-Caveat Lector-

http://www.truthout.org/docs_02/12.05B.jvb.hsa.3.htm

(*Editors Note | This is Part 3 of a three-part series on the Homeland Security Act. 
The first
part, which came out Monday, reviewed the origins of the Act in the Hart-Rudman
Commission and the Council on Foreign Relations. Yesterday, Part 2 discussed Cheney's
plan for global dominance and how that relates to homeland security. Today, Part 3 
details
some of the HSA provisions themselves and briefly discuss what worries civil 
libertarians.)

Homeland Security Act: The Rise of the American Police State (Part 3)
By Jennifer Van Bergen
t r u t h o u t | Report

Wednesday, 4 December 2002

Homeland Security Act

The concerns of civil libertarians about incursions on civil liberties under the U.S.A.
PATRIOT Act or Homeland Security Act do not begin to make a dent on public awareness
(or in Bush policy-making) because they do not consider the Cheney Plan for Global
Dominance. The Plan supersedes all.

Global domination is the universal dream of every secret warrior. As one of my students
wrote in class a few years ago: "The two major Universal Drives seem to be Dominance
(survival) and Sex (love). As long as these two conflicts don't arise, there is peace 
in the
world."1

But, while everyone may share such drives, not everyone has "an inordinate sense of his
own entitlement"2 like Bush and those in his inner circle have.

If you have the underlying belief that you must dominate in order to survive, you are
unlikely to have much concern for civil liberties.

The Homeland Security Act, like the PATRIOT Act, is a further incursion on American 
civil
liberties. Both of these Acts arose out of a deeper background policy of global 
domination
and disregard for the sanctity of individual human rights.

Federal Supervision of First Responders

The biggest charge that Jasper makes against the Homeland Security Act is that it
"mandates federal supervision, funding, and coordination of 'local first responders' -
specifically police and emergency personnel," thus expanding federal control of local 
law
enforcement.

The sections in the Homeland Security Act that concern "first responders" are in Title 
V:
Emergency Preparedness and Response, but there is no specific mandate of federal 
control
over local police. The provision simply provides for coordination and guidance. 
Although
centralization appears to be the only way to properly handle emergency preparedness on 
a
sufficiently large scale to protect our country, there is, nonetheless, reason for 
concern that
central federal coordination could lead to loss of local control and to potential 
federal
militarization, especially in view of the many other measures and events that support 
such a
possibility - such as, the Military Tribunals without constitutional procedural 
protections, the
preemptive "war" on Iraq, the refusal of hearings and legal representation to "unlawful
enemy combatants" and Guantanamo detainees, the indefinite detention of immigrants who
are not even determined to be a danger (also often without hearings or representation),
information-sharing provisions, the mixing of foreign and domestic investigations under
FISA, Citizen Corps, and many more new measures now under the Homeland Security Act
enumerated below.

According to the United States Northern Command (USNC), "First responders are the men
and women who are "first on the scene" as a natural or man-made disaster unfolds. They
are also the last to leave the scene. First responders are policemen, firemen, 
emergency
medical technicians. ... There are 11 million state and local first responders in 
87,000
jurisdictions throughout the United States."3

The USNC states that: "Our nation's structure of overlapping federal, state, and local
governance - more than 87,000 different jurisdictions - provides a unique opportunity 
and
challenge for U.S. Northern Command.  Operations are underway to develop interconnected
and complementary relationships and plans to support first responders. Everyone on this
broad team, including U.S. Northern Command, wants to ensure the safety and security of
the American people" (emphasis added).

USNC notes that the Posse Comitatus Act (18 USC 1385)4 "generally prohibits U.S. 
military
personnel from interdicting vehicles, vessels and aircraft; conducting surveillance, 
searches,
pursuit and seizures; or making arrests on behalf of civilian law enforcement 
authorities."

USNC adds: "Prohibiting direct military involvement in law enforcement is in keeping 
with
long-standing U.S. law and policy limiting the military's role in domestic affairs."

However, the USNC notes four statutory exceptions to this prohibition: (1) counter-drug
assistance (10 USC 371-82), (2) Insurrection Act (10 USC 331-34), (3) crimes using 
nuclear
materials (18 USC 831), and (4) chemical or biological weapons of mass destruction (10
USC 382).

According to a March 6, 2002 article by Gary Seigle on Government Executive Magazine,
titled "'First responders' to terrorism seek federal strategy, equipment," first 
responders
themselves were seeking federal assistance and guidance. Seigle writes: "A national
training standard should be established and maintained by the federal government for 
first
responders who are poorly prepared and equipped to recognize or respond to a weapon of
mass destruction attack, emergency officials told a congressional subcommittee
yesterday."5

According to the New York Times, General Ralph E. Eberhart, now in charge of USNC, said
earlier this year that he would welcome a review of existing restrictions against using
military forces domestically. (See Part 2 of this series, footnote 2.) Meaning, 
presumably,
overturning the Posse Comitatus Act. Doing so would essentially mean allowing a 
standing
domestic army.

