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Laissez Faire City Times
July 5, 1999 - Volume 3, Issue 27
Editor & Chief: Emile Zola
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Viet Nam

Part 1: The Wall

by Robert L. Kocher


In Washington, D. C., stands a long black wall with over fifty-eight
thousand names of dead American military personnel engraved upon it. The
total is not completed. New names are added periodically, reflecting new
information. That wall is a memorial to those who died in the Viet Nam
war.

The wall is appropriately colored. The period of the war, which really
lasted from 1960 to 1969, after which the political condition in America
made the situation unsalvageable and an expression of self destruction
instead of a war, was one of the darkest periods in American history.
The period was marked by deep division in America. Segments of the
American population openly supported what was supposed to be the enemy.
Actress Jane Fonda was displayed on TV happily perched on a North
Vietnamese anti-aircraft gun. Mobs of American demonstrators took to the
streets waving North Viet Nam flags and chanting Ho, Ho, Ho Chi Minh in
support of the communist north. There were "teach-ins" by university
professors supporting North Viet Nam and other left-wing causes unc
onditionally while endorsing all methods of impeding or sabotaging any
resistance to communist expansion.

Concurrently, the content in TV and other areas of the media seemed to
have become a public relations machine supporting the entire spectrum of
what newscasters euphemistically labeled the anti-war movement and
social or political activism. The interpretations and language employed
on TV news were the same as the demonstrators used to describe
themselves. The premises assumed by the movement went unquestioned on TV
and were stated as news fact.

During that period there developed a new type of deep mistrust of the
American government which still exists today. There was serious question
as to how far the support for North Viet Nam and the extreme left—seen
in large demonstrations, in classrooms, and in the media—extended into
the structure of government, and how that support influenced, or
sabotaged, the conduct of the war, with the American military betrayed
and in the middle.

In the Korean war the American armed forces were asked to engage in
military tactics which made little sense to the troops. They were asked
to push the enemy back to the 38th parallel, then stop to be attacked
again. There was speculation that perhaps there were possible indigenous
leftward political elements back home that betrayed America. Such
speculation was dismissed as being too far-fetched. In a few years any
such consideration would be smeared and ridiculed as McCarthyism.

But, General Douglas MacArthur argued that his military plans in Korea
were being given to the communists before they were to be executed. In
fact, copies of his plans were given to the British government in
London. It was later found that there was a high level communist spy
ring operating in the British government. MacArthur may have been
correct in his accusation.

Socialism or Incompetence?

In Viet Nam, the far-fetched was still far-fetched, but was becoming the
most reasonable conclusion. The unthinkable was still the unthinkable.
To come to what otherwise would be a reasonable consideration, if not
conclusion, would place someone in the category with right-wing
caricatures, and be accused of bizarre thinking patterns. But something
was clearly wrong. There were too many things that didn't make sense.
Evidence seemed to support the contention that a political movement
which might have been developing underground for decades in this
country, and which was in sympathy with the system we were conducting
military operations against, was now positioned and surfacing to make
itself more strongly felt and make its long-planned move. It was clear
that increasing segments of the society felt secure in openly supporting
the enemy in ways that would have been unthinkable and not tolerated in
Korea or World War II. For some within this society the view could
arguably have changed from "My country, right or wrong" to a frame of
reference of "Socialism/communism, right or wrong." The war was being
undermined and fought in debating salons, university classrooms, and
political infiltration, while servicemen were being sacrificed to mark
time and preserve appearances during this move. Is it possible that
members of the military were put in a position of deliberate loss and
sabotage for purposes of engineering collapse of opposition to communist
advances while the argument was being concocted the resistance was
attempted but was impossible?

Or was the Viet Nam defeat a byproduct of simple absolute incompetence?

The statistics show as participants in the war:

Army               4,386,000


Navy               1,842,000
Marines              794,000
Air Force          1,740,000

with 153,000 total wounded and close to 60,000 sent to their deaths
throughout the Viet Nam conflict.

In action movie plots of the Viet Nam war, the dramatic description of
the combat soldier's position in Viet Nam is one of fighting to survive.
There is never any portrayal of commitment to this country. Their
condition is described as divorced from any context of defeating an
enemy, or being angry at the enemy, or winning, or fighting for a moral
cause. The context is, and was, one of being placed in a war and
treading water without moral or military direction and determination.

