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Peace at any cost is a Prelude to War!

The laws recently passed in Congress in response to the terrorist attacks can
be compared to the effort by anti-gun fanatics, who jump at every chance to
undermine the Second Amendment. When crimes are committed with the use of
guns, it's argued that we must remove guns from society, or at least register
them and make it difficult to buy them. The counter argument made by Second
Amendment supporters correctly explains that this would only undermine the
freedom of law-abiding citizens and do nothing to keep guns out of the hands
of criminals or to reduce crime.

Now we hear a similar argument that a certain amount of privacy and personal
liberty of law-abiding citizens must be sacrificed in order to root out
possible terrorists. This will result only in liberties being lost, and will
not serve to preempt any terrorist act. The criminals, just as they know how
to get guns even when they are illegal, will still be able to circumvent
anti-terrorist laws. To believe otherwise is to endorse a Faustian bargain,
but that is what I believe the Congress has done.

We know from the ongoing drug war that federal drug police frequently make
mistakes, break down the wrong doors and destroy property. Abuses of seizure
and forfeiture laws are numerous. Yet the new laws will encourage even more
mistakes by federal law-enforcement agencies. It has long been forgotten that
law enforcement in the United States was supposed to be a state and local
government responsibility, not that of the federal government. The federal
government's policing powers have just gotten a giant boost in scope and
authority through both new legislation and executive orders.

Before the 9-11 attack, Attorney General Ashcroft let his position be known
regarding privacy and government secrecy. Executive Order 13223 made it much
more difficult for researchers to gain access to presidential documents from
previous administrations, now a "need to know" has to be demonstrated. This
was a direct hit at efforts to demand openness in government, even if only
for analysis and writing of history. Ashcroft's position is that presidential
records ought to remain secret, even after an administration has left office.
He argues that government deserves privacy while ignoring the 4th Amendment
protections of the people's privacy. He argues his case by absurdly claiming
he must "protect"the privacy of the individuals who might be involved- a
non-problem that could easily be resolved without closing public records to
the public.

It is estimated that approximately 1,200 men have been arrested as a
consequence of 9-11, yet their names and the charges are not available, and
according to Ashcroft, will not be made available. Once again, he uses the
argument that he's protecting the privacy of those charged. Unbelievable! Due
process for the detainees has been denied. Secret government is winning out
over open government. This is the largest number of people to be locked up
under these conditions since FDR's internment of Japanese-Americans during
World War II. Information regarding these arrests is a must, in a
constitutional republic. If they're terrorists or accomplices, just let the
public know and pursue their prosecution. But secret arrests and silence are
not acceptable in a society that professes to be free. Curtailing freedom is
not the answer to protecting freedom under adverse circumstances.

The administration has severely curtailed briefings regarding the military
operation in Afghanistan for congressional leaders, ignoring a long-time
tradition in this country. One person or one branch of government should
never control military operations. Our system of government has always
required a shared-power arrangement.

The Anti-Terrorism Bill did little to restrain the growth of big government.
In the name of patriotism, the Congress did some very unpatriotic things.
Instead of concentrating on the persons or groups that committed the attacks
on 9-11, our efforts, unfortunately, have undermined the liberties of all
Americans.

"Know Your Customer" type banking regulations, resisted by most Americans for
years, have now been put in place in an expanded fashion. Not only will the
regulations affect banks, thrifts and credit unions, but also all businesses
will be required to file suspicious transaction reports if cash is used with
the total of the transaction reaching $10,000. Retail stores will be required
to spy on all their customers and send reports to the U.S. government.
Financial services consultants are convinced that this new regulation will
affect literally millions of law-abiding American citizens. The odds that
this additional paperwork will catch a terrorist are remote. The sad part is
that the regulations have been sought after by federal law-enforcement
agencies for years. The 9-11 attacks have served as an opportunity to get
them by the Congress and the American people.

Only now are the American people hearing about the onerous portions of the
anti-terrorism legislation, and they are not pleased.

It's easy for elected officials in Washington to tell the American people
that the government will do whatever it takes to defeat terrorism. Such
assurances inevitably are followed by proposals either to restrict the
constitutional liberties of the American people or to spend vast sums of
money from the federal treasury. The history of the 20th Century shows that
the Congress violates our Constitution most often during times of crisis.
Accordingly, most of our worst unconstitutional agencies and programs began
during the two World Wars and the Depression. Ironically, the Constitution
itself was conceived in a time of great crisis. The founders intended its
provision to place severe restrictions on the federal government, even in
times of great distress. America must guard against current calls for
government to sacrifice the Constitution in the name of law enforcement.

The"anti-terrorism" legislation recently passed by Congress demonstrates how
well-meaning politicians make shortsighted mistakes in a rush to respond to a
crisis. Most of its provisions were never carefully studied by Congress, nor
was sufficient time taken to debate the bill despite its importance. No
testimony was heard from privacy experts or from others fields outside of law
enforcement. Normal congressional committee and hearing processes were
suspended. In fact, the final version of the bill was not even made available
to Members before the vote! The American public should not tolerate these
political games, especially when our precious freedoms are at stake.

