-Caveat Lector-

"Once a Triad, always a Triad."

Charlie Trie

By late winter of 1996, when the PRC was trying to derail Taiwan's
democratic elections by firing missiles into nearby Pacific waters, the PLA
also had nuclear missiles targeted on Los Angeles. And it threatened to use
them to force the United States to back down from its historic commitment to
the independence of anti-Communist Taiwan. The threat worked. It was not
delivered through public or diplomatic channels, but by a fry cook from a
Chinese restaurant in Little Rock, who had no serious education and no
foreign policy experience. This man placed a strategic memo in front of the
president at a time of International crisis, resulting in a reply that
changed a long established element of foreign policy. Only in Bill Clinton's
America. The messenger was Yah Lin "Charlie Trie," Chinese gangster, Little
Rock chef,DNC fund raiser, and current criminal defendant. To Trie, the
president of the United States is "Lao Ke" or "Old Clinton." According to
the Los Angeles Times, "When they meet, the two men embrace like lost
brothers." Trie belongs to a secret Chinese criminal society: he is a member
of the "Four Seas" Triad gang. William Triplett and Edward Timperlake
authors of "Year of the Rat" uncovered this unsavory fact in private
conversations with senior Taiwanese officials. They did not take the charge
lightly and confirmed Trie's Triad connection after conferring with informed
persons in Taiwan and other credible media sources who for understandable
reasons [Triad "soldiers" are extremely creative killers] remain unnamed.
Trie was born in Taichung, Taiwan, on August 15, 1949; he emigrated to the
United States, settling in Little Rock to work with his sister Dailin
Outlaw; he worked his way up from busboy to cook to co-owner, with his
sister, of the Fu Lin Chinese Restaurant. His Taiwan background tells us
more. He grew up in a military housing environment known on Taiwan for
producing individuals with a somewhat casual attitude toward the law. He was
one of what the Asia Times called "children of mainlanders who had followed
the Nationalist Government's retreat to Taiwan in 1949 and had begun
[criminal Triad activity] by engaging in street fights and the collection of
protection money." Apparently allowed to lie low in Little Rock, Trie became
of service when the permanent campaign began to accelerate Clinton's
political fortunes in Arkansas. He began to befriend the young and obviously
ambitious politician as soon as he arrived in Little Rock. The friendship
grew, it seems they traveled together to Taiwan while Clinton was governor.
By the time Bill Clinton took the oath of office as president, he was
perfectly positioned to help his friend Charlie, and vice versa. As tool for
the PRC and the Triads, Trie had the advantage of not having to face the
question of "where he came from." He had been in Little Rock since sometime
in the late 1970's, and had known the Clintons for almost as long. His
relationship with them was not something that, on its face, cried out for
explanation. Thus, Trie was the perfect Triad/PRC messenger and "agent in
place," ready to be reactivated without suspicion. As the Canadian study of
Triad behavior points out, "Once a Triad, always a Triad." At some point
around 1992, Trie acquired a business partner-Ng Lapseng, the Triad
connected tycoon from Macau. Trie and Ng went into the real estate business.
They had no success in the U.S. real estate market, but they didn't really
need it; Ng had and has plenty of successful businesses in Macau. This fact
becomes important when we turn to Trie's mysterious donation to the Clinton
Legal Defense Trust on March 21, 1996. Their U. S. real estate business, it
seems, was a cover-a "loss leader" for their political influence.


Sources: Los Angeles Times, December 18, 1996. ["Lao Ke" is a Chinese term
of familiarity.] IBID. Asia Times, June 15, 1997.

