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http://www.kcstar.com/item/pages/home.pat,local/3accca34.630,.html

  Murder suspect's record shrouded in controversy

Related Sites:
* The Village Voice: The castration of Wayne DuMond (see below)


By MATT STEARNS - The Kansas City Star
Date: 06/30/01 22:15

When Ashley Stevens heard on her cell phone that Wayne DuMond was
back in jail -- this time in Missouri, this time on a murder charge
-- it was too much.

"I had to pull over, I was crying so hard," Stevens said. "I just lost
it."

Stevens fought for years to keep DuMond in prison in Arkansas. Along
the way, she also fought ugly rumors that questioned the basic fact
that put DuMond in prison in the first place -- that on Sept. 11,
1984, in Forrest City, Ark., DuMond kidnapped Stevens, then 17, raped
her and threatened to kill her if she ever told.

Through the years, the story of Wayne DuMond became shrouded in
legend as thick as the fog that rolls off the Mississippi River into
the Arkansas delta where the rape occurred.

To some, DuMond was an honest man who ran afoul of corrupt
politicians trying to curry favor with an influential family, a man
who paid a harsh and humiliating price for doing so.

To others, DuMond was something far more simple: a violent criminal
who never should have been released from prison.

Today, DuMond sits in the Clay County jail, charged with first-degree
murder in one case and suspected in a second.

"It doesn't surprise me if that's the case," Stevens said. "I told
the parole board if they let him out he'd do it again, and he
wouldn't leave a witness. I told them that for 14 years."

DuMond was charged Friday in connection with the death last year of
39-year-old Carol Shields in Clay County. Authorities are
investigating whether he also was involved in last month's homicide
of Sara Andrasek, 23, in Platte County.

DuMond's lawyer said DuMond isn't connected to either murder.

DuMond, 51, came to Missouri last August after he was granted parole
in Arkansas.

He had served 14 years in prison there for raping Stevens, a high
school cheerleader in Forrest City and the daughter of a prominent
mortician. Stevens is also a distant cousin of then-Gov. Bill
Clinton, a fact little remarked upon at the time but that later
became a rallying point for those who proclaimed DuMond's innocence.

After Clinton became president, DuMond's case became a cause celebre
in the cottage industry of Web sites, articles and books that
attempted to link Clinton to all manner of wrongdoing in Arkansas.

Some of DuMond's supporters say he was trying to weed out corruption
in the local sheriff's office when he was arrested -- framed, they
say -- for the rape.

In the rabidly anti-Clinton New York Post, a columnist referred to
the DuMond case as "Clinton's biggest crime."

Such conspiracy theories embrace the fog that has blurred so many of
the story's details after so much time. The theories became so
prevalent that they almost fooled a governor.

Such theories also discount DuMond's own past, which includes arrests
for rape and murder long before the Forrest City case.

But they do note one of the case's more bizarre aspects -- what
happened to DuMond about six months after the rape.

"It's the castration aspect," said Fletcher Long Jr., who prosecuted
DuMond. "With the castration, if Wayne DuMond is guilty, it's not as
good a story as if he's not guilty. People get it in their heads that
he's the victim, not the criminal."

Indeed, the case of Wayne DuMond once symbolized not the perfidy of a
president, but the horror of vigilante justice.


Rape and retribution
According to DuMond, the vigilantes came for him the afternoon of
March 7, 1985, armed with a handgun, a razor blade and fishing wire.

Two masked men broke into DuMond's home in Forrest City, Ark.,
hogtied him and forced him to perform oral sex on one of them.

Then they castrated him with the fishing wire and the razor blade.

DuMond's sons found him when they got home from school.

Today, some argue that DuMond, drunk and racked by guilt, castrated
himself.

Either way, DuMond's testicles wound up in a jar displayed on the
desk of Sheriff Coolidge Conlee.

Less than two months later, DuMond's house was destroyed by fire.

It all happened as he was out on bail, awaiting trial for the rape of
Stevens.

Ashley Stevens was home alone the day of the rape.

It was any old afternoon after school, and she was half doing
homework, half watching television and mostly waiting for some
friends to come by.

Through the unlocked door came a bearded man with a pistol and a
knife, a man Stevens had never met -- Wayne DuMond.

DuMond was a local handyman, recently married, with three sons, a
stepdaughter and a disturbing record.

He had been charged with a 1972 murder in Lawton, Okla., where he was
stationed at Fort Sill while in the U.S. Army. The charges were
dropped after he agreed to testify against two others, who were found
guilty.