Almost all of the new laws focus on American citizens rather than potential
foreign terrorists. For example, the definition of "terrorism," for federal
criminal purposes, has been greatly expanded A person could now be considered
a terrorist by belonging to a pro-constitution group, a citizen militia, or a
pro-life organization. Legitimate protests against the government could place
tens of thousands of other Americans under federal surveillance. Similarly,
internet use can be monitored without a user's knowledge, and internet
providers can be forced to hand over user information to law-enforcement
officials without a warrant or subpoena.

The bill also greatly expands the use of traditional surveillance tools,
including wiretaps, search warrants, and subpoenas. Probable-cause standards
for these tools are relaxed, or even eliminated in some circumstances.
Warrants become easier to obtain and can be executed without notification.
Wiretaps can be placed without a court order. In fact, the FBI and CIA now
can tap phones or computers nationwide, without demonstrating that a criminal
suspect is using a particular phone or computer.

The biggest problem with these new law-enforcement powers is that they bear
little relationship to fighting terrorism. Surveillance powers are greatly
expanded, while checks and balances on government are greatly reduced. Most
of the provisions have been sought by domestic law-enforcement agencies for
years, not to fight terrorism, but rather to increase their police power over
the American people. There is no evidence that our previously held civil
liberties posed a barrier to the effective tracking or prosecution of
terrorists. The federal government has made no showing that it failed to
detect or prevent the recent terrorist strikes because of the civil liberties
that will be compromised by this new legislation.

In his speech to the joint session of Congress following the September 11th
attacks, President Bush reminded all of us that the United States outlasted
and defeated Soviet totalitarianism in the last century. The numerous
internal problems in the former Soviet Union- its centralized economic
planning and lack of free markets, its repression of human liberty and its
excessive militarization- all led to its inevitable collapse. We must be
vigilant to resist the rush toward ever-increasing state control of our
society, so that our own government does not become a greater threat to our
freedoms than any foreign terrorist.

The executive order that has gotten the most attention by those who are
concerned that our response to 9-11 is overreaching and dangerous to our
liberties is the one authorizing military justice, in secret. Nazi war
criminals were tried in public, but plans now are laid to carry out the
trials and punishment, including possibly the death penalty, outside the eyes
and ears of the legislative and judicial branches of government and the
American public. Since such a process threatens national security and the
Constitution, it cannot be used as a justification for their protection.

Some have claimed this military tribunal has been in the planning stages for
five years. If so, what would have been its justification?

The argument that FDR did it and therefore it must be OK is a rather weak
justification. Roosevelt was hardly one that went by the rule book- the
Constitution. But the situation then was quite different from today. There
was a declared war by Congress against a precise enemy, the Germans, who sent
eight saboteurs into our country. Convictions were unanimous, not 2/3 of the
panel, and appeals were permitted. That's not what's being offered today.
Furthermore, the previous military tribunals expired when the war ended.
Since this war will go on indefinitely, so too will the courts.

The real outrage is that such a usurpation of power can be accomplished with
the stroke of a pen. It may be that we have come to that stage in our history
when an executive order is "the law of the land," but it's not "kinda cool,"
as one member of the previous administration bragged. It's a process that is
unacceptable, even in this professed time of crisis.

There are well-documented histories of secret military tribunals. Up until
now, the United States has consistently condemned them. The fact that a
two-thirds majority can sentence a person to death in secrecy in the United
States is scary. With no appeals available, and no defense attorneys of
choice being permitted, fairness should compel us to reject such a system
outright.

Those who favor these trials claim they are necessary to halt terrorism in
its tracks. We are told that only terrorists will be brought before these
tribunals. This means that the so-called suspects must be tried and convicted
before they are assigned to this type of "trial" without due process. They
will be deemed guilty by hearsay, in contrast to the traditional American
system of justice where all are innocent until proven guilty. This turns the
justice system on its head.

One cannot be reassured by believing these courts will only apply to
foreigners who are terrorists. Sloppiness in convicting criminals is a
slippery slope. We should not forget that the Davidians at Waco were
"convicted" and demonized and slaughtered outside our judicial system, and
they were, for the most part, American citizens. Randy Weaver's family fared
no better.

It has been said that the best way for us to spread our message of freedom,
justice and prosperity throughout the world is through example and
persuasion, not through force of arms. We have drifted a long way from that
concept. Military courts will be another bad example for the world. We were
outraged in 1996 when Lori Berenson, an American citizen, was tried,
convicted, and sentenced to life by a Peruvian military court. Instead of
setting an example, now we are following the lead of a Peruvian dictator.

The ongoing debate regarding the use of torture in rounding up the criminals
involved in the 9-11 attacks is too casual. This can hardly represent
progress in the cause of liberty and justice. Once government becomes more
secretive, it is more likely this tool will be abused. Hopefully the Congress
will not endorse or turn a blind eye to this barbaric proposal. For every
proposal made to circumvent the justice system, it's intended that we
visualize that these infractions of the law and the Constitution will apply
only to terrorists and never involve innocent U.S. citizens. This is
impossible, because someone has to determine exactly who to bring before the
tribunal, and that involves all of us. That is too much arbitrary power for
anyone to be given in a representative government and is more characteristic
of a totalitarian government.