 United States, Communist China, & Taiwan

Ever since Chinese anticommunists fled to Taiwan to escape Mao's advancing
armies in 1949, the United States has guaranteed Taiwan's independence
against Communist China's threats of forcible "reunification." President
Eisenhower's policy was "not to let the ChiComs get away with murder in the
China Sea." Nor would he " sit idly by and permit the Reds to build up any
large force on the mainland for an invasion." From Ike, skip ahead 3
decades. In March 1996 Taiwan was preparing for a national ritual that the
PRC seems to find inherently menacing, elections. For the previous 4 month,s
stories had been flying in the Hong Kong press to the effect that the PRC
would strike Taiwan militarily if Taiwan went through with its balloting.
What the PLA did, when Taiwan elections proceeded on schedule, was to give a
precision display of the accuracy of its intermediate range ballistic
missiles [IRBM]: it " bracketed" Taiwan with them, firing a few into the
Pacific just off the north and south ends of the island. These were
"blanks," with "dummy" warheads, but all the same, the demonstration was the
first time that IRBM's were ever fired in anger. Thanks to the Wall Street
Journal, the PRC's hostile stance toward Taiwan's elections was known in the
West in January 1996. Had the U.S. response been left up to the
then-Secretary of Defense William Perry, there would have been none. Perry
was too busy arranging a smooth visit for his PRC counterpart, General Chi.
But political operatives in the White House prevailed on the president with
the argument that it would be foolish to abandon Taiwanese democracy in an
election year, so Clinton sent battle groups from the 7th Fleet, including
the 2 largest aircraft carriers, U.S.S. Independence & U.S.S. Nimitz, into
the Taiwan Straits. This time, Clinton did the right thing, even if for
political reasons. But the story does not end there, we now know that the
PLA was up to far more than just local war games: THE PLA WAS THREATENING
LOS ANGELES WITH NUCLEAR WEAPONS. According to former Reagan Defense
official Frank Gaffney Jr., "a top Chinese official intimated to the
longtime #2 man at the U.S. embassy in Beijing that such an attack on Los
Angeles would be in prospect if the United States interfered in China's
campaign of intimidation against Taiwan." In addition to this direct method
of getting its bellicose message through to the United States, the PRC used
one more channel-Charlie Trie carrying a letter, and a bag of money.


Sources: Stephen E. Ambrose, Eisenhower [Simon & Schuster,1983], 233.
Washington Times, April 7, 1998 [the original hard news source was the New
York Times.


Note: "ChiCom" was the administration's term for Chinese Communists. The
term was used extensively by U.S. Marines during the Korean War. It was not
intended to be friendly and was usually used in reference to weaponry. The
term was used through the Vietnam War, often identifying weapons'
manufacture. [ChiCom grenade is one example]. It must be noted that
Eisenhower, having commanded the best citizen army ever fielded by America
in destroying the Nazis, understood the use of force very well.

 Charlie Trie: March 21, 1996

On the morning of March 21, 1996, Trie dropped off hundreds of thousands of
dollars to the president's and first lady's favorite "charity," the
Presidential Legal Defense Trust. The report of the Senate Committee on
Governmental Affairs strongly suggests that then-White House aide Mark
Middleton, part of the Arkansas apparat, "directed Trie to the Trust as
opposed to Clinton/Gore '96 or the DNC, where the contributions would have
received much greater scrutiny and been subject to FEC guidelines." On the
same day, Trie also delivered to the White House the letter about the
situation in Taiwan. Under the circumstances, we have to consider that the
money came from both the PRC and Triad activity. The Presidential Legal
Defense Trust was a legal mechanism for allowing Americans to give the
president money to cover his attorneys' fees. The trustees of this fund were
a blue-ribbon assembly capable of handling a broad array of possible ethical
dilemmas; but one doubts that even they were prepared for a Chinese courier
with nearly a half million dollars in one hand and a letter threatening a
major global crisis in the other. The Clinton administration will no doubt
characterize this as yet another of the amazing coincidences that have
dogged the Clintons since their Arkansas days. Trie's first errand on March
21, 1996, was to see the fund's executive director, Michael Cardozo, at the
office of G. William Miller [treasury secretary under President Carter].
Trie opened an envelope, and $460,000 in checks and money orders spilled
out. As Cardozo counted the money, Trie excused himself to go to a scheduled
lunch at the Tony Palm Restaurant with Mark Middleton. [Middleton, has since
become the only White House aide to plead the 5th Amendment.] At the Palm
lunch, Trie gave Middleton a high-priority letter to be delivered
immediately to the White House. At 1:14 PM-minutes after Trie's lunch
ended-Middleton faxed a letter from Trie addressed to the president. The
immediate recipient was Maureen Lewis, who handled the president's personal
correspondence. Middleton's cover note read:


Dear Maureen,

As you know, Charlie is a personal friend of the President from L.R. [Little
Rock]. He is also a major supporter.

