-Caveat Lector-

Interesting take on the world economy. Although I think it is overly
optimistic
about the US economy (the world wide debt bomb is headed our way), it makes
some thoughtful points.
flw

>Global Intelligence Update
>Red Alert
>February 1, 1999
>
>U.S., Asian Economic News Points Away from Economic Globalism
>
>Summary
>
>A year and a half after Asia went into economic crisis, the
>announcement of a surging GDP in 1998 shows that the U.S. has
>managed to avoid being dragged down by Asia, at least thus far.
>In fact, parts of Asia are showing signs of recovery,
>particularly, South Korea, Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore and
>Thailand.  Japan remains in deep trouble while China and Taiwan
>appear to be getting weaker.  The important news: the nation-
>state is not dead.  The diverging patterns we see indicate that
>globalist theories of a single, integrated economy are simply not
>true.  This means that nation-states will continue to act in ways
>defined by national interests, both in their economic and
>political lives.  We see the twenty first century looking very
>much like the nineteenth and twentieth.  If the U.S. moves into
>recession, and it may, it will be because of the rhythm of the
>domestic economy and not because of irresistible global
>influences.
>
>Analysis
>
>While the Iraqi and Serbian crises worked themselves up to their
>inevitable lather, the important news last week was the
>announcement that preliminary figures for 1998 show the U.S.
>economy growing by over 3 percent.  These figures would have been
>astounding except for the fact that they were expected.  In fact,
>we regard them as astounding precisely because they were taken so
>casually.  U.S. growth rates defy the conventional wisdom, which
>holds and has held for well over a year, that the Asian crisis
>must drag down the American economy.  As so many people seem to
>think, this may well happen, eventually.  But the simple fact is
>that in roughly the year and a half in which the Asian economies
>have experienced deep recessions, the U.S. economy has moved from
>strength to strength.  This is no longer a matter for debate.
>This is now fact.
>
>There are two questions.  How could this have happened and will
>it endure?  The first is easier to answer than the second.  The
>answer is rooted in a point that Stratfor has been making for
>several years.  The global economy is to some extent an illusion.
>This does not mean that international trade and financial flows
>are not important.  It does not mean that some sectors of every
>nation's economy are extremely vulnerable to shifts in the
>international economy.  But it does mean that there is not a
>single, integrated global economy in which national economies
>rise and fall in tandem.  What we have seen for the past several
>years is that it is altogether possible for the world's largest
>economy to be in an exuberant up-swing, while the world's second
>largest economy is trapped in what can only be called a massive
>depression.
>
>Japan and the United States are simply running on different
>clocks.  The Japanese clock was set in the 1970s and 1980s when
>Japanese public policy kept domestic interest rates in the low
>and mid-single digits while U.S. and European interest rates were
>surging into the mid-teens.  Japan enjoyed a massive expansion in
>the 1980s driven by lavishly available cheap money, while the
>United States underwent a massive, painful restructuring of its
>economy.  Japan then built up massive inefficiencies, which it
>had to confront in the 1990s.  Its markets topped in January
>1990, and have been in decline ever since.  The U.S. markets
>began their long-term growth in 1982 and with some interruptions,
>continued their growth unabated until this day.  After January
>1995, these markets took off like rockets.
>
>U.S. dependence on exports to Asia was simply not large enough
>that their decline would substantially affect the U.S. economy.
>Certainly, some sectors were hurt, but they were neither
>strategic nor the pain massive enough to ripple through the
>economy.  Rather than decreasing financial flows in the U.S.
>markets or even reversing them, the Asian crisis intensified
>them.  As the Asian markets buckled, the U.S. market became not
>only a safe haven, but also an arena in which rates of return on
>risk capital previously experienced primarily in hot, emerging
>markets, could be sustained in the exotic world of internet
>stocks.
