An excerpt from:
The Covert War Against Rock
Alex Constantine©2000
All Rights Reserved
Feral House
2554 Lincoln Blvd. #1059
Venice, California 90291
ISBN 0-922915-61-X
179 pps. -- First Edition -- In-Print
-----
A great book. Highly recommended! Here is a short taste. There is so much in
this book. Not just for rock 'n' roll fans.
Om
K
-----
FORWARD
Corporate media harbors hundreds of CIA propagandists and fawninq loyalists
who find revelations concerning domestic political assassinations
inconvenient and stroll by with little comment. The central revelation of
this volume is the fact that the Agency and Organized Crime have, for over
over thirty years, engaged in a program to silence popular musicians whose
influence subverts the cynical thought control tactics of American government
and media. There exists within both worlds a rigidly "conservative"
infrastructure that has little regard for human rights. This infrastructure
has contributed to the rise of every fascist regime in the Third World. It
has overthrown many a democratically-elected leader and favors death squad
rule. It thrives on war, propaganda and social control. It takes a dim view
of critics in the music industry, particularly young "communards" who
advocate demilitarization, dread-locked musicians standing up for their
rights, or street Thugs who condemn police violence and suggest shooting back.
The untimely deaths of John Lennon, Bob Marley, Tupac Shakur, and other rock
musicians who lashed out at the established order were followed by widespread
suspicion of foul play. The murder of Lennon led Fenton Bressler, an English
barrister, to descend reluctantly into the hidden labyrinth of CIA mind
control operations, and the result of his investigation, Wbo Killed John
Lennon? ( 1989), raised provocative questions regarding the deep history of
Mark David Chapman. But Bressler was an exception. Hard questions concerning
the deaths of most musicians in this book have never been asked. On the
contrary, many reporters and biographers are inclined to dismiss, with
varying degrees of condescension, evidence of murder as grist for exotic
conspiracy theories (though these, of course, do tend to run rampant when
fascism, which is inherently conspiratorial, dominates the intelligence
community). This unwillingness to dissect covert operations renders reporters
with integrity incapable of evaluating the evidence and arriving at an
objective judgment. An attempt is made here to correct this imbalance, to
treat the evidence with the seriousness it deserves.
A sobering example: ten years ago, the statement that Brian Jones, founding
member of the Rolling Stones, was murdered would have been met with ridicule.
Everyone knew that Jones died in 1969 by accidental drowning. The "rational"
view held that Jones was a fiercely talented but precocious, drug-crazed
rogue with an irrepressible death wish. But the subsequent confession of his
killer, and the testimony of several witnesses intimidated into silence, has
since dispelled the status quo belief (though the press remains largely
indifferent). Brian Jones was murdered. Journalists should take care not to
let it happen again, but this is not a profession that readily learns from
its mistakes. Reporters will transcribe the official verdict on the next
"accidental drowning," pride themselves on their "objectivity" for refusing
to be lured by bothersome details into contradicting the official record. A
politically indifferent public will accept all this and the hypocritical
distortions of the propagandists.
Anyone with a penchant to research the subject is advised that there are
patterns to look for to distinguish a political hit from the apolitical
variety and accidental or natural causes. Nearly all celebrity subjects of
this volume knew extreme "paranoia" before their deaths. John Lennon and Jim
Morrison were both driven to desperation by constant FBI harassment. Jones
was made a nervous wreck by police raids and the intimidations of a circle of
killers who infiltrated his household. Jimi Hendrix feared Michael Jeffrey,
his manager, a self-avowed intelligence agent with Mafia ties, who stole from
him, then arranged for his kidnapping and probable murder. Bob Marley
received a death threat from the CIA, and sang about his "War" with the
Agency. Tupac Shakur lived in defiance of a COINTELPRO-type operation waged,
he realized, to destroy his career and silence him.