He had served five years' probation in Washington for attacking a
woman in a parking lot in 1973.

He had been arrested in 1976 after the alleged rape of a woman in
DeWitt, Ark., but he never was charged. The woman, who had a young
child, refused to press charges, according to Arkansas authorities.

DuMond drove Stevens in her Ford Granada to a secluded area about a
mile from her home. There he raped and sodomized her.

"He said he would kill me," Stevens said. "I begged for my life."

About six weeks later, Stevens was riding in a car with a friend when
she looked out the passenger-side window and saw DuMond.

"I looked over and there he was," she said. "We were turning left,
waiting for the traffic to go by, and he passed us on the right."

She told police, who arrested DuMond. By then, DuMond had shaved his
beard.

With Stevens testifying, the trial went smoothly for prosecutors.

"I've never had a stronger case against anybody," Long said. "The
evidence pointed only in one direction."

William McArthur, a defense attorney for DuMond, said that before the
trial, "I concluded in my own mind there was no way the state could
lose that case."

DuMond, found guilty, received the maximum sentence: life plus 20 years.

It seemed a straightforward case, albeit one marked by a particularly
long sentence and some backwoods justice, and it seemed to be over.

Then Bill Clinton ran for president. And the fog started rolling in.


`Anything can happen'
>From the beginning, rumors attached themselves to Clinton like flies
to sticky paper.

"It's almost cultlike," said Gene Lyons, an Arkansas journalist and
author. "It's really hard to explain. ... Clinton became a symbol of
everything people hated about contemporary life from the Vietnam era
onward."

>From drug running at a rural airport in Mena, Ark., to the so-called
Clinton body count of mysterious deaths, some folks have always been
happy to believe the worst about Clinton.

Which is how Wayne DuMond, rapist, became Wayne DuMond, political
prisoner.

Some of it goes back to DuMond's still-unsolved castration.

"I've got a lot of theories about DuMond's castration that I won't go
into because I don't want to get sued," said John Wesley Hall Jr.,
DuMond's post-conviction attorney.

He added darkly: "In rural east Arkansas, anything can happen."

Especially with a sheriff such as Coolidge Conlee, a powerful -- and
thoroughly corrupt -- county politician who died in 1990 while
serving a 20-year federal prison sentence for racketeering, extortion
and gambling.

"All the rumors began with Coolidge Conlee's problems, and they tried
to transpose those problems onto this case," Long said. "People
thought, `He must have framed him (DuMond).' "

The legend grew with Clinton's ambitions. In 1991, Gov. Clinton
refused to grant clemency to DuMond.

Clinton said at the time that he would take no action until DuMond's
appeals had run their course.

DuMond's supporters chalked up Clinton's refusal to the political
influence of the victim's prominent father, Walter Stevens, and to
the distant relation between himself and Stevens.

Clinton's successor as governor, Jim Guy Tucker, commuted DuMond's
sentence to 391/2 years, making him eligible for parole.

That's when anti-Clinton conspiracy theorists went into overdrive.
Rumors abounded -- that Ashley Stevens only identified DuMond after
being coached by her father and the sheriff; that before identifying
DuMond, she named two other men as her attacker -- both of whom had
alibis; that suppressed DNA evidence proved DuMond's innocence; that
Conlee arranged DuMond's castration as a favor to the Stevens family;
that Clinton, motivated by personal anger and political ambition, let
an innocent man rot in prison.

That the rape never even happened.

None of the rumors proved to be true. McArthur, the defense attorney,
calls them "malarkey."

The rumor that would take the strongest hold -- that of the alleged
DNA evidence -- had its foundation in pre-DNA genetic testing that
was done but which was inconclusive.

But on Web sites and Internet message boards, that didn't matter.
Eventually, as DuMond's story bubbled up to the edge of the
mainstream media in papers such as the New York Post, DuMond's
innocence became assumed.

Finally, current Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee, a Republican, publicly
questioned DuMond's guilt in 1996 and said he planned to free DuMond.

Huckabee's doubts about DuMond's guilt were based on a letter from
Hall, which included an allusion to the alleged DNA evidence, said
Jim Harris, Huckabee's spokesman.

In a meeting with prosecutor Long, Huckabee cited DNA as a factor.

"I said, `Governor, there is no DNA evidence. There never was,' "
Long said. "And he was just dumbfounded."

After a public outcry, Huckabee abandoned his plan, writing to DuMond
on Jan. 16, 1997, that he would deny clemency. In the same letter,
though, Huckabee wrote that "my desire is that you be released from
prison."

