-Caveat Lector-
RadTimes # 120 December, 2000
An informally produced compendium of vital irregularities.
"We're living in rad times!"
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QUOTE:
"Ah, order! So whine in these moments the partisans of so-called order.
Order for these poor souls can only exist when humanity submits to the
clubs of the policeman, the soldier, the judge, the jailer, the hangman,
and the governor. But this is not order. By order I understand harmony; and
harmony cannot exist while there exist on this planet some who gorge
themselves and others who don't even have a crust of bread to lift to their
mouths."
--Ricardo Flores Magon, 'Regeneracion' May 13, 1911
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How to assist RadTimes--> (See ** at end.)
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Contents:
---------------
--Winning by intimidation
--Anatomy of a right-wing riot
--Mobile Protesters
--Globalising resistance to corporate power {Noam Chomsky]
Linked stories:
*Dealers Use Silenced Pit Bulls to Guard Drugs
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Begin stories:
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Winning by intimidation
<http://www.msnbc.com/news/494375.asp?0na=2202650->
A Republican riot squad in Miami shows GOP will try to win at all cost
By Eric Alterman
Nov. 24 — It's getting harder and harder to believe one's eyes
and ears as George Bush, James Baker and the Republicans grow
ever more brazen in their effort to seize the presidency with or
without a lawful mandate. As amazing as this sounds, it is
distinctly possible that the 2000 election will be decided by a
bunch of riotous thugs, operating under the direct control of the
Republican Party.
What was an uninspired campaign for the presidency has become an
absolutely critical fight for democracy. Gore and Lieberman must
ignore pundits and party hack who say they must surrender.
THE MOST SIGNIFICANT OUTRAGE occurred Wednesday, when
ABC News correspondent Bill Redeker discovered that Republican
operatives, working out of a Florida-based mobile home, had sent
in busloads of hooligans to shut down by force the court-ordered
Miami-Dade recount at the Stephen P. Clark Government Center.
Republican operatives also set up telephone banks to urge their
footsoldiers to join in the riot. Miami's most important
Spanish-language radio station, Radio Mambi, issued a summons to
all pro-Republican Cuban-Americans to come stir the pot further,
with charges of anti-Latino racism against the canvassing board.
INTIMIDATION AND FORCE
The mob chased down Joe Geller, chairman of the local
Democratic Party, because they falsely believed he had tried to
steal a ballot. He required a police escort to escape. Louis
Rosero, a Democratic aide, says he was punched and kicked by the
Republican goons. Others were trampled to the floor as the mob
tried to break down the doors of the room outside the office of
the Miami-Dade Supervisor of Elections where the votes were being
counted.
MOBILE TERROR
When it was over, the rule of the mob was triumphant.
The three canvassers voted to walk away from the recount whose
tally would likely have led to Al Gore's victory over George Bush
in Florida and in the presidential election. One of its members,
David Leahy, acknowledged the protests were a factor in his
decision. The other two, perhaps fearful of their safety,
declined all interviews. As the mob celebrated its victory, its
Republican Party masterminds transferred their mobile home/base
of operations to Broward County, where they employed the same
tactics against that county's canvassers on Friday.
Some conservative pundits have gone so far as to celebrate
the triumph of mob rule over democracy and rule of law. Paul
Gigot, a commentator for PBS's "NewsHour" and the Wall Street
Journal editorial page, praised what he termed the "bourgeois
riot." Gigot reporting from the scene, witnessed John Sweeney, a
visiting GOP monitor, telling an aide, "Shut it down," and
thereby inspiring what he called the "semi-spontaneous
combustion" that forced the counters to "cave in."
A loyal conservative, Gigot was either unwilling to
mention or unaware of the fact that the riot had been
pre-arranged by Republican operatives nearby. Nevertheless, he
got the sequence he observed right. "The Republicans marched on
the counting room en masse, chanting 'Three Blind Mice,' and
'Fraud, Fraud, Fraud' … let it be known that 1,000 local
Cuban-American Republicans — [a group to whom violence as an
instrument of political intimidation is not exactly unknown]—
were on the way."
WHERE'S THE OUTRAGE?
Sen. Joe Lieberman calls on what he calls GOP-led protesters in
Florida to back down.
