-Caveat Lector-

Consistent with my earlier messages on "How I learned to love the hate
laws and stop worrying" I don't think these hate laws go far enough. There
should be plain language renditions of "Totem and Taboo" in Canada. Wry
humour aside every society has a code of totem and taboo. Let's be very
open on this one to the benefit of the entire global village. Who is at
the top of Canada's totem? Who is at the bottom? Who cannot be criticized?
Who can be criticized with impunity? Indeed is there a scapegoat class
which is targeted by criticism and more (loss of career, employment,
freedom etc.) with the encouragement of the government? And how shall we
rehabilitate hate criminals given that truth is not a defense for a hate
crime as the National Post article notes? Such a restriction plays havoc
with cognitive therapies. How about conditioning therapies using cages of
rats like those in Orwell's 1984?
FWP.

---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Wed, 6 Jan 1999 17:34:19 -0500
From: C-FAR <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: FREE SPEECH UPDATE -- NATIONAL POST EDITORIAL -- "CAN WE TALK?"


Can we talk?  |  Lead Editorial

National Post |  January 04, 1999


Is Canada ceasing to be a country in which people can speak their minds? In
the last 10 years, political censorship has become solidly ensconced in our
legal institutions. It has reached the point that many judges and academics
have come to identify the censorship of offensive ideas as a human right of
those they offend. This ideological drift toward enforced orthodoxy took
clear form in 1990 when the Supreme Court of Canada decided R. v. Keegstra.
In that case, the court upheld a federal hate speech law mandating
imprisonment for certain individuals who "wilfully promote hatred against
any identifiable minority group." Although the court conceded that the law
was prima facie unconstitutional under the guarantee of freedom of
expression in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, it was deemed acceptable
because it served such overarching government objectives as promoting
Canada's multicultural identity and demonstrating society's disdain for
hate mongering.

In 1996, the Supreme Court took the campaign for ideological conformity to
a higher level, with its decision in Attis v. Board of School Trustees. The
case centred on the activities of Malcolm Ross, a New Brunswick school
teacher who had authored various anti-Semitic publications. Despite an
evidentiary fishing expedition that went back several decades,
investigators found no evidence that Ross had conveyed his views to any of
his students. Still, a New Brunswick Board of Inquiry concluded that Ross
had indirectly produced a "poisoned environment" in the school; and it
imposed a slew of remedial measures, including the extraordinary
requirement that Ross be prevented from publishing any controversial
material on pain of losing the non-teaching position to which he would now
be relegated. Canada's highest court duly affirmed the finding of
discrimination.

The combined effect of these two decisions is profound. In defiance of a
western free speech tradition that extends from John Stuart Mill's On
Liberty through George Orwell's 1984, the court has handed government the
right to suppress unpopular opinions. The Attis decision was particularly
disturbing. Under this precedent, protection from hateful views is now
conceived as a garden variety human right -- to be read into the plethora
of generic non-discrimination provisions in our statute books at every
level of government.

Naturally, provincial human rights commissions have been eager to give
teeth to this new orthodoxy. Their most recent victim was Fredericton mayor
Brad Woodside, who was forced against his will to proclaim municipal
recognition of a Gay Pride Weekend that, in the mayor's view, would arouse
among his constituents neither pride nor gaiety. The board of inquiry that
sat in judgment of Mr. Woodside, incidentally, was composed of one man --
Brian D. Bruce -- the same one man who produced the original Attis judgment
in 1991.

Is all of this censorship really necessary to stem the spread of hate in
our society? American experience suggests it is not. In the last decade,
American courts have struck down numerous university speech codes and
municipal ordinances that enforced the strictures of political correctness.
In the United States, people are now equally free to burn flags and crosses
(though few choose to burn either). This does not mean Americans are less
hostile to hate mongering than Canadians. It simply means they embrace free
speech, the marketplace of ideas, and the belief that evil ideas are more
likely to flourish under censorship and suppression than when exposed to
the light of day.

Unfortunately, in Canada, which is already a society saturated in public
conformity, the trend is in the direction of more censorship. A November
report indicates federal justice officials are contemplating a legislative
proposal to expand Canada's hate speech laws. The putative statute would
explicitly prohibit hate mongering on the basis of gender, sexual
orientation, and disability; police would be empowered to seize computer
hard drives they suspect contain hate material. Moreover -- and this is a
potentially sinister provision -- accused hate mongers would no longer be
permitted to invoke truth as a defence in certain situations.

It is not hard to imagine the authoritarian and illiberal purposes to which such
legislation could be put. Nor to imagine how hatred and racism, pushed into
hiding, might gradually spread unseen by courts, government and the media.
As the historian Thomas Macaulay said of the Stuart censorship that
portrayed a loyal England to the very eve of the revolution that swept away
King, Court and Church together: "O wise policy. To leave the serpent his
sting, and to deprive him only of his warning rattle." <end>

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