>
>The linkages that were assumed to be present between Asia and the
>United States simply have proven not to be there.  In fact, we
>see an interesting divergence taking place in Asia itself.  In
>spite of the claim that Asia cannot recover from its problems
>without Japan taking the lead, the fact is that a good portion of
>Asia is showing signs of strong recovery, even though Japan is
>showing no real signs of recovering.  We do not normally forecast
>the stock market.  If we really knew what the stock market was
>going to do, we wouldn't have to work for a living.  Being able
>to predict long-term economic trends is not even slightly
>connected with the ability to time markets and pick stocks.
>Nevertheless, while Stratfor doesn't predict the stock market's
>future, we find stock markets extremely useful in telling us
>where we've been and where we are now.
>
>Looking at the East and Southeast Asian markets shows us that a
>fascinating pattern has emerged since last summer.  Asia seems to
>be segmenting itself into roughly three camps.  First there is
>Japan, alone in its splendid, isolated misery.  Then there are
>the Chinese markets, Shanghai, Hong Kong, Taiwan, showing ominous
>signs indeed.  But for the rest of Asia (with Indonesia the
>major, important exception) the markets seem to be showing every
>sign of recovery.
>
>Take South Korea as an example.  It reached its top in July 1997,
>and then fell about 63 percent until June 1998.  However, since
>its June bottom, the Korean stock index has nearly doubled, until
>today it rests only about 25 percent below its all time high.  A
>similar pattern can be seen in Malaysia, the Philippines,
>Thailand and to a slightly lesser extent, in Singapore.  Each of
>these markets seems to have bottomed between August and October
>of 1998, and have roughly doubled their value since then.  Now,
>having fallen precipitously, most of these are still
>substantially below their tops.  They still range between about
>30 percent (Philippines) to 50 percent (Malaysia) below the tops
>they hit in 1997.  Nevertheless, the markets are clearly telling
>us that these economies have at least bottomed and that some sort
>of recovery is now under way.
>
>The China patch shows a very different pattern.  Hong Kong topped
>out in July 1997, and bottomed in September 1998.  Since then,
>Hong Kong has risen a bit over 50 percent.  Shanghai topped much
>later than the rest of Asia, in June, 1998, hit a bottom in
>September after falling about a quarter, and bounced roughly 20
>percent.  China showed much more strength during 1997-98 and it
>is therefore reasonable that it has not bounced.  But the failure
>of Hong Kong to participate more vigorously in the rest of Asia's
>recovery is troubling.
>
>All of this could easily be dismissed until we get to Taiwan.
>Politics notwithstanding, there are strong economic bonds between
>Taiwan and the mainland.  The economies are linked financially in
>relationships running both ways.  Taiwanese invested heavily in
>China while Chinese entrepreneurial and other money sought safe
>havens in Taiwan.  We tend to think of Taiwan as loosely linked
>to China's economy.  Here the numbers are scary.  Taiwan's
>markets topped out in August 1997, and since then have fallen
>about 40 percent.  But Taiwan's markets are still probing for a
>bottom, having bounced hardly at all.
>
>The Chinese markets, therefore, held up the best during the Asian
>crisis.  They fell the least.  One would have thought that they
>would, therefore, have led the Asian markets up, moving from
>strength and the fact that a Southeast Asian and Korean recovery
>raises hopes for Chinese exports.  Nevertheless, China's markets
>have shown limited bounce. Rather than take a leadership
>position, both Shanghai and Hong Kong are lagging.  Taiwan is in
>the pits.  Whatever the future holds, the China patch is
>certainly not behaving like the rest of Asia.
>
>Then there is Japan, which is behaving like no other country.
>Japanese markets hit their top in January 1990, years before the
>rest of Asia.  Since 1990, the Nikkei has lost about two-thirds
>of its value, reaching its lows in January 1999 and not
>participating in the summer-autumn 1998 rally at all.  The
>markets are telling us that there has been no recovery in Japan
>and that none is reasonably expected in the near future.
>
>There is, therefore, no such thing any longer as an Asian crisis.
>There is a Japanese sickness, long, dreadful and from all-
>apparent signs, incurable.  China is clearly running out of steam
>while Taiwan is succumbing to some malady.  It is not clear
>whether this is the Japanese illness or a precursor of a general
>Chinese illness, but something is very wrong.  Indonesia is in a
>class by itself, suffering political and social problems that
>make economic recovery difficult if not impossible.  But the rest
>of Asia – Korea, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand –
>is showing some very real signs of resilience.  South Korea is
>particularly putting on an impressive performance.