James Madison, a proponent of strong national government, wrote:



In time of actual war, great discretionary powers are constantly given to the executive
magistrate. Constant apprehension of war has the same tendency to render the head too
large for the body. A standing military force with an overgrown executive will not 
long be
safe companions to liberty.

6

Patrick Henry said: "A standing army [will] execute the execrable commands of tyranny."
This is "a most dangerous power," he declared.7

Other provisions of concern are:8

Title II creates a Directorate of Information Analysis and Infrastructure Protection, 
charged
with creating and maintaining a massive data base of public and private information on
virtually any individual in the United States. Information on persons' credit card 
purchases,
telephone calls, banking transactions, and travel patterns can be compiled and used to
assemble a profile that could be used to mark innocent people as terrorist suspects.

Section 201(d)(5) gives this Directorate authority to "develop a comprehensive 
national plan
for securing the key resources and critical infrastructure of the United States, 
including
power production, generation, and distribution systems, information technology and
telecommunications systems (including satellites), electronic financial and property 
record
storage and transmission systems, emergency preparedness communications systems, and
the physical and technological assets that support such systems."

Sounds almost like a communist state.

Under this provision, personnel from the CIA, FBI, DOS, NSA, DIA, and any other agency 
the
President considers appropriate, "may be detailed to the Department for the performance
of analytic functions and related duties" (201(f)(1)).

This makes the Directorate equivalent to a massive domestic intelligence agency like 
the
KGB. KGB translates as "the Committee of the State Security."

Private sector analysts may be used and cooperative agreements between agencies are
authorized (201(e)(2) and (f)(3)).

It is true that information sharing may be necessary, but these provisions, to say the 
least,
obliterate the distinction between foreign and domestic intelligence gathering that was
codified by the charter of the Central Intelligence Agency of 1947 and by the Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978. Indeed, if the PATRIOT Act did not eviscerate 
those
statutes, the Homeland Security Act finishes the job.

Section 214 exempts "critical infrastructure information" that is voluntarily 
submitted to "a
covered Federal agency" (201(f)(2)) from public disclosure under the Freedom of
Information Act (FOIA). Once such information is submitted to the government, it 
cannot be
used in any civil action against the person or entity that submitted it and government 
officer
who knowingly discloses such information would be subject to criminal penalties 
(including
imprisonment) and fines, as well as the loss of his or her position.

Senator Leahy (D-Vt) warned that the FOIA exemption would "encourage government
complicity with private firms to keep secret information about critical infrastructure
vulnerabilities, reduce the incentive to fix the problems and end up hurting rather 
than
helping our national security."9

The People for the American Way note that the exemption keeps the Department of
Homeland Security "from having to defend non-disclosure of information in a court of 
law."

As one reporter noted: "U.S. law does not treat leaks of defense information as a 
criminal
act, nor should it. But leaks of business information will now be a crime."10

Section 225 absorbs the entire text of the Cyber Security Enhancement Act of 2001 
(CSEA)
which previously passed the House as a freestanding measure (HR 3482). Sponsored by
Lamar Smith (R-TX), the CSEA allows service providers to voluntarily provide government
agents with access to the contents of customer communications without consent based on 
a
"good faith" belief that an emergency justifies the release. The same section allows 
for the
installation of pen register and trap and trace devices without a court order where 
there is
an ongoing attack on a "protected computer." Any computer involved in interstate
commerce qualifies.

Title III concerns "Science and Technology in Support of Homeland Security." Section 
304,
according to the national Gulf War Resources Center, Inc., "grants the HHS secretary
extraordinary powers to declare a health emergency simply based on a POTENTIAL threat.
This means that a hypothetical threat analysis from intelligence agencies that failed 
to warn
of Sept 11th could be used as a reason to suspend civil liberties and start mandatory
smallpox vaccinations."

The Cure Autism Now Foundation noted on their website that, "In an eleventh hour
maneuver, the House suddenly amended the Homeland Security Act with a rider that makes
it impossible for families who believe their children were neurologically damaged by 
non-
essential mercury based additives [thimerosal] in vaccines to sue for civil damages 
--- even
in cases of fraud or criminal negligence."11

Parents Requesting open Vaccine Education (PROVE) and The Connecticut Vaccine
Information Alliance (CTVIA) state that not only does the Act "let drug giant Eli Lily 
off the
hook for thimerosal based vaccine induced injuries and deaths," but there are "no 
personal,
religious, or medical exemptions" for the forced smallpox vaccinations, if the 
authority is
exercised, and "no guarantees for humane quarantine laws."12

Under Section 308, "extramural research development, demonstration, testing, and
evaluation programs ... to ensure that colleges, universities, private research 
institutes, and
companies (and consortia thereof) from as many areas of the United States as 
practicable
participate" is authorized.

While it may make sense for government to draw upon academia for research, etc.,
universities must retain their educational independence if academic freedom is to be
preserved. Government intrusion taints academic pursuits.

A clear illustration of abuse of academia were the "extramural" programs carried out 
under
Central Intelligence Agency Projects Bluebird, MkUltra, and Monarch, from the 1940's
through the 1970's. These C.I.A. projects funded similar such organizations to carry 
out
"research" on unwitting American citizens to see if drugs or other "scientific" 
methods, such
as hypnosis, "psychic driving," or other forms of mind control programming, could be 
used
to brainwash individuals.13 That was in support of homeland security, too.

