-Caveat Lector- Analysis http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,2763,921369,00.html
The Republican Guard: outgunned and outnumbered, but they never surrender As US and British troops meet with fierce resistance, an expert on the Iraqi army profiles Saddam Hussein's elite security forces and warns they have the potential to be formidable opponents Amatzia Baram Tuesday March 25, 2003 The Guardian The Republican Guard consists of three armoured, one mechanised and two infantry divisions, with between 65,000 and 70,000 soldiers. Almost all of Iraq's top-of-the-line Soviet made and also Iraqi-assembled T-72 main battle tanks, some 600-700 of them, are to be found in the guard divisions. The regular army has to settle for the relatively antiquated T-55 and T-62 tanks. The guard remains a viable force although it has been eroded since the Gulf war. In recent years Saddam Hussein has begun to turn it into his private army. Since the late 1980s the guard has been the regime's means of dealing with two problems presented by the regular army and especially its officer corps: the army's diminishing capability and fighting spirit, and its doubtful support for the regime. There have been sporadic reports of dissent within the guard, but in essence it remains loyal to the regime and leader. The guard has invariably proved more able at fighting than regular army units, and unlike many army units, has never surrendered or fled from the battlefield in the face of a superior enemy. Many officers in the guard hail from Tikrit, from President Saddam's clan, Albu Nasir, and from other friendly tribes, mostly Sunni muslim. Since 1988 the guard, under the direct command of the presidential palace rather than the general staff, has been granted special perks, transforming its officers into a relatively privileged class. As of late 2002, its commander was an experienced field commander, Lieutenant General Sayf al-Din Fulayyih al-Rawi, a Sunni muslim whose family hails from Rawa, west of the capital. Its secretary general was Major General Kamal Mustafa abd Allah Sultan, President Saddam's paternal relative, and, according to one source, also his son-in-law. He is a far less experienced field officer, as his main expertise is internal security (he is former commander of the Special Republican Guard), but his loyalty to President Saddam is solid. Armoured units of the guard, notably the Hammurabi and Madina divisions, will begin the defensive battle outside Baghdad, possibly from Karbala, the Shia holy city south of the capital. Their job will be to defend essential crossing points and slowdown the American forces. The more loyal units will eventually be ordered to withdraw into the city, and fight while using civilians as shields. How will they fight? The guard's armoured divisions' fighting against the American forces in 1991 may serve as an illustration. They were usually well placed and dug in but they were badly outgunned. The American M-1s could penetrate the Soviet-made T-72s' armour from over two miles; the T- 72s could penetrate the frontal armour of the M-1 only at a very close range. With far-superior night vision equipment, the US tanks could destroy an Iraqi tank at night from a distance of a mile. The tanks thus became death traps for the Iraqi crews. On the other hand, the guard demonstrated impressive tenacity and no unit withdrew without authorisation, in contrast to the regular army units, many of whose tank crews deserted. The tactical shortfalls of the guard officers are substantial, but tenacity can go some way to make up for lack of professionalism, especially when Iraqi soldiers are shootiusing civilians as a shield. This is already constraining British and US forces in Nassiriya, Umm Qasr and Basra. Special Republican Guard The SRG is divided into four brigades and 14 battalions, and numbers around 20,000-25,000. It is a commando force armed mostly with light and medium weapons but it also has two tank battalions (70-90 T-72 tanks), three artillery batteries and three air defence batteries. Its main task is to maintain calm in the capital and put down any revolt or coup attempt. It also has security duties in four presidential palaces in Tikrit. It is equipped with a large number of anti-tank weapons. The SRG command falls under the office of the special security organization, President Saddam's personal protection unit. Most officers and soldiers in the SRG hail from President Saddam's clan and from his hometown of Tikrit, as well as some neighbouring and friendly clans and towns, like Dur and Beiji. Most officers know President Saddam personally; in their bar racks, posted by their beds, they have photographs of themselves and their families standing proudly beside the president. So far there have been no reports of coup attempts hatched within the SRG, a distinction that sets it apart from the regular army, air force and guard. In battle, even when the advantage of the American forces is clear to all, the SRG will certainly fight. They are trained in house-to-house fighting and their task will be to inflict losses that the American commanders will regard as unacceptably high. This, President Saddam