Many throughout the world, especially those in Muslim countries, will be
convinced by the secretive process that the real reason for military courts
is that the U.S. lacks sufficient evidence to convict in an open court.
Should we be fighting so strenuously the war against terrorism and carelessly
sacrifice our traditions of American justice? If we do, the war will be for
naught and we will lose, even if we win.

Congress has a profound responsibility in all of this and should never
concede this power to a President or an Attorney General. Congressional
oversight powers must be used to their fullest to curtail this
unconstitutional assumption of power.

The planned use of military personnel to patrol our streets and airports is
another challenge of great importance that should not go uncontested. For
years, many in Washington have advocated a national approach to all policing
activity. This current crisis has given them a tremendous boost. Believe me,
this is no panacea and is a dangerous move. The Constitution never intended
that the federal government assume this power. This concept was codified in
the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878. This act prohibits the military from
carrying out law-enforcement duties such as searching or arresting people in
the United States, the argument being that the military is only used for this
type of purpose in a police state. Interestingly, it was the violation of
these principles that prompted the Texas Revolution against Mexico. The
military under the Mexican Constitution at that time was prohibited from
enforcing civil laws, and when Santa Anna ignored this prohibition, the
revolution broke out. We should not so readily concede the principle that has
been fought for on more than one occasion in this country.

The threats to liberty seem endless. It seems we have forgotten to target the
enemy. Instead we have inadvertently targeted the rights of American
citizens. The crisis has offered a good opportunity for those who have argued
all along for bigger government.

For instance, the military draft is the ultimate insult to those who love
personal liberty. The Pentagon, even with the ongoing crisis, has argued
against the reinstatement of the draft. Yet the clamor for its reinstatement
grows louder daily by those who wanted a return to the draft all along. I see
the draft as the ultimate abuse of liberty. Morally it cannot be
distinguished from slavery. All the arguments for drafting 18-year old men
and women and sending them off to foreign wars are couched in terms of noble
service to the country and benefits to the draftees. The need-for-discipline
argument is the most common reason given, after the call for service in an
effort to make the world safe for democracy. There can be no worse substitute
for the lack of parental guidance of teenagers than the federal government's
domineering control, forcing them to fight an enemy they don't even know in a
country they can't even identity.

Now it's argued that since the federal government has taken over the entire
job of homeland security, all kinds of jobs can be found for the draftees to
serve the state, even for those who are conscientious objectors.

The proponents of the draft call it "mandatory service." Slavery, too, was
mandatory, but few believed it was a service. They claim that every 18-year
old owes at least two years of his life to his country. Let's hope the
American people don't fall for this "need to serve" argument. The Congress
should refuse to even consider such a proposal. Better yet, what we need to
do is abolish the Selective Service altogether.

However, if we get to the point of returning to the draft, I have a proposal.
Every news commentator, every Hollywood star, every newspaper editorialist,
and every Member of Congress under the age of 65 who has never served in the
military and who demands that the draft be reinstated, should be drafted
first- the 18-year olds last. Since the Pentagon says they don't need
draftees, these new recruits can be the first to march to the orders of the
general in charge of homeland security. For those less robust individuals,
they can do the hospital and cooking chores for the rest of the newly formed
domestic army. After all, someone middle aged owes a lot more to his country
than an 18-year old.

I'm certain that this provision would mute the loud demands for the return of
the military draft.

I see good reason for American citizens to be concerned- not only about
another terrorist attack, but for their own personal freedoms as the Congress
deals with the crisis. Personal freedom is the element of the human condition
that has made America great and unique and something we all cherish. Even
those who are more willing to sacrifice a little freedom for security do it
with the firm conviction that they are acting in the best interest of freedom
and justice. However, good intentions can never suffice for sound judgment in
the defense of liberty.

I do not challenge the dedication and sincerity of those who disagree with
the freedom philosophy and confidently promote government solutions for all
our ills. I am just absolutely convinced that the best formula for giving us
peace and preserving the American way of life is freedom, limited government,
and minding our own business overseas.

Henry Grady Weaver, author of a classic book on freedom, The Mainspring of
Human Progress, years ago warned us that good intentions in politics are not
good enough and actually are dangerous to the cause. Weaver stated:

"Most of the major ills of the world have been caused by well-meaning people
who ignored the principle of individual freedom, except as applied to
themselves, and who were obsessed with fanatical zeal to improve the lot of
mankind-in-the-mass through some pet formula of their own. The harm done by
ordinary criminals, murderers, gangsters, and thieves is negligible in
comparison with the agony inflicted upon human beings by the professional
do-gooders, who attempt to set themselves up as gods on earth and who would
ruthlessly force their views on all others- with the abiding assurance that
the end justifies the means."

This message is one we should all ponder.



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