What's amazing in the few reporters other that ABC's
Redeker, that have covered this explosive story is the lack of
outrage at these tactics? Not until Joe Lieberman came out on
Friday afternoon and denounced this dangerous development did the
networks and most newspapers even notice the story. Most of the
press reports seemed to believe that the Miami-Dade counters had
simply changed their minds for no reason at all.
In fact, Wednesday's Republican-sanctioned riot is merely
one facet of a campaign that has been remarkably unabashed in its
willingness overturn democratic practices and ignore the rule of
law in pursuit of victory. House Majority Leader Richard K. Armey
has announced that the Republican-controlled House of
Representatives reserves the right to overturn the entire
election should it decide it does not like the result. "We in the
House must be aware of one fact: In the end, when the final
analysis is brought to the House, it is our duty to accept or
reject that," Armey told the Associated Press. " He is joined in
these anti-democratic threats by Senate Majority Leader Trent
Lott, who has indicted the Florida Supreme Court for allegedly
ignoring "the most fundamental principles of our democracy,"
promising, "This cannot stand."
IRRESPONSIBLE THREATS
Meanwhile the Bush campaign at the very top has been
encouragingly exactly these kinds of irresponsible threats. On
the night of the Florida Supreme Court's unfavorable (from its
standpoint) decision, James Baker greeted reporters and
intimated, "One should not now be surprised if the
[Republican-dominated] Florida legislature seeks to affirm the
original rules." As E.J. Dionne observed in The Washington Post,
"Baker's statement could mean anything from an ex post facto law
overturning the court ruling to a legislative decision to ignore
the vote counting altogether and unilaterally send a Bush slate
to the Electoral College. The message: Nice little electoral
system you have here. Too bad if anything happened to it."
STAY AND FIGHT
Democrats charge that the demonstrators in Broward County have
been carefully organized by Republican operatives. NBC's Kerry
Sander reports.
While Al Gore won the popular vote nationwide and would
easily have won the Florida vote were it not for the vagaries of
the "butterfly ballot," he is clearly fighting from a
disadvantage in this odd electoral aftermath. His party and many
of his supporters are of two minds as to whether they even want
him to win the presidency. He is being portrayed by the
Republican-leaning punditocracy as a sore loser who does not know
when to quit. This despite the fact that Gore has abjured many of
the avenues open to him through which he might fight the
Republicans' fire with fire, and has called on his opponent to
make a joint public appearance and to tone down the rhetoric on
both sides.
But Bush and Republicans want none of this. They can win,
they have decided, because they alone are willing to do what's
necessary: This includes mob intimidation, public attacks on the
judiciary, and, if it comes to this, a willingness to discard the
people's vote should it eventually be counted in their opponent's
favor.
What was an uninspired campaign for the presidency has
become an absolutely critical fight for democracy. And it is for
that reason rather than his own political prospects that Al Gore
must ignore the calls from the pundits and the party hacks that
he and Joe Lieberman surrender. History has finally given the
hyper-cautious Gore a chance to become an authentic American
hero. All he has to do to become one is take his own advice: Stay
and Fight.
----
Eric Alterman is a columnist for The Nation and a regular
contributor to MSNBC.
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Anatomy of a right-wing riot
<http://www.wsws.org/articles/2000/nov2000/riot-n25.shtml>
The Republican mob attack in Miami-Dade
By Kate Randall
25 November 2000
More details have come to light concerning the events on Wednesday at the
Miami-Dade County Canvassing Board that led to the board's decision to halt
manual recounting of ballots in the presidential election. The board's
sudden announcement that it was abandoning the recount meant that hundreds
of votes, mostly for Democratic candidate Al Gore, would not be included in
the official state-wide tally.
The protesters who mobbed the board's proceedings were not, as had been
generally portrayed in the media, a collection of "outraged citizens" and
rank-and-file Republicans who came together in a spontaneous outburst of
indignation. The mini-riot was a carefully orchestrated operation designed
by the Bush camp to halt the manual recounting of ballots that had been
authorized only one day before by the Florida Supreme Court.
According to a report on ABCNews.com, the participants were not for the
most part local party activists, but rather Republican Party operatives who
have been functioning out of a large mobile home in Miami, some having come
from as far away as Washington DC and New York City. These individuals
were tight-lipped when questioned by a CNN reporter about who was in charge
of their activities.