Another recurring theme is the posthumous publication of books libelling the
deceased and misleading the reader on the circumstances of death. Bob
Woodward, Danny Sugarman and the late Albert Goldman worked this genre and
profited handsomely from it. In the "mainstream" media, discrediting tactics
are also common, and the death is almost always blamed on the victim. Cass
Elliott, according to one fraudulent medical expert and a flurry of erroneous
press reports, was claimed by "gluttony." Jones was a victim of vague
"misadventure," and drugs were said to have contributed-despite the fact that
he had been off them for a month before he died. It was widely reported
falsely that Jimi Hendrix overdosed on heroin, and it is universally held
that he "choked on his own vomit," though the true circumstances are complex
and have driven many of his friends to demand an investigation. Michael
Hutchence was supposedly done in by auto-erotic sex, but a broken hand, split
lip and contusions on his body have not been explained. In each case, cruel
exaggeration and blatant falsehood parade as fact.
The victim often leaves behind witnesses whose testimony is wildly at
variance. Sometimes they even contradict themselves on the essential facts.
It's tempting to walk away from a case like this in a fit of
frustration-until considering the chill that death threats put on eyewitness
testimony. A coerced witness makes false statements to police and the press.
Three or four witnesses, knowing that the killers mean business, will
fabricate details to fill in the gaps of information they are forced to
withhold under threat of retaliation. When seen in this light, blaring
contradictions in a murder case should be interpreted as possible duress.
And this brings us to another recurring theme: the cover-up proves the crime.
And in each case examined, the perpetrators and their accomplices have
altered history by concealing crucial evidence. This book is an attempt to
return that evidence to the historical record.
Alex Constantine
=====
PRELUDE
Assassination Politics of the Vietnam War Period: Fascism, American-style and
the Rise of Richard Nixon
I'M NOT SCREAMING,
I'M NOT SCREAMING,
TELL ME I'M NOT SCREAMING.
PHIL OCHS
In 1980 Danish journalist Henrik Kruqer collected scraps of suppressed
information on the Nixon Winq of Republican politics, then observed in The
Great Heroin Coup: "Assassination became a modus operandi under Richard
Nixon."[1] Political murder, an unplumbed scandal in the bulging file of
criminal acts collectively known as Watergate, went unexplored while
investigative committees and reporters taking dictation concentrated on milk
funds, Nixon's possible knowledge of a routine bugging and the cover-up.
As a result, the dankest political horrors including the assassination of
celebrities on the left and Nixon's rivals for the White House-have never
been ventilated by the corporate media. Beneath the surface of Watergate ran
a spring of excesses far more scandalous than any exposed by the Wasbington
Post, and these never did see the light of day-for the simple reason that
everything known about the Nixon administration was planted in the Post by
ranking intelligence officers.[2] The leading candidates for the identity of
"Deep Throat," the professed source of Woodward and Bernstein's most
significant Watergate leads:
* Washington attorney Robert Bennett, then director of Mullen and
Associates, the firm that founded the Free Cuba Committee, a front that once
claimed Lee Harvey Oswald as a member, employer of White House Plumber E.
Howard Hunt in his glory days.
* Former CIA official Richard Ober, director of Operation CHAOS, the most
expansive domestic surveillance and covert operations network in American
history, the intelligence sector's response to the anti-war and civil rights
movements. (Bennett and Ober both ran covert assassination programs, as will
be seen.)
* General Alex Haig, who gave up the Pentagon but "not to shuffle papers."
Formerly a staffer under General Douglas MacArthur in Korea and scion of the
National Security Council, he was chief of staff at the White House under
Nixon, nosing out some 245 generals for the appointment.
Whoever the skulking insider may have been, "Deep Throat" proved to be a
shallow well of revelations after all. The depths of CIA corruption under
Nixon, particularly political murder, went unreported by the celebrated
authors of the Post's Watergate coverage because one of them, Bob Woodward,
was himself a cut-out for distant "conservative" forces in the intelligence
and military establishment.[3] This was a "journalist" who could be counted
on to contain the Watergate story, steer it away from the most serious acts
of corruption.
Bob Woodward has taken a walk around the block repeatedly when asked about
his military intelligence bona fides: On June 13, 1965, three days after his
graduation from Yale, young Woodward was declared a Navy ensign in a
20-minute ceremony conducted by Senator George Smathers in a school
auditorium. (As it happens, the Democratic senator from Florida was a partner
in the real estate holdings of the Lansky Family,[4] a branch of the Mafia
closely aligned with the CIA.) One Naval intelligence officer on the USS
Wright recalls that Woodward held "top secret 'crypto' clearance, which
allowed him access to nearly any declassified [government] document."