One can sense the argument or belief that the United States government
had lost its way and that millions of service men were being sent to
their possible deaths as a mistake in a military action against an enemy
who really wasn't an enemy while the enemy who wasn't an enemy killed or
wounded 200,000 Americans. In his book Lost Victory, ex-CIA Director
William Colby says (John) "Kennedy had privately indicated to several of
his close associates his intention to limit further American involvement
in Vietnam and even to withdraw from involvement there." [1] Privately
indicated. It was so private that only a few ever claimed to have heard
it and assert its truth. Colby's statement was hearsay—admittedly not
one based upon personal knowledge, but based upon rumor based upon
speculation based upon wish. The speculated decision was at odds with
decisions Kennedy made days before he died.

That Kennedy rumor, however speculative, underwrites the belief that
even presidents were not certain of the war's validity and further
undermined, and undermines, any stable conception of what happened. It
leaves those who fought isolated from any sense of belief.

Many things have been attributed to Jack Kennedy—especially when it
suits various purposes.

The Deification of Kennedy

Why Kennedy's view on anything should be a matter of concern in
retrospect is puzzling. Kennedy's conjectured intentions, if he even had
any, are not germane to anything. The protection and attempted
canonization of Jack Kennedy has become a major industry in this
country. That includes excusing or softening what Kennedy actually did.
There seems to be a desperate attempt to construct and perpetuate a view
of Jack Kennedy as having been endowed with an all-powerful special
wisdom and capacity conferred by God. The wish is that he would have led
the world to perfection in all things if he had not been prematurely
crucified for his goodness. Somehow, Kennedy was the written word
equivalent to the Bible and if his mind were properly interpreted by
those claiming the unique gift of exegesis, it would provide the
authoritative answer to all things, past, present, and future. Excessive
reverence for Jack Kennedy has had a destructive influence in
immobilizing acceptability of the simple truth for more than 35 years.
Colby's progressive irritation with, and breaking free of that
immobilization, will be discussed later.

There are many arguments as to what Kennedy would, or would not, have
done if he had lived. None of them are conclusive. In fact, there are no
clear public statements by Kennedy himself. What does seem clear that
even at high levels of government there was not a consistent view that
Ho Chi Minh and the Viet Cong were politically or morally repugnant
enough to inspire serious indignation or be looked at as an enemy who
needed to be defeated. The idea of communism as an intrinsically
oppressive and morally offensive system which was a mortal enemy to all
humanity was definitely lost or brought into parity with doubt. While in
recent weeks we dropped tens of thousands of bombs on the Serbians as an
outraged expression of the intolerability of their alleged atrocities,
there continues to be silence on any possibility that a similar moral
outrage and intolerability was justified by the killing of many many
millions of people by the communists in South East Asia. The peculiar
selective blindness and leniency toward any and all atrocities committed
in furtherance of world socialism has been a consistent pattern for more
than 60 years and makes the strongest possible statement about the
power, position, and intent of the political left in this country.

The American solder was sent to Viet Nam to fight or be killed. But, who
was the enemy? There was no consensus that there even was an enemy. So
he fought to survive, not win. Survive what? He was supposedly to
survive what was going on politically.

The Viet Nam war was lost at a cost of many tens of thousands of dead
and wounded. How much of that loss is to be realistically attributed to
the intrinsic impossibility of winning the war, how much due to
sabotage, and how much due to ineptitude?

Mainlining Premises

This series is not an action account of acts of bravery. Rather, it is a
story of the degenerate condition of critical areas of this county, its
politics, and government. This series does not contain new facts. It
integrates existing information into a complex, but yet simple,
previously forbidden analysis. In one sense, the approach here will be
psychoanalytic or psychotherapeutic in nature. In this process, the
therapist does not begin in the middle by accepting and building upon
the pathological premises accepted by the patient, or by accepting the
pathological premises being pushed upon the patient by those attempting
to keep the patient warped and pathological. Instead, we start with
basics, and at the beginning, to arrive at a legitimate interpretation
of events. In fact, in matters of analysis of a destructive situation in
general life, it is best not to begin by starting with the premises that
produced that situation. Never start by accepting anyone else's
poppycock.

About 15 years ago I read a book by a well-known psychoanalyst who made
the serious point that in his clinical experience, somewhere in the
background of many schizophrenic patients there was someone, or several
people, who had systematically tried to drive the patient crazy. In
fact, in my experience, this is often a consideration in evaluating the
source of someone's mental state. Whether the attempt to drive the
patient crazy is an attempt to make the patient conform to the pathology
of the one making the attempt, or whether it's part of an attempt to
subdue and exploit the patient is not always a critical matter of
concern. There are people who attempt to undermine other people or drive
other people crazy. There are also other people who attempt to keep tho
se who have been driven crazy in a crazy condition. The therapist
sometimes ends up fighting those attempting to keep the patient in a
crazy condition in the battle to restore the patient's mental health and
functionality.

