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Serbs Mourn Slain Premier; Police Arrest 56 Suspects

March 14, 2003
By DANIEL SIMPSON






BELGRADE, Serbia, March 13 - Serbs struggled today to
absorb the impact of the assassination of their reformist
prime minister, Zoran Djindjic, urging Western governments
to help them rebuild even as Western officials urged Serbia
not to yield to the crime and nationalism that dominated
the country for a decade.

A stunned Serbian government declared a state of emergency
on Wednesday and halted road, rail and air traffic from
Belgrade. The police said today they had arrested 56
people, including 8 members of the underworld gang blamed
for the killing of Mr. Djindjic, who was instrumental in
overthrowing Slobodan Milosevic and later sent him to face
the United Nations war crimes tribunal in The Hague.

But the gang's leaders, including Milorad Lukovic, a former
commander of Milosevic-era special forces who helped Mr.
Djindjic take power, remained at large.

Mr. Djindjic, who sought to transform his country from an
international pariah into a candidate for European Union
membership, was shot twice in the chest outside his office
on Wednesday.

"We will arrest all those who planned this and those who
resist we will liquidate," said the Serbian interior
minister, Dusan Mihajlovic. The police said the
assassination was carried out by three men, one of whom
fired at the prime minister with a rifle from the second
story of a nearby building. Officials did not say whether
any of these individuals had been detained.

Among those questioned today were the former head of Mr.
Milosevic's internal security network, Jovica Stanisic, and
Franko Simatovic, who commanded paramilitary forces that
swept through Croatia and Bosnia in the 1990's.

Mr. Stanisic, Mr. Milosevic's security chief for much of
his 13 years in power, is widely seen as among those who
know most about Mr. Milosevic's role in organizing and
supporting Serbian forces and militias active in Croatia
and Bosnia in the 1990's.

Neither man was formally arrested, merely "summoned for
informative talks," said Nebojsa Covic, one of five deputy
prime ministers now in charge until Mr. Djindjic's
Democratic Party elects a new leader.

Hundreds of people lined up this afternoon to sign a book
of condolences outside the building where Mr. Djindjic
worked, in the shadow of two bombed-out army tower blocks
destroyed by NATO warplanes in 1999. The prime minister
will be buried on Saturday.

"He was our John F. Kennedy! Tough when needed, but truly
honest and righteous," said Vesna Gojkovic, 37, as she lit
candles next to police officers clutching rifles. "I don't
just want his murderers to be caught. They should also be
sentenced to death for killing a man who finally brought us
hope and optimism."

After six centuries of occupation by the Ottoman Empire,
the loss of one-third of the adult male population in World
War I and the slaughter of probably hundreds of thousands
in concentration camps during World War II, many Serbs feel
cursed as victims of history.

But the outside world lost sympathy when Mr. Milosevic
tapped into this sense of suffering to justify his bloody
attempt to put Yugoslavia under a Serbian yoke when its
republics declared independence as the cold war ended.

Serbia's leaders are now under strong international
pressure to arrest individuals who committed the worst
atrocities during the Balkan wars of the 1990's. But to do
so they have to confront the Milosevic-era holdovers in the
security forces who have close connections with criminal
networks.

Under strict orders from Western governments to extradite
the most prominent suspects, including the Bosnian Serb
commander during the war, Gen. Ratko Mladic, who is accused
of genocide, Mr. Djindjic was trying to buy time by going
after the underworld figures who did much of Mr.
Milosevic's dirty work.

Misha Glenny, a journalist and historian of the Balkans who
once described the Serbian people as "marinating in their
own self-pity," said it was essential that international
officials now recognize the dangers of forcing the
politicians they trust most into a corner.

"The people already sent to The Hague, including Milosevic,
are there because of Djindjic," he said. "Now he is dead.
And he may be dead because he was trying to comply with an
American deadline to hand over Mladic before June."

Senior European politicians visited Belgrade today to pay
tribute to Mr. Djindjic, who was favored by Western leaders
even while he was still in opposition. Members of the
European Parliament stood for a minute's silence, while
other international officials urged Serbia to continue
reform.

But Serbian leaders stressed that this would be difficult
if they were put under greater pressure to confront members
of the Milosevic-era security services without rewards for
compliance.

"It's rather ironic to hear foreign officials eulogizing
Zoran Djindjic after doing so little to help him take all
the bold steps they demanded," said one government
official.

The two senior architects of the European Union's foreign
policy, Chris Patten and Javier Solana, held talks with
Serbia's acting president, Natasa Micic. She said afterward
that new thinking was crucial for the sake of stability.
"European policy towards Serbia needs to be revised and
requires a higher degree of understanding," she said.

In essence, such requests boil down to an appeal to the
European Union to work more closely with Balkan governments
to carry out reforms, rather than demand that they be
completed before countries receive greater assistance.

Western governments spent billions of dollars on military
intervention in the Balkans and reconstruction, but the
money is now drying up at a time when some feel it is most
needed.

http://www.nytimes.com/2003/03/14/international/europe/14SERB.html?ex=1048660924&ei=1&en=690ec89754b76a84



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