Reporter Adrian Havill notes that, at the hub of the nation's defense
networks, Woodward "had plenty of time to ingratiate himself with the
nation's military leadership inside the Pentagon, across the Potomac River
from the nation's capital."[5]
The Nixon administration rose on a foundation of political murder, a fact
obscured by Woodward and the Post, and it continued to be a useful policy in
the Watergate period, according to Edward Jay Epstein in Agency of Fear
(1990): "E. Howard Hunt, after forging a State Department telegram
implicating President Kennedy in the murder of Diem, showed the forged
document to [Lucien] Conein, who then appeared on an NBC documentary and
divulged its contents. (Hunt also briefed the producer of the program, Fred
Freed, on the 'secret telegram,' which shaped the program in such a way as to
imply Kennedy's complicity in the murder.) However, in an interview with the
Wasbington Poston June 13, 1976, Conein acknowledged that he had been brought
to the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs to superintend a special unit
which would have the capacity to assassinate selected targets in the
narcotics business.[6]
Assassination was all the rage among Nixon's inner-circle. One of them,
"Eduardo" Hunt, mustered a pair of professional hit-men to kill syndicated
columnist Jack Anderson—G. Gordon Liddy, subsequently of Watergate and talk
radio fame, and Dr. Edward Gunn, a toxin specialist and director of the ClA's
Medical Services Division. Liddy's deposition concerning his recruitment to
the murder plot was submitted to the court in a 1980 suit filed by Hunt
against reporter A.J. Weberman:
Q: Did Hunt ever discuss any assassination plots?
Liddy: Well, there came a time in 1972, 1 think it was around February, when
Mr. Hunt came to me concerning the journalist Jack Anderson.... Mr. Hunt came
to me, and he said, "Anderson has now gone too far. He has just identified
and caused the death or imminent death under torture of one of our human
assets abroad." And he, Hunt, had been charged by his principals, meaning his
superiors at the White House, with conferring with me and someone from the
CIA who was represented as retired, namely Dr. Gunn, as to how best to
prevent Mr. Anderson from repeating his behavior.
This meeting was held in the then existing downstairs luncheon room of the
Hay Adams Hotel, now no longer in existence. And Mr. Hunt brought up that LSD
business again. Dr. Gunn rejected it on technical grounds. I suggested that
the only way to effectively stop Mr. Anderson, was to kill him. Mr. Hunt and
Dr. Gunn agreed. The remainder of the conversation consisted of how we ought
to do it best. The conclusion was that the Cuban assets were to stage a
mugging in Washington which would be fatal to Anderson.
Q: All right. Now if Mr. Hunt had said he had merely discussed with you and
Dr. Gunn nothing more than a discreditation of Mr. Anderson, would that be
correct or incorrect?
Liddy : That would be absolutely incorrect.
Q: The story reflecting this situation occurred in The Wasbington Post under
an article by Woodward and Bernstein. Are you aware of that article, and were
you surprised to see that that had come to light?
Liddy : I was in prison at the time. The article was made available to me. I
read it at the time. And I was surprised to see that it was incorrect in that
it did not narrate the incident as I have just narrated it to you, which is
what actually happened.[7]
In July, 1984, Liddy testified in another lawsuit, this one filed by E.
Howard Hunt against the ultra -conservative Spotligbt press, an arm of the
Liberty Lobby, proclaiming that several approaches to disposing of the
columnist were considered-killing methods with the stamp of the CIA. The
Agency assigned Hunt the task of killing Anderson, employing methods found
routinely in foreign political plots: "We discussed with Mr. Gunn aspirin
roulette in which one takes a single tablet of deadly poison, packs it in a
Bayer aspirin jar, we place it in the man's medicine chest, and one day he
gets the tablet and that's that. Hunt referred to aspirin roulette . . . "
Hunt at this time was employed by the aforementioned CIA front, Mullen and
Associates, then run by Washington attorney Robert Bennett. "We discussed Dr.