On Tuesday night Bush campaigners began phoning Republican Party members,
urging them to join the out-of-state operatives in an anti-recount protest
the next morning at Miami's County Hall. At 8 a.m. Wednesday, a meeting of
the board of canvassers voted to abandon a full hand recount of
Miami-Dade's 654,000 ballots and proceed instead with a hand count of
approximately 10,000 "undervotes" ballots for which no presidential choice
had been registered in the original machine count. Since most of these
ballots were from Democratic precincts, the board's action outraged the
Bush camp, which proceeded to organize a violent provocation.
A crowd of about 150 pro-Bush protesters gathered outside the room on the
18th floor of County Hall where the board of canvassers was meeting to
begin the recount. In an effort to expedite the counting process, the board
decided to move its proceedings, and the disputed ballots, to a room on the
19th floor where the general public would be excluded, but two
representatives from both the Republican and Democratic parties would be
allowed to observe.
At that point, according to a November 24 column by Paul Gigot in the Wall
Street Journal, New York Rep. John Sweeney, a Republican "monitor" on the
scene, gave the order to "shut it down." The throng of Republican
protesters moved to the 19th floor and began pounding on the doors of the
county elections department, chanting, "Stop the count, stop the fraud!"
Numerous incidents of violence on the part of the demonstrators were
reported. The crowd chased down Miami-Dade Democratic Party Chairman Joe
Geller, screaming that he was stealing a ballot. (It turned out he was
carrying a sample ballot.) The mob attempted to rush the doors to the 19th
floor elections office, and several people were trampled and manhandled in
the process. Luis Rosero, a Democratic aide, told the New York Times that
he was punched and kicked in the scuffle.
Key in mobilizing personnel for the Republican onslaught was the
Spanish-language radio station, Radio Mambi. In an effort to whip up a
lynch-mob hysteria, Republicans accused the Miami-Dade election officials
of deliberately excluding Hispanic precincts, areas politically dominated
by right-wing Cuban exiles that had voted overwhelmingly for Bush.
Radio Mambi reporter Evilio Cepero played a key part in fomenting the
violence, chanting over a megaphone "Denounce the recount!", "Stop the
injustice!" His calls for people to come down to the demonstration were
repeatedly broadcast over Radio Mambi, and he telephoned interviews with
Republican Party politicians that were relayed by the station.
According to Gigot's column in the Wall Street Journal, Republicans on the
scene told the besieged election officials that "1,000 local Cuban
Republicans" were on their way to the demonstration. The prospect of facing
a mob of anti-Castro fascists, who earlier this year illegally held young
Elian Gonzales in defiance of government orders to return him to his
father, and whose leading figures have been linked to terrorist actions
against Cuba, undoubtedly unnerved the canvassing board members, who had
good cause to fear for their lives.
Gigot, who in addition to penning a weekly column for the Wall Street
Journal is a regular commentator on the Public Broadcasting System's
Newshour television program, enthuses in his Journal article over the
success of the mob attack: "The canvassers then stunned everybody and
caved. They cancelled any recount and certified the original Nov. 7
election vote.... Republicans rejoiced and hugged like they'd just won the
lottery."
This provocation, utilizing an openly fascistic element within Miami's
Cuban-American population, underscores the threat to democratic rights
represented by the ultra-right forces that have come to dominate the
Republican Party. The Republicans' reliance on traveling thugs operating
out of a mobile home, employing violence and mob tactics to thwart a
court-sanctioned recount of ballots, is indicative of the methods the party
is employing in its attempt to hijack the presidential election.
In a belated response to Wednesday's events, Democratic vice presidential
candidate Joseph Lieberman on Friday issued a meek appeal for the
Republicans to curb their operatives' activities in Florida: "These
demonstrations were clearly designed to intimidate and to prevent a simple
count of votes from going forward," he said. "This is a time to honor the
rule of law, not surrender to the rule of the mob."
Lieberman's plea was the latest in a series of futile appeals from the Gore
camp for the Republicans to rein in their forces. Meanwhile, the Democrats
have discouraged any mobilization of popular opposition to Republican
sabotage of the court-mandated recount.