The President sat beside Charlie at the big Asian fundraiser several weeks
ago.

Thanks for your always good assistance.

Personally, mark


The letter did get to Clinton's desk. The Thompson Committee reprinted the
letter in its entirety; here is its text, all phrasings and spellings
preserved:


Dear President,

Regarding the current situation in the Taiwan Straight Crisis and also the
U.S. aircraft carriers and cruisers involvement, I would like to propose
some important points to you in order not to endanger the U.S. interest
based on the following:

1. Any negative outcomes of the U.S. decision in the China Issue will your
administration position especially in the campaign year.

2. Why U.S. has to sent the aircraft carriers and cruisers to give China a
possible excuse of foreign intervention and hence launch a real war? And, if
the U.S. recognizes, "one China" policy, don't such conduct will cause a
conflict for "intervening China's internal affairs?" Therefore, won't the
recent inconsistent talks by the captains and some government officials in
the mass media cause problems for the U.S. policy of not interference of
China's internal affairs?

3. With the Chinese background and the recent six years business experiences
in China and Taiwan, I think the U.S. senators and Congressmen do not fully
know that most Chinese don't expect the intervention from the U.S.

4. Before last June, there is no conflict between the common goal of
economic growth and cooperation of China and Taiwan, Li's visit [Taiwan
President Lee Teng-Hui's visit to his alma mater, Cornell University] is the
direct cause of the crisis.

5. Has the U.S. government considered if China starts to occupy the two
small outer islands [Wu Chiu and Ma Tzu], will the U.S. proclaim war against
China? or just withdraw its ships?

6. The complication of China's internal problems of military challenges to
the Jiang Tze-Ming administration, together with other possible independence
movements from Tibet, Inner Mongolia, Xin-Jiang and the returning of Hong
Kong issue, the bluff to Taiwan Independence issue, Will U.S. be involved in
such complicated internal matter by showing up the military ships at present
moment.

7. Once the hard parties of the Chinese military inclined to grasp U.S.
involvement as foreign intervention, is U.S. ready to face such challenge?

8. It is highly possible for China to launch real war, based on its past
behavior in sino-vietnam war and then Bao-Tao war with Russia.

I hope the president will carefully consider these issues and make the
decisions that are beneficial to the U.S./China and Taiwan altogether.

Yours sincerely,

Charlie Y.L. Trie


It doesn't take a degree in international relations or military strategy to
see in this letter a direct threat against the actions of the United States
should it act in accordance with its long-established commitment to defend
Taiwan. Robert L. Suettinger, an Asia hand on the NSC staff, wrote a memo to
then-NSC Director Anthony Lake characterizing the Trie letter as "a rather
provocative letter about U.S. actions taken prior to the presidential
election on Taiwan." "The reply," Suettinger continued, "reassures Trie that
the U.S. has no hostile intentions toward the PRC, and the situation has
returned to a calmer state." Despite the odd grammar and syntax, which make
the letter sound as if it had been translated from Mandarin by someone with
one year of English and a dictionary, the reasoning has a steely precision.
It sends a number of related strategic messages: Get out of the PRC's face
or it will cut off your campaign allowance; the presence of the 7th Fleet in
the straight is an "intervention in China's internal affairs" ; "hardliners"
in the PRC are about to get really mad; they just might "launch a real war."
But is it "they"-or "I"? Is this really a back-channel letter from the
highest political and military authorities of the PRC or is it a letter from
Bill Clinton's neighborhood chef and fund-raiser? Viewed from the point of
view of reasoning, that's all but impossible. Trie's work-product the "Trie
Report", as some have generously called it-from his service on the
Commission of the United States Pacific Trade and Investment Policy, to
which President Clinton had gone to great lengths to appoint him, makes
clear his limitations as an abstract reasoner. The report was labeled by
other commission members as "superficial, grammatically deficient, and
generally unhelpful." One witness interviewed by the Thompson Committee
called it "completely incomprehensible." But the letter he sent to Clinton
via Middleton is different. While the "Trie Report" is airy, the letter is
blunt. While the report means nothing, the letter means business. And-more
to the point, while the report rings with biz-school clichés, the only
clichés in the letter are those all too familiar from official statements
emanating from Beijing. One of these is "intervening in China's internal
affairs," a standard Beijing byword for outside criticism of its miserable
human rights record, or for international concern for the independence of
Taiwan-which, of course, is not an "internal" matter at all, except in the
PRC's fantasy world, in which Taiwan is a "renegade province" of the
mainland. Clinton's NSC drafted a reply by Clinton that, unfortunately,
marks a humiliating retreat from the historic American policy of
guaranteeing the independence of Taiwan from Communist China. The president
signed it, and it was sent to Trie-and, we must assume, to whatever
paymasters Trie was serving when he sent his letter to Clinton. The letter
in response, sent on April 26 read as follows:


Dear Charlie,

Thank you for the letter you sent me via Mark Middleton.

I hope that events since you wrote have clarified U.S. policy, but let me
mention some additional points. U.S. policy at the time, particularly the
redeployment of the Independence and the Nimitz, was intended as a signal to
both Taiwan and the PRC that the United States was concerned about
maintaining stability in the Taiwan Straight region. It was not intended as
a threat to the PRC. Moreover, we made clear to both sides that U.S.
interests were engaged in the region, and that we wished for PRC-Taiwan
disputes to be resolved through peaceful means.

We all are glad that tensions in the Straight have receded since that time,
and the actions we took played a part in that development. It was good to
hear from you.

Sincerely,

Bill Clinton


This letter was the precursor to the complete sell-out of Taiwan that
Clinton announced during his July 1998 trip to China. If the letter had
stopped after "maintaining stability in the Taiwan Straight region," it
would have not signaled any fundamental change in U.S. policy toward Taiwan.
But it went on to say that the U.S. carrier battle groups deployed to the
Taiwan Straight were, in the words of "Old Clinton" to his good friend
Charlie, "not intended as a threat to the PRC." Then why were they there? To
threaten Taiwan? Adding that sentence exposed the United States' real Taiwan
policy. The import of Clinton's reply is that the Clinton administration
will no longer be prepared to deter Beijing in any menacing actions it may
care to take towards Taiwan. Formerly linked to Taiwan by a shared rejection
of communism, the United States now views Taiwan and the PRC as morally
interchangeable entities who just happen to have an inexplicable quarrel
that could threaten "U.S. interests" if not "resolved through peaceful
means." Clinton folded in the face of pressure from Beijing, delivered in a
letter by a man whose previous experience was as a "made" member of a Triad
gang, a fry cook, a member of the Arkansas Fire Extinguisher Board, a
big-time DNC donor whose checks were returned under a cloud, who is now
under indictment for violating election laws. But do gestures like Clinton's
reply to Trie, or even his public rejection of Taiwan in July 1998, really
have serious consequences? Sometime they do not-but then again, sometimes
they start wars. President Truman's secretary of state, Dean Acheson, gave a
speech in 1950 in which he described U.S. security interests around the
world-but did not mention South Korea. This omission gave the PRC and its
North Korean satellite-state the impression that the United States did not
care about the future of South Korea. Six months later, the Korean War broke
out. The United States never made the same mistake about Taiwan, and
consequently, the Chinese Communists knew better than to attack that island,
the refuge of Chinese anticommunists. Now that has changed.


Sources: Thompson Report at 2535, 2766. IBID at 2718. IBID.


Note: Clinton went to great lengths to ensure Trie a place on the Commission
on the United States Pacific Trade and Investment Policy, even to the point
of adding a seat on the already filled commission in January 1996. The
administration sought to minimize the amount of vetting [background
investigations] that Trie underwent. In this regard there is a significant
misstatement in the minority report of the Thompson Committee. The minority
goes to great lengths to exonerate Trie from any suspicion that he had
contacts with a foreign government: "Another relevant factor is that Trie
authorized an FBI investigation of his background in December 1995, and the
investigation found no problems that would prevent Trie's nomination to a
Presidential Commission. An individual seeking to hide contacts with a
foreign government presumably would not have either subjected himself to
such an investigation or emerged from it unscathed." But a letter from FBI
Director Louis Freeh to Congressman Gerald Solomon says this: "The FBI did
not conduct a background security investigation on Mr. Trie. FBI records do
not reflect whether any other U.S. governmental agency conducted a
background investigation or, in fact, whether Mr. Trie was granted a
security clearance." Trie was simply awarded a clearance based on a White
House requested "Executive Agencies Name Check" by the FBI, which is a
rather superficial process.