Gunn's suggestion of the use of an automobile to hit Mr. Anderson's
automobile when it was in a turn in the circle, up near Chevy Chase. There is
a way ... known by the CIA that if you hit a car at just the right speed and
angle, it will ... burn and kill the occupant.... But what I suggested is we
just kill him. And they both agreed that would be the way to go about it, and
the task would be assigned to Cuban assets."[8]
Hunt's employer, the Mullen agency, had a long history of participation in
political killings. Rolling Stone reported on May 20, 1976: "The Bay of Pigs
and the Kennedy assassination are motifs that run through the Watergate
affair. Howard Hunt, the chief Watergate burglar, helped establish a CIA
front group for the Bay of Pigs, and Robert Bennett, as head of the Mullen
Agency, played a decisive role in the undoing of Richard Nixon."[9]
Liddy's deposition in the Hunt suit exposed a death squad in the executive
branch: "We had perhaps a dozen men who were willing to come on board in this
connection. And Mr. Hunt, to impress upon me the high caliber of these
individuals, stated that they had accounted among them for a substantial
number of deaths {22}, including two who had hanged someone from a beam in a
garage." [10]
Were these the same "high caliber individuals" who killed gossip columnist
Dorothy Kilgallen, the only reporter to interview Jack Ruby and the author of
an open letter to Lyndon Johnson that appeared in her syndicated column on
December 21, 1964: "MEMORANDUM TO PRESIDENT JOHNSON; Please check with the
State Department ... the leaders of our Armed Forces or our chief scientists,
to discover what, if anything, we are doing to explore the ramifications of
[electromagnetic] thought control ... could change the history of the world."
Kilgallen, one of the very few reporters in the country to question the
Warren Commission's findings, told friends in the entertainment industry that
she was going to "bust the Kennedy assassination wide open." But she never
had the opportunity. She abruptly died of acute barbiturate and alcohol
poisoning-the New York medical examiner could not say whether Kilgallen died
accidentally or was murdered—on November 8, 1965. Mary Branum, one of
Kilgallen's editors, received a telephone call several hours prior to the
discovery of the body. The anonymous caller informed Branum that the
columnist had been "murdered."[11]
Indisputably, she had. This was the conclusion of a forensic chemist who
reported to Dr. Charles Umberger at the New York City Medical Examiner's
office—and was told to keep the chemical analysis under wraps—in 1978. The
chemist ran an analysis of the glass Kilgallen had been drinking from when
she died, using forensic techniques that did not exist in 1965. The tests
turned up traces of Nembutol on the glass ... but Nembutol was not found in
her blood. The blood analysis revealed a lethal cocktail of drugs, three from
the fastest-acting groups of barbiturates: secobarbitol, amobarbital and
phentobarbital.[12] None of these drugs were detected on the glass.
The CIA had assembled a thick concordia of lethal methods. On April 2, 1979, t
he Wasbington Post reported that the Agency had experimented with exotic
poisons that left the subject in a condition that would indicate natural
causes to an unsuspecting coroner. The project began with an anonymous,
undated memo on assassination by "natural causes." "Knock off key people,"
the heavily censored document specified, "how [to] knock off key guys ...
natural causes ...
And then there's a declassified memo from a CIA consultant to an official of
the agency discussing clandestine methods for killing us softly:
1 . bodies left with no hope if the cause of death being determined
by the most complete autopsy and chemical examinations.
2. bodies left in such circumstances as to simulate accidental death.
3. bodies left in such circumstances as to simulate suicidal death.
4. bodies left with residue that simulate those caused by natural
diseases. [13]
Kilgallen was not the only whistle-blower dispatched in the aftermath of the
Kennedy assassination. In January, 1968, Ramparts magazine reported on the
death of Gerrett Underhill, a staffer at the Army's Military Intelligence
Service and advisor to the Agency: "Immediately after the [John Kennedy]
assassination, a distraught Underhill told friends that a semi-autonomous CIA
clique which had been profiting in narcotics and gun-running was implicated."
A few months later, "Underhill was found dead of a bullet wound in the head."
Some of the same "high-caliber individuals" behind the murders of Kilgallen
and Underhill may have turned up yet again in the shooting of George Wallace,
the fiercely segregationist Democratic governor of Alabama who vied with
Richard Nixon for the presidency in 1972.