The Democrats are far more concerned with obscuring the fascistic character
of the so-called "base" of the Republican Party, and the danger it
represents, than organizing a defense of democratic rights, even if this
means acceding to an illegitimate seizure of the White House.
One of the crassest expressions of Democratic pandering to the Republican
right was Gore's role in the Elian Gonzales affair, when he publicly broke
with the policy of his own administration to back the efforts of the Cuban
exile groups in Miami to prevent the boy from being returned to his father.
Ironically, but not unexpectedly, these same forces are now providing the
shock troops in the Republican campaign to hijack the election.
The media has played a predictably foul role in covering for the Republican
Party operatives. Initially there was a certain note of alarm in reports
about the events at the Miami-Dade canvassing board. The networks showed
footage of the mob rampaging through the county building and banging on
doors. But the story was relegated quickly to the back burner.
There was virtually no attempt to reveal who and what was behind the mob
tactics. One MSNBC commentator argued that the protesters were simply
exercising their "democratic rights." The connection between the Republican
assault and the decision by the Miami-Dade canvassers to abandon the
recount was barely noted.
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Mobile Protesters
<http://www.abcnews.go.com/sections/politics/DailyNews/ELECTION_protests001124.html>
Party Operatives Start 'Spontaneous' Demonstrations
Friday, November 24, 2000
In an apparent exercise of spontaneous public outrage,
demonstrators surged through the county office building in
Miami-Dade County Wednesday, demanding an end to the hand recount
there.
The shouting demonstrators, accusing Democratic election
officials of taking the count behind closed doors, contributed to
one election supervisor's vote to end the hand recount.
Protesters try to stop Miami recounts.
"If what I'd envisioned worked out and there were no
objections, we'd be up there now counting," election supervisor
David Leahy said.
But that demonstration, ABCNEWS has learned, wasn't
spontaneous, nor was it local. It was an organized Republican
Party protest, run by 75 party operatives out of a headquarters
in a motor home in Miami.
Now the operatives and their motor home are in Broward
County, where a manual recount is still going on.
"There are paid political operatives from out of state who
have come down to South Florida" and helped stop the recount in
Miami, said Congressman Peter Deutsch, D-Fla. "I think we need to
immediately have a federal investigation of this attempt to stop
a fair and accurate count."
But Republican Party lawyer Theodore Olson told ABCNEWS'
Good Morning America he thought the protests were part of the
democratic process.
"If citizens of the United States are voluntarily objecting
to the process where the rules change, and where Democratic
officials take these ballots behind closed doors where they can't
be observers, I think American citizens are entitled to do that
sort of thing," Olson said.
Motor Home Heads North
The motor home showed up at 8 a.m. today near the Broward county
courthouse, where a hand recount of votes is going on. They came
in honking and shouting, and about 100 people poured out of it
and other vehicles to start a demonstration. Some were recognized
by reporters as the same people from the "spontaneous" Miami
demonstration.
A smaller group of about 40 Republican protesters is
marching outside the recount in Palm Beach County, but they don't
seem to be from the Miami motor home.
In Miami, they said they were there to help the media.
"We provide a service for you, for our surrogates who you
want to speak to," one operative said when approached by ABCNEWS.
But they also got directly involved in leading
demonstrations, and were even willing to dress up in seasonal
outfits to provide so-called protester color for local news
reports.
Operatives said they were from all over the country,
including Washington, D.C., and New York.
With security much heavier in Broward than Miami-Dade, the
protesters are staying put outside the building. From their
position outside the building, the protesters would have to pass
several layers of police protection, take two elevators and walk
several hundred feet inside the building to get to the recount
site. Protester-free, the recount is continuing quietly in a room
in the north wing of the courthouse.
Democrats seem to be laying low at the Broward protests,
though they've been flying their own operatives in by the dozens
daily. They're relying on local sheriffs to keep order, Democrats
said.
Deutsch said Democrats were "using the rule of law in the
United States of America to try and correct" what he described as
"the efforts of the out-of-state paid political mob."
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Globalising resistance to corporate power
NOAM CHOMSKY is one of the most well known writers and anti-imperialist
campaigners in the US today. He has written on many subjects, including the
role of the media and NATO's war in Kosovo. He spoke to Socialist Worker
about the growing mood against capitalism.