That same day, the Arkansas Post Prison Transfer Board voted to
parole DuMond, as long as he found a state that would take him. Two
states refused him, and DuMond remained in prison until 1999, when
the parole board said he could live with his stepmother in DeWitt,
Ark.

Harris called the timing coincidental.

"The governor doesn't have any role to play in granting parole," Harris
said.

DuMond moved to Smithville, Mo., last August, where he married and
took a job with a cabinetmaking company. He lived there until his
arrest last week.

Even now, with his violent past colliding with his post-prison life,
DuMond's supporters still embrace the fog.

"They're just railroading him," said Loula DuMond, DuMond's
stepmother. "He didn't do anything. It's just like all he went
through down here. It's just not fair. ... He wouldn't do something
like that."


To reach Matt Stearns, Missouri correspondent, call (816) 234-4435 or
send e-mail to [EMAIL PROTECTED]

------------------------------------------------------------------------
All content © 2001 The Kansas City Star

------------------------------------------------------------------------
VV: Published March 7 - 13, 2001
A Pardon That Clinton Didn't Grant
The Castration of Wayne DuMond
by Ward Harkavy

As Wayne DuMond listened last week to billionaire fugitive Marc
Rich's explanation that Bill Clinton pardoned him for "humanitarian"
reasons, he couldn't help but darkly snicker.

DuMond had been accused of raping a Clinton cousin in 1984 and was
hog-tied and castrated before he even went to trial.

He used to be enraged about it, especially when the cracker sheriff,
who was a pal of the rape victim's father, scooped up DuMond's balls,
put them in a jar, and showed them off.

"They were mine. Those were my testicles," DuMond told a sickened
courtroom in 1988. "He didn't have no right to take them and he
didn't have no right to show them around and he didn't have no right
to flush them down the toilet."

This is yet another Clinton saga of genitalia that fell into the wrong
hands.

The rape victim's daddy, mortician Walter E. "Stevie" Stevens, was
part of a Democratic machine that ruled the Arkansas Delta and
nurtured Clinton's career.

Wayne DuMond, guilty or innocent, didn't have a chance at justice.

As Clinton was abandoning Arkansas for national politics, he stymied
DuMond's release from prison, ignoring the judgment of his own parole
board in June 1990 that DuMond's continued incarceration was a
"miscarriage of justice."

It's the word humanitarian that makes Wayne DuMond, now in his early
fifties, chuckle a little. He knows it's all politics.

"In the eleventh hour-the eleventh hour and 59th minute," DuMond told
the Voice in an interview last week, "Clinton capitalized by gaining
monetarily from exercising the duties of his office in a perverted
kind of way."

Clinton argues that years ago prosecutor Rudy Giuliani unfairly
hounded Marc Rich. Has Clinton forgotten about the torment that his
old Arkansas ally, Sheriff Coolidge Conlee, perpetrated on Wayne
DuMond?

Or, for that matter, what Clinton himself did?

As Clinton was vying for the presidency, he sat on the parole board's
DuMond clemency recommendation. Insisting that he wanted to wait
until the appeals process was complete (the opposite tack he took in
the Rich case), Clinton met with Stevie Stevens and powerful state
representative Pat Flanagin (whose sister used to shoot craps with
Conlee in the sheriff's office) and convinced the board to reconsider
its recommendation.

In late 1991, on the campaign trail, Clinton began to be pestered
about the DuMond case. Recusing himself, in April Clinton turned over
the matter to his lieutenant governor, Jim Guy Tucker. Unlike
Clinton, Tucker read every word of DuMond's voluminous file, a DuMond
lawyer told the Voice. Tucker promptly reduced DuMond's sentence,
making him eligible for parole. Seven years later Republican governor
Mike Huckabee signed DuMond's release papers.

Releasing Wayne DuMond earlier would have been a tough call, but many
people were willing to show the decorated Vietnam veteran mercy,
despite his admitted bad past-booze, drugs, mayhem. DuMond has told
the tale of how he helped slaughter a village of Cambodians. Later,
stationed in Oklahoma, he was charged with participating in the
claw-hammer murder of a fellow soldier. Turning state's evidence, he
insisted that he merely stood by and watched. In Tacoma, Washington,
he accosted a teenage girl, an incident that led to five years of
probation.

