Connie Fogal wrote:
>
> Report  re WTO demo in Vancouver December 4,1999
> and
> Summary of the views of  Sergio Marchi, Canada’s Ambassador to the WTO, in
> his description of “The Way Forward After Seattle” at a  debriefing in
> Vancouver BC Canada on Saturday, December 4, 1999  after the WTO meeting in
> Seattle
>
> Despite only about 16 hours to organize, we created a respectable
> demonstration  and met Sergio Marchi as he arrived at the WTO debriefing
> session in Vancouver before the Pacific Basin Economic Council. We were
> about 35 people outside which matched the about 35 people inside.
>
> It is inappropriate to refer to Mr Marchi as Canada’s ambassador to the
> WTO. Read his comments in the full text of his presentation which I will
> distribute later, and you will see that he is really a WTO ambassador paid
> for by Canadian tax dollars. Never shown to be one who understood his duty
> to sovereignty or his nation, he now shows that his definition of
> ambassadorship is equally devoid of such loyalty.
>
> Closed shop: Although the word was that one could get in with a fee of
> $55.00 plus taxes, when a citizen tried it, he was told the session was
> full. When two octogenarian citizens of Canada attempted entry, they were
> told they were not allowed in, that the session was taking place on private
> property, that they would be removed with security personnel or police if
> they did not leave, and that neither the organizers, nor anyone else in the
> session  inside including Ambassador Marchi wished to speak to them or hear
> from them. The octogenarians held their ground refusing to leave the
> hallway until the meeting adjourned to lunch via a different door which
> closed and at which were then posted two burly guards on each side.
>
> Fortunately, inside were at least four alternative media. I received copies
> of the audio of the  full session.  Below, I summarize  the presentation of
> Sergio Marchi called The Way Forward after Seattle. I hope soon to
> transcribe and post both the Marchi presentation as well as the
> presentation of Canada’s assistant deputy minister of Trade and Economic
> Policy, Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade,  Ottawa..
>
> These presentations are very important. They speak to the leadership role
> Canada is playing in driving the global trade agenda . They also depict the
> very arrogance and betrayal attacked by the Defence of Canadian Liberty  in
> its lawsuit against our Federal government re the MAI, which lawsuit will
> be back in court early in the new year. Of special note is the fact that
> the text released for use by the ministers at the Seattle WTO meetings (we
> are informed) is identical to the MAI. You have perhaps seen other e mail
> re this point. We are following this up.
>
> Summary of Marchi’s presentation:
>
> Canada’s Minister of Trade, Pettigrew, and  Minister of Agriculture, Van
> Clief, made a difference in Seattle by the leadership role they played in
> the two most difficult issues before the WTO- 1)the launching of
> negotiations on Agriculture and 2) the implementation of the global agenda
> by developing countries. The effort by both these ministers along with the
> efforts of the Canadian team of officials from Ottawa and Geneva was first
> class.
>
> I still very much believe in the mission of the WTO. The mission is a long
> journey with ups and downs. Seattle was only one of the downs on the long
> journey. There are two roads- one to Seattle, and one from Seattle.
>
> The Road TO Seattle:
> The challenges came from:
>
> 1.  The document that the WTO secretariat gave to the ministers for the
> purposes of this ministerial.. It was too long, too divided on a number of
> crucial issues and too bracketed. Too many countries approached the process
> as if we were already pre-negotiating the negotiations in the text. This
> was a document to launch a round, not to negotiate deep into the trade
> forest. It was 32 pages long.
>
> 2. The lack of flexibility. There was too much advocacy for national
> positions. There was no give and take and compromise. National positions
> are fine at the front end, but what are you going to negotiate if you are
> going to hug your own goal post.
>
> 3.There were a few issues that were the first among equals that set the
> tone and the challenge.
>          A) Agriculture. Canada , U.S. and a host of developing countries
> on one side who wanted a specific plan of action on agriculture, on export
> subsidies, on trade distorting measures, on the ability to treat
> agricultural products by rules like we treat other products by rules V.S.
> the Europeans, Japanese, Koreans who did not want to hear anything about
> that.  Agriculture was one of the two mandated areas. The Latin American
> countries were saying to the Europeans for example, if you do not do a
> mandated negotiation on agriculture, how do you expect me to embrace a new
> issue called investment? So there was a division.
>          B) Implementation. The developing countries were saying we did not
> get what we thought we were getting from the Uruguay round and things are
> not working the way you said they would, so let’s revisit those issues that
> are crucial to us such as textile areas before you ask us to digest more
> and embrace a new round. We want our agenda in Seattle as well. The
> question became, is this implementation or renegotiation.
>          Agriculture and implementation were lynch pin issues. If we were
> unable to unlock them, the other issues were not going to move.