Sometimes the path to progress is making the patient understand that he
or she has been undermined, then countering the crazy-making distortion
with the truth.

Healing the Country

In the present case the patient is the country and many people in it.
Clearly the Viet Nam war, and the politics of the period, are a point of
fixation upon this country. The war still has a political hold in this
country. In the event of potential military conflict there is an almost
reflexive cry of, "No more Viet Nams!" from some quarters. The
assumption is that Viet Nam was unwinable. There are many who argue the
war unwinable because of the indomitable commitment and idealism of the
adversaries, and no one advancing a similar political cause should ever
be militarily opposed again. This is particularly employed as an
argument of convenience to prevent military action against various
political or social systems the arguers support. Just as importantly,
the emotional scars from the Viet Nam war have not healed, and the
divisions have not ended. One of the major reasons the scars have not
healed is that the injury was not due so much to the war itself, but due
to a component of almost sadistic irrationality surrounding the war that
pushed a type of craziness upon the country. The scars have not healed
because the sadistic irrationality not only has never been acknowledged
or explained, but still continues while being denied.

Why don't we put Viet Nam behind us and heal? The answer may begin with
serious consideration that the reason is, what we are being told to
believe in order to achieve that healing is so unreasonable and so
insulting that no rational mind could accept it. Like a patient in the
hands of exploitative sadists, the demands that the patient adapt to
that sadism is not an attempt to help the patient, but is a further
attempt to undermine and exploit him.

The reason why the American patient has not healed is because the
irrationality is still being forced upon him, and the people who claim
to be healers actually want to impose repressive mechanisms denying a
truth so obvious as to require levels of denial whose attainment is
impossible short of approaching a psychotic break. The necessity of
accepting levels of denial approaching advanced mental disorder as a
precondition to making peace with critically placed dissidents who
decline to part with that denial is not a prospect which contains the
sincerity and integrity necessary to relieve tension and promote
healing.

There are two methods of meeting the discomforts of reality, or of
dealing with reality. The first is defense against, and denial of,
reality. While it allows temporary escape, this leads to constant varied
forms of long term turbulence. Those who are asked to become enablers
and co-conspirators in denial are under constant pressure because the
attempt is being made to force them into a psychotic, or nearly
psychotic break. Those who exist in, and who may have even found a
measure of comfort in, the reality-escape of pathological denial and
rationalization find their escape from reality threatened by those who
refuse to concur in their irrationality and become as irrational as they
are. In other words, those who resist being driven nuts to make it
comfortable for those who are already nuts and would like to be
complacent in their condition are a source of continual threat, anxiety,
and resentment. This leads to emotional investment and impasse on both
sides. It also results in pathological evolution by at least one side in
the disagreement. Those who practice denial of reality are forced to
construct additional denial in the face of additional arguments, and so
become progressively pathological over time.

The second form of adjustment to reality is an acceptance of the truth.
For people with a backlog of self-deception and deception of others,
this acceptance may require a period of considerable pain and
embarrassment, the avoidance of which is the purpose of denial in the
first place. If the desire is for real long term healing, acceptance of
reality is the way to go.

To the mind uncontaminated from having started with the confused
premises or events surrounding the war, the interpretations, events, and
conduct of the war given to us as virtual reality in the liberal media
make no sense. Something, indeed many things, seem to be somehow wrong.

Three factors have held sway over the direction of this country for more
than 35 years: the memory of the Kennedys, the war, and the reasoning
opposing the war integral to a larger war.

The Viet Nam war was really two wars. There was a military action
thousands of miles away in Viet Nam. There also erupted an internal war
in this country that had been decades in preparation. The first war was
exploited as an opportunity or vehicle for waging of the second. The
problem is that the second war has never stopped. For that reason, there
has been no peace. The patient is not psychologically healing because he
is still being undermined and attacked while being told it is not
happening. There is no way the patient can adapt to the lies and heal.
It's time for the therapy of truth.

The conclusions arrived at in this series will differ substantially from
predominant interpretations.

Notes

[1] William Colby, Lost Victory, p. 169.



------------------------------------------------------------------------

Robert L. Kocher is the author of "The American Mind in Denial," as well
as many other articles. He is an engineer working in the area of
solid-state physics, and has done graduate study in clinical psychology.
His email address is [EMAIL PROTECTED]

-30-

from The Laissez Faire City Times, Vol 3, No 27, July 5, 1999
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Published by
Laissez Faire City Netcasting Group, Inc.
Copyright 1998 - Trademark Registered with LFC Public Registrar
All Rights Reserved
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All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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