-Caveat Lector-

November 10, 1999 --Wall Street Journal


              Huang's FBI Debriefing Shows
              Election Fraud, but No Conspiracy

              By GLENN R. SIMPSON
              Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

              WASHINGTON -- It has been three years since John
              Huang emerged as the central figure in the political
              fund-raising scandal involving more than $1 million in
              illegal foreign contributions to the Democratic Party.

              Yet despite massive and costly
              investigations by Congress and the
              Justice Department, the consequences
              of that scandal have been strikingly
              small. A few junior Democratic
              fund-raisers have entered guilty pleas,
              but none have gone to jail. Meanwhile,
              no charges have been brought, and
              none seem likely to be brought, against
              any major political figures. And while
              initial revelations about possible
              Chinese government involvement in the affair
              undermined U.S.-China relations, the two governments
              are now pursuing a new trade agreement.

              Mr. Huang himself struck a deal with the Justice
              Department, agreeing to tell all in return for a lenient
              sentence and a limited admission of fraud. His
              debriefing by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, made
              public last week, provides a coda of sorts to the
              unsavory three-year affair.

              There was no grand conspiracy, Mr. Huang says, either
              by the Democrats or the government of China. Yet he
              portrays his own efforts to commit large-scale election
              fraud, allegedly in tandem with several associates, as
              deliberate and elaborate. Moreover, new information in
              the Huang interviews supports the possibility that Lippo
              Group of Indonesia acted as a political advocate in the
              U.S. for the Chinese trade ministry.

              Mr. Huang relates how Lippo Group and its
              California-based Lippo Bank allegedly wired hundreds
              of thousands of dollars in foreign funds into U.S.
              accounts to reimburse contributors over six years. It
              appears that little of the more than $1 million in
              contributions linked to Lippo represented legal
              donations.

              With regard to his own contributions of more than
              $100,000 over about seven years, Mr. Huang said he
              was "taken care of" by Lippo in the form of bonuses. Mr.
              Huang said he also tended to Lippo-Indonesia's
              reimbursement of soft-money contributions by related
              U.S. entities such as Los Angeles real-estate arm Hip
              Hing Holdings and two other companies, San Jose
              Holdings and Toy Co. Holdings.

              Mr. Huang "speculated" that they were approved by
              Lippo Chairman James Riady, the FBI said. One 1993
              reimbursement request bears the handwritten notation
              "ok." Mr. Huang identified the writing as that of Mr.
              Riady, who has repeatedly denied violating U.S. election
              law and reiterated his denial to a Wall Street Journal
              reporter last week in Jakarta.

              Rounding Up Contributors

              After Mr. Riady allegedly promised Bill Clinton in 1992
              that he would raise $1 million for the 1992 campaign,
              Mr. Huang rounded up more than a dozen people who
              together gave at least $250,000 to the Democratic Party.
              "HUANG assumed that these people would be 'made
              good' or 'taken care of' for their contributions because
              HUANG himself had been 'taken care of' for his
              contributions through his bonus payments," FBI agents
              wrote. Mr. Huang said he arranged some of these
              reimbursements himself.

              Many Lippo-associated donors are described by Mr.
              Huang as mere lackeys of the Riady family. He said he
              didn't have to explain his contribution requests to a
              Riady relative whose $250,000 check to the Democratic
              National Committee through Mr. Huang triggered the
              first scrutiny of his activities, because the man had "no
              clue," which, the FBI thought, meant that he "was not
              particularly bright."

              One series of Lippo-related contributions from offshore,
              mostly to state candidates in California and never
              previously disclosed, was made by Mr. Huang through a
              Lippo-linked Netherlands Antilles firm called B.O.T.
              Corp N.A. In one tantalizing reference, the FBI says Mr.
              Huang received more than $100,000 from B.O.T. in
              January 1993 for what Mr. Huang believes were
              expenses related to President Clinton's inauguration.

              He describes only slight dealings with some of the better
              known fund-raisers from 1996 now under indictment or
              convicted, such as Charlie Trie and Pauline
              Kanchanalak. If there was a larger conspiracy involving
              these people, Mr. Huang says, it wasn't with his
              knowledge.

              Bank-Account Scruples

              At times, Mr. Huang exhibited scruples. Amid his
              elaborate campaign money frauds, he received $30,000
              from Lippo that was deposited into his Hong Kong bank
              account -- so that, he suspected, he wouldn't have to pay
              U.S. taxes on it. He was nonetheless careful to report it
              to the Internal Revenue Service. After his activities
              became an object of intense law-enforcement interest,
              Mr. Huang alleges he received "gifts" from the Riady
              family of $18,000 in 1997 and $20,000 in 1998.

              The FBI also questioned Mr. Huang extensively about
              whether Lippo fronted in the U.S. for
              Chinese-government interests because of business ties
              between the company and government-controlled China
              Resources Corp., long a subject of interest for
              investigators.

              In 1985, the FBI interrogation record says, China
              Resources allegedly paid for a Lippo-organized trip to
              Asia by then-Arkansas Gov. Clinton. In 1992 and 1993,
              according to the FBI, China Resources bought a large
              number of shares in Lippo-controlled Hong Kong
              Chinese Bank, for about 80% of equity. And a China
              Resources purchase of shares in Lippo itself, Mr. Huang
              said, saved Lippo from bankruptcy during a real-estate
              downturn.

              The FBI says Mr. Huang called that deal an explicit
              agreement for favors from Lippo, but "Huang did not
              know what the 'quid pro quo' was for having China
              Resources as a partner." The FBI says, though, that
              China Resources was controlled by the Ministry of
              Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation, the primary
              lobbying agent for most-favored-nation trade status for
              China.

              During the 1992 presidential campaign, Mr. Clinton
              signaled he might revoke the trade preference to punish
              the "butchers of Beijing." After the election, in 1993, Mr.
              Riady personally lobbied Mr. Clinton to renew China's
              MFN status, which Mr. Clinton did with conditions.

              Mr. Huang himself was very active in lobbying for MFN
              renewal in early 1994 before he joined the Commerce
              Department to work on Asian trade issues. While he
              claimed to have done so for his own reasons, he
              acknowledged that Lippo financed a trip he took to
              Beijing for meetings on the subject, as well as his
              membership in a pro-MFN lobbying group called the
              Committee of 100.

              After first denying it, Mr. Huang also reluctantly
              acknowledged receiving faxes around that time from the
              Committee of 100 regarding news accounts and a Senate
              report on Chinese espionage activities. Asked by his
              interrogators whether this wasn't odd behavior for
              someone about to become an employee of the U.S.
              government, Mr. Huang replied, "I wouldn't blame you
              for feeling it was odd. I have no explanation."


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