Wallace was campaigning at a shopping center in Laurel, Maryland, an
appearance that drew a crowd of some 2,000 supporters. Two critical primaries
were a couple of days off and the polls predicted that Wallace would take
Michigan and Maryland by a landslide. If he survived the primaries, there was
every chance that he could walk away with a sizable share of conservative
votes that otherwise would have gone to Nixon. Wallace was therefore
perceived as a threat. "Remember one thing," Wallace exhorted all in his last
campaign speech, "there's not a dime's difference between Nixon and McGovern,
or Nixon and Humphrey. It's up to you to send them a message in Washington, a
message they won't forget!"
But it was Wallace who received the message when, after stepping down from
the podium, a short, plump, smiling 21 -year old man in sunglasses pushed
through the crowd. "Hey, George. Over here!" Governor Wallace turned toward
the voice of a grinning Arthur Bremer, an unemployed busboy from Milwaukee,
who produced a snub-nosed .38 caliber revolver and fired four rounds into the
candidate from Alabama. Three of the governor's entourage were also wounded
before the gun was pried from Bremer's hand.
Wallace survived but spent the remainder of his life in a wheelchair, his
legs paralyzed. He took potent anti -depressants for years after the
shooting. Bremer was summarily convicted on four counts of assault with
intent to kill and was led away to serve a 53-year prison sentence. It was
quickly determined that he had acted alone. Subsequent events suggest
otherwise:
A few minutes after the shots were fired, Nixon aide Charles Colson directed
E. Howard Hunt to fly to Milwaukee, break into Bremer's apartment and recover
all "embarrassing evidence," according to Woodward and Bernstein in All the
President's Men. Gore Vidal, novelist and literary critic, opined that Hunt
actually penned Bremer's diaries. Wallace himself stated openly, "my
attempted assassination was part of a conspiracy."
All told, the four victims suffered 18 bullet wounds—but Bremer's gun was a
five-shooter. Arthur told his brother that he had accomplices who had paid
him handsomely to shoot George Wallace. Bremer was out of work, so who picked
up the tab for his repeated stays at the opulent Waldorf-Astoria in New York?
Milwaukee police files on Bremer portrayed him as a "subversive" with ties to
Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). These were seized after the shooting
and classified secret by the ATF acting under the highest authority."
Tim Heinan, a Marquette University student who moonlighted as an undercover
agent for the Milwaukee Police Department's Special Assignment Squad, learned
that Arthur Bremer had ties to a CIA operative named Dennis Salvatore
Cossini, a federal "counter terrorist" who specialized in the infiltration
and control of radical organizations including the local SDS chapter the
gunman had joined. The agent was fired after Heinan confessed his links to
Bremer. Cossini headed for Toronto and was next seen dead, slouching in a
parked car with an overdose of heroin in his veins. One of the police
investigating the death mused: "Somebody gave him a hot shot."[14]
Heroin "overdoses" would recur in the coming hit parade, and the Nixonites
would dance on the graves of the casualties in a covert war that ultimately
altered the political course of the country.
NOTES
1 . Heinrik Kruger, The Great Heroin Coup: Drugs, Intelligence &
International Fascism, Boston: South End Press, 1980, p. 164. Kruger and
others have documented assassination and extermination campaigns in Vietnam,
Guatemala, Argentina and Brazil-represented in Latin America by local death
squads. "The White House appears to have sponsored a secret assassination
program under cover of drug enforcement. It was continued by the DEA, which
seemingly overlapped with the CIA in political rather than drug enforcement.
Until 1974 the training of torturers land] Latin American death squads came
under the auspices of the CIA and USAID's Office of Public Safety."
2. Henry Kissinger, an old CIA hand, was untouched by the scandal. He lied
repeatedly to Congress concerning illicit wiretaps placed by his office on
the telephones of newspaper reporters and National Security Council staff,
yet gracefully escaped leaving the administration in disgrace with Richard
Nixon (See, John Marks, "The Case Against Kissinger," Rolling Stone, no. 166,
August 1, 1974, pp. 10 - 14). Throughout the Watergate exposures, the media
sustained a hands-off policy toward Kissinger, despite the revelation of his
threat to "destroy" anyone who leaked information on the secret bombing of
Cambodia. He was portrayed by the press not as a perjurer or wire-tapper, but
at all times as an eminent statesman and moral bulwark against Communist
tyranny.