HOW SIGNIFICANT were the protests in Seattle against the World Trade
Organisation and in Washington against the International Monetary Fund and
World Bank?
VERY SIGNIFICANT. I don't recall anything like it. For a long time there
have been vocal protests against what's misleadingly called globalisation,
this particular mode of corporate-run international integration which has
harmed a great many people-probably the majority of the population of the
world.
This has led to local protests over specific issues. But in the last couple
of years the protests have become integrated. You see many examples of it.
The international efforts that undermined the Multilateral Agreement on
Investment were extremely impressive. They were done very quickly with
virtually no publicity.
Seattle was a major protest, and the major institutions had to back down.
In Washington it was again the same story. The variety of constituencies
involved in these protests is remarkable. They involve people who in the
past did not have much to do with each other, like steel workers, gay
activists and environmentalists. The protests also have an international
character, bringing together people from movements like the landless
workers' movement in Brazil, the peasant movement in India and working
people in the US.
IN WASHINGTON the movement seemed to be deepening and becoming more
politicised. People were making links in a way that we haven't seen for a
long time.
YES. THE protesters know what they are talking about. People are asking
more fundamental questions. People who call the protests reformist are
missing the point. For one thing the reforms are good-if you can achieve
them, they help people. But also when there is a limit placed on reforms it
helps you come to understand the way the world works, and that's important.
You begin by calling for a minor reform. You find you can make a little
progress on that, but then you face an iron wall. That teaches you
something. You ask questions about why there's an iron wall and you look a
little deeper into the way the system works. Then there's more pressure and
sometimes more reaction. Part of the point of the protests is that they
educate the protesters. You learn about where the institutions will be
willing to bend and where they will not. That sharpens the protesters for
the next stage.
AMONG THE protesters there seems to be a sophisticated understanding of the
way corporations are choking the life out of the world, and also a vision
of essentially a socialist society.
IT IS true of some of them. And those people are to a large extent people
who have learned that through the experience of trying to carry out
corporate reform. You start by going to an investors' meeting and calling
for socially positive investment. You find you can make a minuscule
difference, but you can't go too far. You ask why you can't, and you get to
what you're describing.
TEN YEARS ago we were told it was the "end of history", the end of wars and
civil conflict. How does that fit with the reality of the world today?
THE SOVIET Empire collapsed, and other regions like Yugoslavia collapsed.
When that kind of collapse happens you get violent ethnic conflict because
imperial systems, like totalitarian states, tend to suppress internal
conflict. When the British Empire collapsed there were atrocities much
worse than anything going on today in Eastern Europe. In south Asia there
was a huge war between India and Pakistan that is still going on 50 years
later. In Palestine it is the same.
When the French Empire collapsed there were wars all over Africa. So too
when the Portuguese empire collapsed in the mid-1970s. There were major
wars in Africa where South Africa acted as the front guy for the US and
Britain to try to undermine the newly independent countries. In south east
Asia where Portugal had a small empire you had the same thing, except this
time Indonesia played the role of South Africa. Atrocities in East Timor
went on right through until last year. When the Russian Empire collapsed it
was the same story. Many of the conflicts in Africa today, like in Rwanda,
are a lingering result of the breakdown of the Belgian, German and French
imperial systems.
WHERE DOES US foreign and military policy fit into the picture today?
IT'S THE same story. One interesting index is arms transfers.
The main countries that get arms are Israel and Egypt. Egypt gets them
because it supports Israel. That has to do with US domination of the Middle
East's oil resources. Turkey is also a leading recipient of US arms. Turkey
is a NATO country and was on the frontline of the Cold War. But the level
of arms transfers was fairly steady and not all that high until 1984. Then
it went much higher and stayed high. The peak year was 1997. In that single
year Turkey got more arms from the United States than in the entire period
of 1950 to 1984.
This was because in order to crush the Kurds the Turkish state needed a
huge flow of US arms. So US arms were pouring in for massive ethnic
cleansing operations and massacres in southeastern Turkey. By 1998 they had
suppressed the Kurdish movement, so the arms sales declined. Until then
Turkey was the leading recipient of US arms apart from Israel and Egypt. In
1999 it was replaced by Colombia. Colombia had been the leading recipient
of US arms in the western hemisphere through the 1990s. It also had one of
the worst human rights records in the 1990s. Why? Because Colombia has a
powerful guerilla movement which the state has not been able to crush.