>
>There are national patterns; there are regional patterns.  But
>there are no global patterns.  There is no longer even a single
>Asian pattern.  In other words, the nation-state, written off by
>"new age economists" during the 1980s and 1990s remains the
>primary vehicle for economic expression.  Nations can and do
>control their economic destinies, if not in the sense that policy
>makers can determine economic life, then at least in the sense
>that the internal economic clocks driving national economies
>continue to control outcomes far more than do affairs in
>neighboring countries.  It seems to us that this is no longer a
>matter of debate but an empirically demonstrable fact.  We have
>seen a global economic laboratory underway since the summer of
>1997, in which the globalists' theories were tested.  Rather than
>experiencing world depression, nations have experienced the past
>18 months in very national ways.
>
>Now, the counterclaim is straightforward: just you wait, it will
>all fall apart.  Perhaps, but it is not clear to us why what
>didn't happen in 1997 and 1998 will happen in 1999.  Put
>differently, since the theory of the globalists cannot explain
>why the U.S. economy has continued to boom as it has in the face
>of Asia's problems, the theory cannot be used to explain why the
>U.S. economy should collapse in 1999.  This is not to say that
>1999 won't be the year in which the U.S. markets top out for this
>cycle and the U.S. experiences a recession.  A recession is long
>overdue.  As our readers know, we are strong advocates of
>recessions.  The 1991-92 recession in the United States may have
>cost George Bush his job, but it got a lot of other people
>employed.  Recessions impose discipline and are long-term tonics.
>Asia's major problem is it followed policies designed to postpone
>recessions.  Rather than take their medicine in small doses,
>they've had to eat a giant medicine sandwich now.
>
>So, after the longest expansion in U.S. peacetime history, we
>would not be surprised or upset to see a recession.  Not that we
>know anything about the stock market, but price-earnings ratios
>of over 33-1 seem like a bit of froth to us and we are troubled
>by the market breadth measurements, which are uncomfortably weak
>in the face of the current rally.  But what do we know about the
>stock market?  Particularly when, on the other side, Net Free
>Reserves, a measure of the Fed's monetary direction remains
>relentlessly and boringly positive and the yield curve remains
>positive, meaning that there is no flight to the safety of short-
>term paper.  In other words, while the financial figures may not
>support the market at the current level, and the clock is telling
>us it is time for a short, sharp recession, the fundamentals
>simply don't point to a definitive end of the long-term bull
>market in the United States.  From a broad, geopolitical
>standpoint, looking at the next decade, we see nothing on the
>horizon to abort permanently this American economic golden age.
>
>Note that we said "economic."  Note also that we have been
>describing a world that is increasingly national in its economic
>behavior.  This also means a world that is increasing driven to
>protect its national self-interest.  If a nation's fate depends
>on Tokyo or Washington, it is likely to work with Japan or the
>United States.  But if a nation's fate is its own, then it is
>less likely to cooperate with the international regime and more
>likely to pursue its own interests in its own way.  The Asian
>recovery we have described is taking place with precious little
>IMF, World Bank or foreign government help.  It is nationally
>driven.
>
>This is not only a challenge to globalist economic theory.  It is
>also a challenge to globalist political theory, which has spent a
>decade talking about our world as if borders no longer existed.
>There are not only borders, but there are also cultures,
>religions and interests that have not been abolished by global
>markets or by CNN.  This means that the twenty-first century is
>dawning very much like the nineteenth and twentieth did: with
>nations pursuing their own interests in a world where borders
>matter very much.  South Korea is recovering because of South
>Korean resources, regardless of Japan's problems.  That is
>startling news.  It means that the world looks very different
>from the way many thought it would look.
>
>STRATFOR, Inc.
>504 Lavaca, Suite 1100
>Austin, TX 78701
>Phone: 512-583-5000
>Fax: 512-583-5025
>Internet: http://www.stratfor.com/
>Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

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