>          C)Labour. The US president’s talk on trade sanctions and labour
> standards had a chilling effect on the developing countries, 2/3 of whom
> make up the WTO. Their questions were:(1) is it the business of a trade
> organization to deal with labour standards, or is it the business of the
> international labour organizations to do that? And, (2) this is another
> form of protectionism. They were saying, this is a move to take away our
> comparative advantage. The air was a  little more than tense.
>          D) The loss of the WTO leadership of a partnership role between
> the US and the Europeans. There has been an expectation from the
> international community of (a) a clear American leadership on trade
> liberalization and (b) a sense of cooperation between the Americans and the
> Europeans- a shared agenda of scope. These elements were called into
> question. There is an inward looking Congress. Trade is a great divide in
> the US. There is no fast track. The Americans and Europeans were in a sense
> almost rivals rather than partners.
>          E). The impact of the long race to replace Mr Ruggiero that
> elected Mike Moore detracted energy and time and created wounds.
>
> But at the end of the day there was real progress on many key issues
> including agriculture, implementation and services. The real enemy was the
> clock. Madam Barchevsky banged the gavel to suspend for the time being. If
> we had addressed the above issues earlier, we might not have run out of
> time.  But we are in much better shape than the headlines coming out of
> Seattle say.
>
> Road Out of Seattle
> There were three points made at the hour of suspension:
> 1. The Director General is to consult all the members and all the
> ambassadors and report back with the recommendations of re-engaging those
> ministers for the purpose of launching.
>
> 2. Starting in January, because of the built in agenda of the Uruguay Round
> , both Services and Agriculture will commence negotiations
>
> 3. The progress that we made in Seattle is an advancement of the text on a
> host of issues  from the text of October 19,1999. Those advancements shall
> be frozen so that when we re -engage we do not go back to square one. We
> will re-engage on the best progress made on the issues in Seattle.
>
> These are positive, immediate first steps from Seattle which I think we
> need to recognize but which we need to divide into two areas- the immediacy
> of post Seattle and the long term ramifications.
>
> 1.We must not engage in the blame game, but reflect on constructive matters
> and the wider context..
>          -We must keep present the larger context of what we are doing in
> the WTO;
>          -We must remember the importance of our multilateral trading
> system as a key component to a healthy international economy, to bring down
> trade barriers and walls;
>          - We must remember the importance of making rules;
> - We must remember the 50 year development of the GATT  of the WTO in
> contrast to having suspended 3 days of work in the life of a 50 year
> organization.
>
> 2. We must engage the public. Perhaps globalization does create some
> inhibitions and insecurities . But we should not allow people to turn the
> WTO into some kind of international villain. There are those who say they
> do not like the FTA or the NAFTA, nor the WTO. No problem. That is freedom
> of expression. But we should ask those people what they do believe in. What
> is their answer for my kids in this country economically speaking if 77% of
> my economy and your economy at home is international if we do not believe
> in either a multilateral or bilateral approach to the world. What is the
> answer? We build a wall? A ghetto? We do not have enough free trade between
> provinces for God’s Sake. So, we have to engage the public. We need to
> remove the luxury of ideologizing, becoming an idealogue on trade.
>
> 3. We must look at the institution of the WTO, reforming it, improving it,
> changing it looking at how we operate. The world of today is the
> environment of the WTO. It has to change with the times as well. Can we see
> the WTO as part of a global coherent solution to the challenges that we
> confront?
> Can we discuss labour without raising protectionism? I think so, but it
> requires constructive engagement.
>
>   In Geneva our task is to produce a document or negotiate a document. That
> is what we do and we have to do it well. But I was struck as an ambassador
> how little time we spend at the WTO thinking about the world outside the
> WTO. The WTO should have a corporate plan if you will. It should be worried
> about the WTO brand name.
>
> Canada has put together what I thought was a very good coherence proposal
> which had survived as of last night still based on the premise that the WTO
> is one major organization that  tries to advance the  cause of trade and
> that in doing so should work in a more coherent way with the other major
> entities whether it be the World Bank or the IMF or the ILO, but to do it
> in a way that is complementary and not reinventing the wheel or being
> indifferent to what other organizations are doing. What does the WTO bring
> to the table as part of global governance.
>
> So, yes, we did feel disappointed about the suspension, that we were unable
> to launch at this time, but in no way should we adopt a defeatist attitude,
> or panicked approach. Trade will be a big part of Canada’s future. It will
> help us define our role in the global village. I am a firm believer tha as
> Canada becomes more even more successful in the trade game, that Canada’s
> presence will become bigger as the world gets smaller.
>
>                          -end-
>
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>
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> entitled” Supreme Court of Canada  A.G. of Nova Scotia and A.G. of Canada,
> S.C.R. 1951 pp 32


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