sept. 11 have awakened an angry activism within America's
foreign policy. The U.S. campaign against Osama bin Laden's al-Qaida network
is taking multiple forms: the break up of terrorist cells the world over, the
shutting down of money-laundering centers and the pursuit of bin Laden and
the countries that shelter him.

All of these features create opportunities for Russia. If Russian President
Vladimir Putin plays his cards right, he can simultaneously mitigate a
domestic insurrection, rehabilitate Russia in the eyes of the West and secure
long-term control of Central Asia.

The most immediate benefits Moscow can gain by cooperating with Washington
would come in its fight against Chechen rebels. America and its allies are
rooting out terrorist cells across the world, and Russia will have no problem
assisting in this respect. The Kremlin keeps a wary eye on Russia's 20
million Muslims, and increasing the Interior Ministry's powers of
investigation has been a developing government aim.

But in the Russian mind, the largest terrorist "cell" in the country is the
Chechen republic. Russian authorities have long insisted that there are links
between Middle Eastern militants and Chechnya, with some of these links
allegedly pointing to al-Qaida. It helps Russia's case that Afghanistan's
ruling Taliban regime, bin Laden's current host, was the only state entity to
recognize Chechnya's declaration of independence last year.

Regardless of whether Washington believes Moscow's claims, U.S. statements
regarding Chechnya have become at best muted since Sept. 11. It is highly
probable that Washington will continue this response and perhaps even
recommend that allies such as Turkey stop backing the Chechens. If Moscow can
convince Washington of the bin Laden connection, American intelligence on
Chechnya would also quickly begin flowing Moscow's way.

America's next major push is to close money-laundering centers and deny
terrorists access to funding, another feature that Russia can assist with to
both domestic and international acclaim.

The targets for Moscow would be its oligarchs, the economic elite that
profited from the collapse of the Soviet Union. Boris Berezovsky, until
recently the most powerful of these oligarchs, has long been accused of
having links to the Chechens. Some media have charged him with supplying
Shamil Baseyev, a notorious Chechen warlord, with funding just before the
1998 war with Russia began.

Ever since Putin came to power, he has battled the oligarchs for control of
the country's finances, media assets and industrial base. The prospect of
using U.S. assistance and legitimacy to nail his most vocal critic, by
demonstrating even the most tenuous of links to bin Laden, must be
tantalizing for Putin. And since the oligarchs have smuggled billions out of
Russia, the new international effort against money-laundering also gives
Moscow the world's stamp of approval in its efforts to eviscerate the
oligarchs' financial holdings.

There are additional benefits to cooperating with Washington. For the past
two years, Russia has been on the global blacklist for money laundering,
partially because of the oligarchs' shady financial dealings. Were Russia to
truly cooperate with American investigations, it could not only purge some of
the oligarchs but also clear Russia from the list. That would open the
country to direly needed foreign investment from corporate and multilateral
sources.

But nowhere are Russia's opportunities more tantalizing than in Central Asia.
The region has numerous mineral resources, and Russia wants to control an
otherwise porous border with the volatile Middle East.

Moscow's prominence in the region is but a pale shadow of what it was before
the Soviet collapse. Prior to 1992, Russia directly controlled all five of
the Central Asian republics. Now it only has a rather toothless security
agreement with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.

Possible U.S. attacks on Afghanistan, therefore, provide Moscow with a rare
opportunity. The United States needs a location from which to launch air
strikes and support special forces. For reasons of operational security,
Uzbekistan is quickly sizing up to be the most feasible option.

Uzbekistan has the necessary infrastructure such as air bases in place, is
very close to the anti-Taliban Northern Alliance and has no Russian military
presence in its territory. There are reports from the BBC and the Russian
press that American forces are already building up in eastern Uzbekistan.

America's choice of Uzbekistan, the most stable and anti-Russian country in
the region, as a staging ground does not on the surface bode well for
Russia's plans of regional domination. But Moscow retains the upper hand, and
America's brief association with Uzbekistan will actually speed Russia's
regional resurgence.

The key is proximity. Any U.S. forces in Uzbekistan will be dependent on air
supply lines more than 2,000 miles long, so for geographic and practical
reasons, the United States cannot field more than an assortment of special
forces teams there. Russia, meanwhile, has forces permanently stationed in
Tajikistan next door and on Aug. 24 announced its full political, military
and financial support for the Northern Alliance. If the United States truly
wants to take out the Taliban, it will need ground forces, and that requires
close Russian collaboration.

The game plan would look something like this: Russia will dramatically
increase its support to the Northern Alliance, including probably a few dozen
airdrops of heavy equipment and artillery support from Russian forces in
Tajikistan.

Meanwhile the United States will use its special forces to disrupt Taliban
supply lines and intelligence assets, as American airpower grants the
Northern Alliance continual air superiority. With both America and Russia
working to disrupt Taliban intelligence, while funneling their own
intelligence to the Northern Alliance, the balance of forces within the
country should shift decisively.

If the pro-Russian Northern Alliance displaces the Taliban, the United States
will have completed its mission and will have no reason to maintain a costly
presence in Uzbekistan, one of the most isolated countries on the planet.
When the Americans vacate, they will leave Uzbekistan surrounded by states
dependent on Russia for their security. So encircled, the brittle Uzbek
regime will not last, and Russia stands to win the region.

There are risks of course. Moscow's last period of Central Asian rulership
was hardly pleasant, and siding solidly with the United States against
al-Qaida is sure to make Russia a long-term target for Muslim extremists.
Unlike America's forces, Russia's lack the advantage of going to another
continent once the operations end. But by joining America's crusade, Moscow
can at the very least secure nominal control over the entire region, and
that's a far better situation than Russia is in now.




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