"Yeah," DuMond conceded in his Voice interview, "but what's that got
to do with anything? That had nothing to do with the alleged case
against me in Forrest City."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Wayne DuMond was sitting at home, drunk, when two men broke in,
hog-tied him, and made him give one of them a blowjob. Then they
castrated him with a knife.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Governor Clinton ignored pleas on behalf of DuMond at the same time
that he was ignoring pleas on behalf of Rickey Ray Rector.

In early 1992, when the Gennifer Flowers story broke, Clinton
interrupted his presidential campaign to stoke his stance as the one
Democrat who would lock up and kill criminals. He flew back to
Arkansas from New Hampshire so he could be standing on state soil
while the convict was put down. It didn't matter to him that Rector
had shot himself in the head immediately after the murder, in effect
giving himself a lobotomy that left him without the power of reason.

Clinton recently noted the persuasive power of his former counsel
Jack Quinn's last-minute phone call on behalf of Marc Rich. But in
early 1992, Clinton dismissed a similar last-minute phone appeal from
Rector's attorney, Jeff Rosenzweig, a Clinton friend since boyhood.
Strapped down, the brain-damaged Rector screamed for 50 minutes while
the executioners dug into his arm before finding a vein in which to
shoot the poison.

DuMond thinks Clinton's rejection of his own bid for humanitarian
handling was just as cynical, although it did have the personal
element. "It would have been politically incorrect on both fronts,"
said DuMond, "the stand he had already taken about crime and being,
maybe not a player in my case, but certainly in the background as a
relative."

Many of the details of DuMond's life, and how it intersected with
Clinton's reign as Arkansas governor, are laid out in the 1993 book
Unequal Justice by Guy Reel, a mainstream reporter for The Memphis
Commercial Appeal.

Given his past in the army, Reel writes, DuMond was hardly the most
sympathetic character when he crossed paths with Clinton's relatives
in late 1984 in Forrest City (named after Ku Klux Klan founder Nathan
Bedford Forrest). He was an anonymous handyman, married with kids.
One day, the daughter of prominent mortician Stevie Stevens saw
DuMond driving down the road in his pickup. She identified him as the
man who had raped her 45 days earlier.

That introduced DuMond to Sheriff Coolidge Conlee, a notorious
gambler, bootlegger, dope dealer, and racketeer. He was so corrupt
that, as it was later revealed in court, he even used crooked dice to
shoot craps against his own deputies. Even as he threw dice in the
sheriff's office, Reel writes, he was busting black-run gambling
houses, except the ones that paid off his chief deputy, Sambo Hughes.

In early March 1985, with Wayne awaiting trial, his wife, Dusty,
wrote a letter to a local newspaper defending her husband and
blasting Sheriff Conlee.

Only days later, Wayne DuMond was sitting at home, drunk, when two
men broke in, hog-tied him, and made him give one of them a
blowjob-"just like you made her do," the perp snarled. Then they
castrated him with a knife. [conflicts with method described in prior
article - Bob]

One of them, DuMond later said, chortled, "Mr. C would be proud."
They left him to be discovered by his children.

Sheriff Conlee strolled into the DuMond home a few hours later. By
his own court testimony, related in Reel's book, Conlee scooped up
DuMond's testicles from the evidence scene and put them in a
matchbox. He drove home, dumped the balls into a fruit jar, and then
sped over to Stevens's funeral home. There, Stevens and funeral home
employee Regan Hill were waiting. [provocative phrasing there - Bob]
Hill poured formaldehyde over DuMond's balls. Clinton's cousin
Stevens recounted later in a deposition that the sheriff said to him,
"Here are DuMond's testicles. Do you want to see them?" Stevens,
continuing his testimony, recalled, "Of course, they are looking at
me, so that was it."

Over the next few days, Sheriff Conlee proudly showed the jar of
DuMond's balls to several people. Eventually, he flushed them down a
toilet.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

"When we found out the sheriff had his testicles in a jar, we felt
that maybe the sheriff would put my breast in a jar. We didn't know
what he would plan next."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

No one was arrested for castrating Wayne DuMond. But after he was
convicted of the rape, DuMond sued Conlee and St. Francis County in
federal court for humiliating the DuMond clan by displaying the
balls. He won a judgment of $110,000.

It was during that trial that DuMond angrily talked about "my
testicles." Dusty DuMond, who stood strongly behind her husband, told
the court, "When we found out the sheriff had his testicles in a jar,
we felt that maybe the sheriff would put my breast in a jar. We
didn't know what he would plan next, so that was one of the things
that made us decide to go into hiding."

