-Caveat Lector-

  Sludge Report #104 – Roadmaps And Roadblocks
Monday, 27 August 2001, 11:05 am
Column: C.D. Sludge


In This Edition: Roadmaps And Roadblocks
NOTE: Authors of this report will be anonymous and wide ranging, and
occasionally finely balanced. Indeed you are invited to contribute:
The format is as a reporters notebook. It will be published as and
when material is available. C.D. Sludge can be contacted at
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Sludge Report #104

Roadblocks And Roadmaps

Over the past week pressure has been coming on the United States to
do more for peace in the Middle East. And in the circumstances it is
hardly surprising.

What had been till now a policy of relative infrequent use of F16
bombers by the Israel Defence Force in retaliation raids, has now
become almost routine.

Meanwhile the assassination ( aka murder ) policy of the IDF against
alleged Palestinian terrorists has been stepped up with numerous
rocket attacks on houses and cars in the West Bank and Gaza.

And finally we have had several punitive IDF tank and armoured
bulldozer incursions (aka invasions) into the Palestinian territories.

If it was not already clear that the combatants in the Holy Land were
unable to stop the violence themselves, it is more than clear now.

As a result the need for a change in the US stance on the crisis is
becoming increasingly apparent to a wide variety of parties.

Last week even the often subdued US media began asking officials what
it was that the US thought it was doing in the Middle East.

In the following exchange, which took place during the State
Department's regular briefing on August 20th, a reporter wanted to
find out why the US believed that a UN resolution on the conflict
proposed by Palestinian observer was unworkable. More specifically he
wanted to know why the US believed that any "Action in the Security
Council" would be unhelpful to the crisis.


********

QUESTION: So it is, in fact, not any action by the UN Security
Council; it's only on what ideas that you think are unworkable, or
anything?

QUESTION: It seems to be anything. I don't know.

QUESTION: Because presumably it could come up --

MR. REEKER: Action. Action in the UN Security Council. I don't know
how much clearer I can say it. We don't think any action in the UN
Security Council is what will contribute to these objectives. And
this is in the context of the discussion that is going on today in
New York and that we have been reflecting on beforehand last week and
again today in preparation for that discussion.

QUESTION: Okay, Phil. Leaving aside the question of monitors, where
your objections are well known, what is your objection to a
resolution that would demand Israel withdrawal from Orient House and
the other institutions in East Jerusalem?

MR. REEKER: We understand the concerns about Orient House. We have
talked about that many times. It has long symbolized the importance
of political dialogue and reconciliation between Israelis and
Palestinians, and it is vital that both parties remain committed to
these objectives and avoid the actions that threaten the fundamental
belief in a negotiated settlement.

And so we are actively engaged with both sides. We stand ready to
assist in security talks, the tripartite security talks, to let the
two parties try to come up with steps to implement security, to get
the violence down, urging the parties to move quickly in that
direction, as we have done before.

But we don't believe that the solution is through steps taken in New
York, through resolutions. We believe it is through the parties to
work together to implement the Tenet work plan, to implement the
Mitchell Committee recommendations, and that continues to be our
position, just as it was last week.

QUESTION: Is there any sort of rationale for that position, or is it
just sort of arbitrary decision?

MR. REEKER: No, and I would suggest that very few of our decisions
are arbitrary.

QUESTION: So what is the rationale for it?

MR. REEKER: The rationale is that the two parties need to make the
decision. By passing rhetorical statements in New York, by debating
and polarizing an already volatile situation, by attempting to impose
other ideas on the parties that aren't going to change reality on the
ground -- that is not going to accomplish anything. We need to work
with both sides to end the violence and transform the environment in
a way that will permit the resumption of the political process. They
have the road maps. They have a structure to pursue security talks
and dialogue that are vital to creating an environment in which they
can then move into the Mitchell Committee recommendations, which is
what both sides and the international community have endorsed as the
path out of this crisis.



********
The question raised by the above exchange is very simple, and is
summed up by the reporter when he asked, "Is there any sort of
rationale for that position, or is it just sort of arbitrary
decision?"

State Departments spokesman Philip Reeker had little answer to this,
other than to return to the overused roadmap metaphor that appears to
be the primary thrust of US policy at present.

"They have the road maps. They have a structure to pursue security
talks and dialogue that are vital to creating an environment in which
they can then move into the Mitchell Committee recommendations, which
is what both sides and the international community have endorsed as
the path out of this crisis," Reeker replied.

But do the parties really have the necessary roadmaps?

In any event, Sludge is inclined to think that even if they do have
the maps, the road is presently impassable due to US and Israeli
policy.

True the Mitchell and Tenet agreements potentially provide a path to
peace, but before the beginning of this path can be reached the
violence first has to stop.

This in turn is rather difficult when Israel appears to have no
intention of stopping its offensive against the Palestinian
Authority. In fact the violence against the Palestinians appears to
be being stepped up at the very time they are being told to be docile
by Israeli Prime Minister Sharon and US President George Bush,
speaking seemingly in unison.

But the biggest roadblock to peace is not an Israeli construction, it
has been provided by the US.

While the US claims that it is standing back from the conflict in the
Holy Land, in fact – thanks to its actions at the UN HQ in New York –
it is firmly in the middle of the conflict.

By using its Security Council veto powers to prevent any "action" at
the UN, the US is denying a role in the dispute to the only party
that has any moral authority to become involved.

The only organisation which officially has as its purpose preventing
war and policing international disputes, is denied any role in the
most pressing conflict of our time.

It is as if the biggest kid on the block has told the police to back
off in an increasingly brutal street fight – but wishes to somehow
assert that it is not itself taking sides.

Meanwhile in the world of international media and diplomacy the
question of the US veto is reported and discussed as if a decision by
the US to not use the veto would somehow be a concession to the
Palestinians.

In fact we have a situation in which the US is - and has been for
decades - actively preventing the normal force of international law
being applied in a situation where it is clearly needed.

Therefore it makes little sense for the US administration to prattle
on about roadmaps without first removing the large roadblock they
have imposed on the process.

What the US Administration appears unable to understand, is that in
the process of maintaining the position it has, it is now acting
against its own national interests.

By leaving the international community – and particularly the Islamic
nations – powerless to deal with this pressing crisis - international
parties are left with little choice other than to attempt to
influence US policy to have the veto lifted.

And there is only one obvious way to do this, via OPEC's control over
the oil supply.

Anti©opyright Sludge 2001


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