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BUSH'S DEATH WATCH



CHRISTOPHER HITCHENS


In rather the same way as new movies are now "reviewed" in terms of their
first weekend gross, new candidates have become subject to evaluation by
the dimensions of their "war chest." This silly, archaic expression defines
other equally vapid terms like "credibility" and "electability" and "name
recognition," which become subliminally attached to it. In many cases the
crude cash-flow measure is as useful in deciding on a politician as it is
in making a choice at the multiplex; you might as well see the worthless
movie that everyone else has seen, or express an interest in the unbearably
light "front runner," so as not to be left out of the national "conversation."
The hidden costs, alas, include a complete erosion of the critical faculties.
I am as enthralled as the next person by the sheaves of money assembled
for George Walker Bush. (What did he do to be shorn at birth of his Herbert?)
But I'm even more fascinated by the fact that on June 17 he signed his hundredth
death warrant. There was an execution on the day of his inauguration as
governor of Texas, which I don't count, and there has been one every two
weeks or so ever since. Part of a governor's job is to review capital cases:
This means that Bush has either (a) been doing little else but reviewing
death sentences or (b) been signing death warrants as fast as they can be
put in front of him.

This may also be helping him gain some of that much
needed "foreign policy experience" about which the pundits have made the
occasional frown. State officials from the Philippines and Guatemala have
been touring lethal chambers in the United States as part of their research
into improved methods, and according to Amnesty International a Filipino
official was allowed to watch a killing in Texas in 1997. He wouldn't have
had to hang about very long to get this job experience.

The thorny question
of race--always such a minefield for the aspiring Republican candidate--also
gets a workout by this means. Many people remember the case of Karla Faye
Tucker, the born-again pickax-murderess who showed--at least by the standard
of Christian fundamentalism--signs of having been rehabilitated. Governor
Bush snuffed her in February of last year, over the protests of Pat Robertson
and others. But had he commuted her sentence, he would have been faced with
executing a black woman, Erica Sheppard, who was next in line on the female
death row and had forgone her appeal. Spare a photogenic white girl and
then kill a defiant black one? Better to do away with both and avoid the
fuss altogether. (Sheppard has since recovered her determination to appeal,
and recently took part in a protest against the strip-searching of female
inmates in front of male guards, another feature of the Texas criminal justice
system.)

Then there's the aspect that touches "communities of faith," or
whatever you choose to call them. Governor Bush has proposed that the social
safety net be maintained by religious charities, and he hopes to make these
points of light his auxiliaries in ending such welfare as we still know.
It's the battiest soup-kitchen scheme since Theodore Roosevelt discussed
handing over American social welfare to the Salvation Army. But it runs
up against a potentially interesting conflict: At least twenty-eight major
religious groups in this country have declared against capital punishment.
Might not now be the time to ask them if they will agree to ladle charity
on behalf of a man who conducts photo-op and opinion-poll executions?
 Some
Lone Star cases for your perusal: An open homosexual named Calvin Burdine
was sentenced to death after being given a court-appointed lawyer who referred
to gay men as "queers" and "fairies," and who fell asleep during the trial.
In 1998 two Texas defendants were executed for crimes committed when they
were 17. (That year, Texas held twenty-seven of the seventy-four juveniles
on death row in the United States.) Both Joseph Cannon and Robert Carter
had suffered head injuries in infancy, had been subject to lurid physical
abuse and tested at an abysmal level for mental retardation. Their executions
violated the accepted international standard that prohibits the death penalty
for the underaged, as well as the presumption that it is wrong to slay the
mentally ill or incompetent. You probably don't want to know how perfunctory
was the presentation of the state's evidence, how tenth-rate was the performance
of the court-appointed defense or how wretched was the end. (The humane
lethal-injection needle blew out of Joseph Cannon's arm as the "procedure"
began; the witnesses were hurried from the room and then brought back to
view a second and more conclusive try.)

Perhaps you wonder if capital punishment
is unevenly applied, as respects race and class, in the state of Texas.
Wonder no longer. Just read the Amnesty report Killing With Prejudice: Race
and the Death Penalty in the USA (322 Eighth Avenue, New York, NY 10001;
$6). Finally, the man who is awaiting execution as I write--Larry Robison--is
a paranoid schizophrenic who, along with his family, asked repeatedly for
treatment of his unstable condition before cracking up. The state that failed
him in the first instance is now stepping in, at vast expense, to warehouse
him on death row and to snuff him on the taxpayer's dime.

Yet most people
can still mention only two things about George Walker Bush--his extreme
opulence and his commitment to "compassionate conservatism." This is the
story, and the media are sticking to it. Every time I get on the radio or
television I mention his assembly-line execution policy, and every time
I do so I get treated as if I had developed Tourette's syndrome in church.
Let that go, and on to the next question. Yet Bush's addiction to the death
cult actually touches every important aspect of what could be described
as his "politics," and perhaps only the commitment of Bill Clinton, Al Gore
and Bill Bradley to the same policy prevents it from surfacing as the "issue" it 
deserves to be.



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