 The Trie Cover-up

Meanwhile, back at the Presidential Legal Trust, an innovative cover-up was
in progress. Cardozo and the fund trustees had cause for alarm. Cardozo and
his board were smart Washington players; some of them had experience
battling Richard Nixon's abuses of power in Watergate. A large donation from
a Little Rock fry cook turned clientless consultant was not something they
could accept in the ordinary course of business. But rather than go to the
U.S. Attorney, or to outside counsel, they seem to have gone to Hillary
Clinton. In an April 4, 1996, White House meeting, the first lady began by
pretending not to recognize Trie's name, but then, according to the Thompson
Report, she "recalled him as the owner of a restaurant in Little Rock
frequented by then-Governor Clinton." Hillary's vagueness was a clever ruse
as Trie had interacted frequently with Bill and Hillary alike, both in
Little Rock and later in Washington, including at White House and DNC
dinners where he was at the president's table. In one memo the Clinton's
team wanted to reward Trie at a DNC VIP fund-raiser because, according to
one aide, "he gave $100,000 that I believe went to healthcare." Another
function honoring DNC managing trustees [those generous individuals who
either raised more than $250,000 or wrote $100,000 checks to the DNC in
1994] had Trie sitting at the first lady's table on February 15, 1995. But
the most telling Trie/HRC [Hillary Rodham Clinton] connection was a 1995
phone message in the White House just before the first lady's Beijing trip.
"Mr. Charlie Tree [actual spelling not ours] of Little Rock called, spoke
with HRC in Little Rock about going to Beijing. Wants to know if he can go
with her." So Hillary knew Charlie a little better than she let on. All the
more reason why she would recognize that his check-stuffed envelope was
indeed the sort of thing that Clinton loyalists had better investigate
before an independent counsel did. So the fund trustees decided to
invesstigate the source of Trie's money, and for that purpose they hired
Terry Lenzer and his firm, Investigative Group, Inc. But Cardozo put one
condition on the investigation: It should not look into trie himself,
because he was close to the Clintons. The investigation turned up some
allegations of money being transferred through a Buddhist sect [not the
famous Al Gore fund-raiser], but Trie was kept out of it. Eventually,
however, the Clinton Legal defense trust returned the entire $640,000 that
Trie had delivered. We do not yet know with precision, the source of Trie's
donation to the Clinton Legal Defense Trust, but given what we now know of
Trie's background, the probability that his cash came either from the
Chinese government or from Triad crime activity through his business partner
Ng Lapseng, or from both working together, is high. This cash bought Trie
access for his letter and respect for its message; the message in turn
brought about a critical and long-sought change--long sought by the PRC,
that is-in U.S. foreign policy. Bill Clinton sold Taiwan's security to the
PRC. In January 1998 the Department of Justice handed down an indictment of
the Trie campaign finance violations. But don's expect Trie to tell very
much. For one thing, Janet reno's Justice Department is not asking very
much: the indictment avoids references to the Chinese government and makes
Clinton's DNC sound like a passive victim of Trie's machinations. But there
is another reason why Trie will clam up. A Triad ceremony called "The Thirty
Six Oaths of The Hung Mun" sets forth in detail the rules for a member of
the Triad. Rule #18: "If I am arrested after committing an offense I must
accept my punishment and not try to place the blame on my sworn brothers. If
I do so I will be killed by five thunderbolts."


Sources: IBID at 2719. June 18, 1994, memo from david Mercer to John
O'Hanlon, re: VIP requests. Memorandum for harold Ickes, from Terry
McAuliffe, Laura Harrigan, Ari Swiller, February 15, 1995, re: Managing
Trustee Dinners. [Two VIP dinners were being arranged to identify those DNC
fat cats who "will be an anchor in the 1995 and 1996 fund-raising efforts."
Seated with the president were Pauline Kanchanalak and Mark Jiminez.] August
29, 5:20 pm, government call slip to Melanne from Aiya. "Triads and Other
Asian Organized Crime Groups."

http://www.swlink.net/~acav69/trie.htm



Bard

Visit me at:
The Center for Exposing Corruption in the Federal Government
http://www.xld.com/public/center/center.htm

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