While waiting for Wayne's rape trial, they fled Forrest City. After
they left, somebody burned down their house, another crime for which
no one was charged.

DuMond's chances at his trial were hopeless. There would be no change
of venue. The prosecutors were Clinton ally Gene Raff and his top
local aide, Fletcher Long, who was also Sheriff Conlee's personal
attorney. Raff and Long were old college frat brothers of Stevie
Stevens. The sheriff himself was the courtroom bailiff.

No evidence linked DuMond to the teenager's abduction, forced
submission to oral sex, and brief penetration. In the primitive
blood-semen testing that had been done (DuMond's lawyer said a more
expensive DNA test wasn't needed), DuMond's semen, as a match to a
spot on the teen's jeans, couldn't be ruled out. (A DNA expert later
testified in one of DuMond's numerous appeals that the spot did not
match.) The judge wouldn't delay the trial for a single day so the
defense could bring in its own witness. The teen had said her
attacker had blue eyes; DuMond's are hazel. But she insisted (and
still insists) that DuMond did it. It was her word against his.
DuMond's trial lawyer never brought up her previous identification of
someone else as her attacker.

DuMond was convicted and sent to prison. He got out on parole in
October 1999. Now he lives in a small Missouri town outside of Kansas
City. Dusty didn't live to see it; she died from injuries in a
Christmas Eve 1998 car crash on her way to visit relatives in Ohio.

The pain of all those events seems to have left Wayne DuMond. He sees
his torment as a political act.

"As to the reasons," he told the Voice, "there's never been but one:
money. My wife and I were actively campaigning against the sheriff.
We were being mouthy toward him in the wrong direction, you might
say."

In 1986, Sheriff Conlee lost a bid for reelection. A couple of years
later, he was put on trial for racketeering and other felonies.
Several pals turned against him, including deputy Sambo Hughes, who
tearfully testified about the routine extortion of black-owned
nightclubs. Conlee was convicted and died in prison.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

"Bill Clinton is the only person in Arkansas without any balls. He
would fence-straddle to the extreme, and that created false
expectations in some people."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

As the sheriff faded into a bad memory, Wayne DuMond was still in
prison. The DuMonds organized a campaign to get Governor Clinton to
free him. They weren't exactly Marc Rich, but Dusty rounded up
friends and family.

"Most of the people I know are blue-collar workers, trying to eke out
the best living they can," said DuMond. "How do you take the savings
of lower- and middle-class people and persuade some high-powered
politician to do something of this nature? When he was running for
president, there were people jabbing at him. They were jabbing at him
in Ohio, in Florida, in Texas-'What are you going to do about Wayne
DuMond?' "

Dusty struck pay dirt in Houston, where she was seeking work and
living with relatives.

"She interviewed for a job with my husband," Debbie Riddle recalled.
"And he asked her her primary goal, and her primary goal was to get
her husband out of prison. It was a real shock to us."

Dusty DuMond was hired as a secretary in Mike Riddle's law firm. On
October 12, 1991, Jesse Jackson and Bill Clinton came to Houston. The
big crowds flocked to Jackson. An active Republican, Debbie Riddle
sought out the lesser-known Clinton at a health clinic where he was
working a small gathering.

"I went up to him," she recalled, "and said, 'There is a man in your
home state, incarcerated, and you put together a pardon committee to
look and said you would respond according to their findings. And you
didn't. And the young woman allegedly assaulted is related to you.'

"He got very angry. He said, 'He was convicted by a jury of his
peers.' I said, 'Yes, without the DNA evidence.' He said, 'That was
his defense attorney's fault.' "

Press reports at the time noted that the national reporters on the
candidate's campaign trail were befuddled by the encounter, and
Clinton's handlers steered him away from Riddle.

And he steered clear of a decision on DuMond.

"Bill Clinton is the only person in Arkansas without any balls,"
recalled John Wesley Hall, DuMond's attorney during their futile
appeals and no enemy of Clinton. "He would fence-straddle to the
extreme, and that created false expectations in some people."

Even after the details of Coolidge Conlee's ghoulish behavior
surfaced, Clinton didn't abandon his Arkansas cronies. In December
1991, two months after Riddle confronted him, Clinton appointed Regan
Hill, the Stevens Funeral Home employee, to the governing body of St.
Francis County.

The way DuMond sees it, when Clinton had nothing to lose, why not
help his buddies and why not pardon rich and powerful friends?
Especially now that he's not only left Arkansas but left D.C.

"What does he care about that?" said DuMond. "He's gone as far as he can
go."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

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