HOW DOES NATO's bombing in the Balkans last year fit in?
WHEN NATO bombed Yugoslavia it was not because of human rights problems.
They don't give a damn about human rights. NATO did it because Serbia
didn't follow the rules. Milosevic is doubtless a war criminal and a
gangster. But the US and Britain have no problem supporting war criminals
and gangsters-they do it all the time. Take Saddam Hussein. Tony Blair and
the United Nations tell you he is the only monster in history who has not
only developed weapons of mass destruction but even used them against his
own population. All that's missing is, "Yes, he used weapons of mass
destruction against his own population, but with the SUPPORT of the US and
Britain."
The real reason they are after Saddam Hussein is because he disobeyed
orders. Now that's a crime. You can gas Kurds if you like-we don't care
about that-but don't disobey orders! That's the way great powers work. The
United States works that way. Britain, which is by now more or less the
attack dog of the United States, works that way. Russia is doing the same
in Chechnya.
HOW DO the big corporations fit into this picture?
STATES ARE to some extent independent actors. But overwhelmingly they
reflect the concentration of power inside them. That concentration inside
contemporary industrial countries is concentrated corporate power. This
concentration of power is extremely high in the US but it is also
international-although big corporations are rooted in, and heavily
dependent on, their own home countries.
What's called globalisation, a development that has taken place in the last
25 years, is a real power play on the part of concentrated corporate power
and the states that are linked to that. They are trying to develop a
particular form of global integration which is in the interests of
financial institutions. What happens to the population is incidental. In
fact, what happens to economic growth is incidental. You get a lot of
excited talk about how wonderful the economic record has been in the last
25 years. It's total nonsense. In the period from the mid-1970s to the
mid-1990s economic growth in the industrial countries was cut by about
half.
Wages have either stagnated or declined in most of the industrial
countries, and primarily in the US. Working hours are going way up.
Benefits are down. Although growth has slowed there is highly concentrated
profit. In the Third World the growth rate in the 1990s is about half what
it was in the 1970s. That's one of the effects of one particular form of
globalisation, traceable in substantial measure to the financial
liberalisation. These changes in the last 25 years have had the effect of
harming the international economy. It still grows, but not like before. And
it concentrates wealth and power far more than before, and undermines
democratic processes.
There are other ways of undermining democracy. Take the European Union. One
of the crucial parts of the European Union is the transfer of power to
unaccountable central banks. That's a tremendous attack on democracy. In
fact, it's so extreme that even conservative sectors in the United States
have been shocked by it.
WHAT ABOUT future prospects? Is something shifting in the US working class?
AVERAGE WAGES in the US have only now, maybe, reached the level of 20 years
ago. To have a 20 year period when average wages are stagnant or declining
when there is still economic growth is probably unprecedented. US workers
have the highest workload in the industrial world. They passed Japan a
couple of years ago. You have to have two members of the family working in
the US just to keep food on the table.
You don't have daycare systems for children so you have to figure out what
to do with the children. That's not so easy for a working family. This is a
tremendous burden on families. One associated factor, which may well be a
consequence, is that things like child abuse have gone up. By most social
indicators the US has declined since the mid-1970s. People feel that in
their own individual lives, but they are also beginning to feel it
collectively.
It's not just industrial workers. It's all through the economy. Small
farmers are getting smashed, as are small store owners. Except for a pretty
small sector most people are suffering, and you get this coming together.
That's one of the striking things about Seattle. As for the future,
conflicts and struggles always go on. They are never predictable. These are
things you do something about.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Linked stories:
********************
Dealers Use Silenced Pit Bulls to Guard Drugs
<http://www.jointogether.org/jtodirect.jtml?U=83952&O=265235>
Drug dealers are having the vocal cords of attack dogs cut
or cauterized so they can sneak up on police approaching
stash houses.
********************
======================================================
"Anarchy doesn't mean out of control. It means out of 'their' control."
-Jim Dodge
======================================================
"Communications without intelligence is noise;
intelligence without communications is irrelevant."
-Gen. Alfred. M. Gray, USMC
======================================================
"It is not a sign of good health to be well adjusted to a sick society."
-J. Krishnamurti
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