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STRATFOR.COM Global Intelligence Update
December 14, 1999


U.S. Weighs Cost of Involvement After FARC Attack

Summary:

Guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)
overran a Colombian naval base near the Panamanian border on Dec
12. The raid highlights a new lack of Colombian military
intelligence and is likely to precipitate calls for increased
military aid to both Colombia and Panama. The incident will likely
result in more U.S. intelligence aid to Colombia and force a
reevaluation of U.S. involvement in both countries.


Analysis:

On Dec. 13, the Colombian Defense Ministry confirmed reports in the
Colombian newspapers El Tiempo and El Universal that at least 34
Marines, one policeman and a civilian, were killed and at least 40
Marines were wounded after more than 600 FARC guerrillas attacked a
Colombian naval base Dec. 12. The assault demonstrates how a
reduction in U.S. intelligence aid to Colombia has left that
country's military more vulnerable, which may increase pressure for
more U.S. aid to both Colombia and Panama.

The attack on the base, located in the Pacific coast town of Jurado
near the Panamanian border, came just two days before a formal
ceremony in Panama marking the U.S. handover of the Panama Canal.
It was the heaviest attack this year and coincided with a wave of
other clashes over the weekend in northwest and western Colombia.
In a separate incident in San Luis, in neighboring Antioquia
province, rebels killed eight police and two town hall officials.

The area around Jurado, a key staging post for arms and drugs, has
a heavy guerrilla and paramilitary presence and is 150 miles from
the Panama Canal, separated by the nearly impenetrable jungles of
the Darien province.

Earlier this year, some U.S. military authorities had warned that
Colombian guerrillas, who hold sway in the border area, could
launch attacks inside Panama and even on the Canal itself once the
U.S. pullout was complete. But, the guerrillas have long been in
the territory, and this recent attack does not signal any
particular increase in the threat they pose to the canal. The
potential for increased FARC presence in Panama Canal Zone is not
the direct issue.

The real issue from the Colombian perspective is the new lack of
adequate intelligence on rebel movement. Almost certainly as a
result of U.S. intelligence aid, the Colombian military foiled at
least two major FARC offensives last summer. The first incident
occurred in the run-up to peace talks when the FARC attempted to
strike at the mountain headquarters of paramilitary leader Carlos
Castano. They were quickly intercepted and driven back by Colombian
army troops. The second incident occurred following the
postponement of peace talks when a column of FARC guerrillas
marching on Bogota was intercepted and routed by the Colombian
Army. [ http://www.stratfor.com/services/giu/072999.ASP ]

But since the crash of a U.S. RC-7B intelligence gathering aircraft
in southern Colombia in late July, the Colombian military has
carried out no other major offensives. Prior to the employment of
the RC-7B, the kind of rebel attack launched against the naval base
was becoming all too common. The Colombian military was attacked in
its barracks at Mitu and Miraflores, and its columns were regularly
ambushed. Improved U.S.-provided intelligence support, however,
seemed to have turned the tide of the war, allowing the Colombian
military to carry out two massive ambushes of its own.

>From the U.S. perspective, the issue is the attack's proximity to
Panama. It serves as a signal to the United States that its
increased involvement in the Colombian drug war has to be weighed
against a potential rebel threat to Panama, which has no standing
military of its own. U.S. involvement in Colombia has been growing
rapidly since Colombian President Andres Pastrana's ascension to
office, while U.S. forces are drawing down in Panama.

FARC has tried to draw the United States into its war with the
Colombian government. Its latest attack will pressure the U.S.
government to either increase its presence in Panama or increase
its military aid to Colombia. Either case works to FARC's favor in
that it heightens U.S. involvement in Colombia and thus leaves the
Clinton administration's policy in question.

This attack and its success will also strengthen the hands of those
in Colombia and the United States who want to see an increased U.S.
presence in Colombia and an extended U.S. presence in Panama. Most
certainly, it will at the very least immediately result in
increased U.S. intelligence aid to Colombia. It exposed the massive
intelligence deficit faced by the Colombians at a time when the
U.S. lost its primary asset in Colombia, the RC-7B, and in Panama,
Howard Air Base. The incident will force a reevaluation of U.S.
involvement in both countries.




(c) 1999, Stratfor, Inc. http://www.stratfor.com/




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