3. Adrian Havill, Deep Trutba The Lives of Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, Ne
w York: Birch Lane, 1993, p. 43.
4. Kruger, p. 155. Senator Smathers was a controlling shareholder in the
Major Realty Co. with Lansky subordinates Ben Siegelbaum and Max Orovitz.
5. Admiral Moorer, Woodward's superior officer, was the stereotypical
hard-bitten Pentagon hawk, a close friend to two of the most powerful Nixon
appointees, Henry Kissinger and John Mitchell. He was an enigma to most
employees at the Pentagon, best known for his temper tantrums. The Admiral, a
ferocious anti-communist, pushed for open warfare with the Soviet Union and
denounced as a "dirty bastard" and unshaven peacenik" anyone who disagreed
with him on this score or any other. He was the most feared official in Navy
history. Mark Perry, a Nation correspondent, found that Moorer's "apparent
lack of intelligence was his most important quality." Thus the Nixon
administration's "secret plan to end the war" echoed Moorer's sentiments. The
"plan": the US should step up the Vietnam war to pressure North Vietnam to
concede. Nixon considered Moorer to be a model "loyalist," a figure he could
respect. The Admiral won a reappointment to chairman of the Joint Chiefs in
1972, and continued to urge Nixon on to more devastating levels of military
violence in Vietnam.
Under the watch of Admiral Thomas Moorer, Bob Woodward held authority over
all communications to the Naval wing of the Pentagon, including the Secretary
of the Navy's office. The Admiral and former Secretary of Defense Melvin
Laird both stated on tape in 1989 interviews that Woodward's duties included
briefing Alex Haig at the Nixon White House. "Later," Havill found, "Moorer
attempted to back away from his recorded statement."
The Admiral back-stroked, made "contradictory statements and [sounded] befuddl
ed. Laird said he was 'aware that Haig was being briefed by Woodward.'"
6. Edward J. Epstein, Agency of Fear: Opiates and Political Power in America,
Verso Books, 1990. First published in 1977 by Putnam.
7. Liddy Deposition, September 30, 1980. Hunt v. Weberman.
8. Hunt's testimony, July 11, 1984. Hunt v. Spotlight, USDC Miami, Florida.
9. Howard Kohn, "The Hughes-Nixon-Lansky Connection: The Secret Alliances of
the CIA from World War 11 to Watergate," Rolling Stone, May 20, 1976.
10. Hunt v. Weberman.
11. Lincoln Lawrence, Mind Control, Oswald & JFK: Were We Controlled? Kenn
Thomas, ed., Kempton, IL.: Adventures Unlimited, 1997, pp. 162-63.
12. Lee Israel, Kilgallen, New York: Delacourte, 1979, p. 441.
13. Jim Marrs, Crossfire: The Plot that Killed Kennedy, New York: Carroll &
Graf, 1989, p. 557. A significant CIA leak confirms that the Agency has a
keen interest in the lethal arts. Barry Rothman, a CIA assassination methods
specialist, was interviewed by Playboy in January, 1977, and explained that
he'd been enlisted by an unidentified spy with "an encyclopedic knowledge of
guns, particularly Nazi weaponry." The recruiter was "a fascist, basically.
He had a deep-seated, violent prejudice against anything that wasn't Aryan."
Rothman was recruited in 1952 and graduated from the development of certain
explosives to sophisticated biochemical warfare toxins. Not an agency to let
talent go to waste, the CIA requested that he write a handbook on improvised
weapons systems. He surveyed plant poisons. "Common things you can walk out
and find right now in your backyard can, if treated properly, yield very
deadly poisons that are not easily detectable. I think I included about forty
plants and instructions on how to use them. The Agency was very pleased with
it." He moved on to biological agents that "can be made without too much
grief. There are a fair number of those." But there was "one peculiar thing"
about the CIA assignment that disturbed him: "I was specifically instructed
to orient [the handbook] toward domestically available materials and plants.
Plants that grow in the U.S. and materials that are sold in the US. What that
means, I don't know, but it makes you wonder."
14. Eric Norden, 'The Shooting of George Wallace-Who Really Wanted Him Dead,"
April 1984, pp. 2 1 ff.
pps. Xii-xiv; 1-8
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
All My Relations.
Omnia Bona Bonis,
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
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