Titles IV and XI relate to immigration and border issues. The American Immigration
Lawyers Association (AILA) states that the law "fails to provide for a high-level 
official who
is focused on our nations immigration policy, relegates immigration services to a 
bureau
that lacks its own Under-Secretary, provides little or no coordination between 
immigration
enforcement and services, and fails to adequately protect the important role of 
immigration
courts."14

AILA further warns that although the Homeland Security Act "codifies the existence of 
the
courts and the Attorney General's authority to control them," it "fails to address key
concerns such as the role and independence of the courts and the impartiality of the 
judicial
process." Two recent conflicting appellate decisions about whether immigration courts
should be viewed as equivalent to what are known as Article III courts (federal 
courts) in
terms of the public's First Amendment right of access to hearings support AILA's view.

Section 871 allows the Homeland Security Department to form advisory committees exempt
from sunshine provisions in federal law that normally allow citizens to find out what
occurred in meetings of such committees. This provision is clearly Cheney's answer to
those who have sued him to produce records of his energy policy advisory committee.

Section 891 contains the entire text of the Homeland Security Information Sharing Act
(HSISA), which passed the House under HR 4598 earlier in the session. This provision 
will
facilitate the sharing of sensitive intelligence information with state and local 
authorities and
allows for greater sharing of grand jury information and electronic surveillance 
context.

What Didn't Get In

Section 770 prohibits all federal agencies from implementing the Terrorism Information 
and
Prevention System (TIPS). Section 815 prohibits the development of a national 
identification
system or card. The so-called Total Information Awareness program (TIA), according to
one senator, did not get in, although the Pentagon is still creating the database; the
Directorate under Title II, however, is hardly less extensive, the main difference 
being that
TIA mandates the development of new technology. Since the technology is being developed
anyway, this is a distinction without a difference.

All in all, the Homeland Security Act is a frightening piece of legislation. One would 
have
thought that the "walk softly and carry a big stick" ideal had long ago been proven to 
be in
the grab bag of Big Dicks: those not worthy to be in the office of the president. This
legislation and the acts of this administration purport to be for our protection, but 
they
expose us to greater dangers. While the administration tells us to be afraid, be very 
afraid,
they make sure we are not looking at our own faces.

As Glen Phillips, lead singer/songwriter of the now-defunct band, Toad the Wet 
Sprocket,
aptly wrote in his 1997 song "Whatever I Fear,"

Whatever I fear the most is whatever I see before me
Whenever I let my guard down, whatever I was ignoring
Whatever I fear the most is whatever I see before me
Whatever I have been given, whatever I have been.

-------

Jennifer Van Bergen is a regular contributor to TruthOut. She has a J.D. from Benjamin 
N.
Cardozo School of Law, is a contributing editor of Criminal Defense Weekly, an adjunct
faculty member of the New School Online University, a division of the New School for 
Social
Research, and an active member of the ACLU.

-------

1 Comment made by George L. Beke on 11 October 2000 in my class "Act to Write" at the
New School Online University (division of the New School for Social Research).

2 Mark Crispin Miller, quoted in "Bush Anything But Moronic, According to Author: Dark
Overtones in His Malapropisms" by Murray Whyte,
http://www.commondreams.org/headlines02/1128-02.htm.

3 http://www.northcom.mil/index.cfm?fuseaction=s.firstresponders

4 The Act states: "Whoever, except in cases and under circumstances expressly 
authorized
by the Constitution or Act of Congress, willfully uses any part of the Army or Air 
Force as a
posse comitatus or otherwise to execute the laws shall be fined under this title or
imprisoned not more than two years, or both."

5 http://www.govexec.com/dailyfed/0302/030602gsn1.htm

6 Christopher Collier, DECISION IN PHILADELPHIA: THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF
1787, p. 316 (Ballantine Books, 1986).

7 Albert J. Beveridge, THE LIFE OF JOHN MARSHALL, Vol. 1, pp. 389, 435 (Houghton 
Mifflin,
1919). (Quotes taken from the printed debates of the Constitutional Convention.)

8 I have drawn from several sources in this analysis and have freely copied the 
language in
these: www.pfaw.org/pfaw/general/default.aspx?oid=7020,
www.epic.org/alert/EPIC_Alert_9.23.html, www.cdt.org/wiretap/
021119homelandsecurity.shtml, www.ngwrc.org/anthrax/callyo~1.htm, and www.spar-
bernstein.com/ news_release_details.cfm?infoSystemID=61

9 www.rcfp.org/news/2002/1119hr5710.html

10 http://www.springfieldnews-leader.com/opinions/leger112402.html

11 http://www.cureautismnow.org/action/hr5710.cfm

12 www.vaccineinfo.net/national_issues/hr5710amendments.htm

13 See Colin A. Ross, M.D., BLUEBIRD: DELIBERATE CREATION OF MULTIPLE PERSONALITY
BY PSYCHIATRISTS (Manitou Communications, 2000).

14 www.aila.org/contentViewer.aspx?bc=10,911,594,2074

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