hopes, will enable him to start negotiations and save his regime. In the first instance, they will use Iraqi civilians as shields, posing a dilemma for US commanders. If the Americans want to save their own soldiers' lives, they will have to use their firepower, but this will necessarily cause many civilian casualties. It may be possible to persuade many to give themselves up, but only after heavy fighting and once they realize that all is lost. The SRG may be ordered by President Saddam or other leaders to use artillery chemical shells. Jihaz Al-Amn al-Khass (Special Security Organisation) The SSO was created in the late 80s as a small (a few hundred strong) force of mostly officers. Their main task was to coordinate all security bodies and the army for the protection of the president and his family. They were brought in from all army units and the Republican Guard, but most of them were natives of Tikrit or hailed from President Saddam's clan. The SSO also helped with the procurement and protection of weapons of mass destruction and the technology necessary to produce them. After the 1991 Gulf war this force was enlarged and is now about 2,000 strong. The SSO is the most feared body of all the Iraqi security forces. It is under the direct command of President Saddam's younger son, Qusay, and General Abed al-Hamid Mahmud, the president's personal secretary and clansman. Another responsibility is to execute military men and internal security operators regarded as risks to the regime. They are effective and very loyal. As a fighting force they do not count for much, but when hiding behind civilians they may present the allied forces with a dilemma. Himaya al-Ra'is (Presidential Protection) The Himaya al-Ra'is protects the president and his family and his closest associates, including the ruling party's luminaries. It consists of a few thousand young men mostly from President Saddam's clan and region. The Himaya, between 3,000 and 5,000 in total, are recruited straight from Uja, Tikrit, Beiji, Dur and their environs. At the age of 15 or 16, they are brought to the republican palace in Baghdad and trained for three years in the use of weapons, in survival and other skills before becoming bodyguards. At the heart of the Himaya are 40 security men who belong to a little known unit named al-Murafiqin (the companions). These are the people who accompany the president carrying loaded weapons. They are the inner ring protecting President Saddam, and there has never been any report of disloyalty. They are well trained, loyal, and young, they admire President Saddam and fear him, and they are not well educated, which means they have little hope of success elsewhere. As a final incentive to fight, some have committed crimes in the president's service. They have many enemies waiting for their downfall to avenge the blood of relatives. His downfall may also be theirs. As long as their command system is more or less intact, they may be expected to put up substantial resistance. If they believe that President Saddam is dead, or has fallen into enemy hands, and if promised fair treatment, many may surrender. Still, the SRG and the Himaya are likely to put up strong resistance. It is likely that the forces still sniping at coalition forces in Basra, Umm Qasr and Nassiriya are Republican Guard and Special Republican Guard. Saddam's Fedayeen This unit was established around 1995 by President Saddam's elder son Uday and trained by General Muzahim Sa'b Hasan, the ex-air force commander and a member of President Saddam's clan. Today it numbers around 20,000 but they are lightly armed and badly trained. They serve as an internal security body, mainly arresting and executing people suspected of opposition to the regime. According to some sources, they sever the tongues of those accused of criticising the president and decapitate women whom they accuse of prostitution. Many are poor and from the country, and are said to have used women and children as shields in Nassiriya. · Amatzia Baram is professor of Middle Eastern history at the University of Haifa and fellow at the Saban Centre of the Brookings Institution in Washington. Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2003 Forwarded for your information. The text and intent of the article have to stand on their own merits. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107, this material is distributed without charge or profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving this type of information for non-profit research and educational purposes only. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ "Do not believe in anything simply because you have heard it. Do not believe simply because it has been handed down for many genera- tions. Do not believe in anything simply because it is spoken and rumoured by many. Do not believe in anything simply because it is written in Holy Scriptures. Do not believe in anything merely on the authority of teachers, elders or wise men. Believe only after careful observation and analysis, when you find that it agrees with reason and is conducive to the good and benefit of one and all. 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