-Caveat Lector-

WTO assists Gerber in subverting Guatemalan laws to protect babies from
predatory marketing

Dave Hartley
http://www.Asheville-Computer.com/dave



CORPORATE RIGHTS VS. HUMAN NEED

For many years, the potential market for baby foods and infant formula in
the "developed" countries has been shrinking because birth rates have
declined. Therefore, to create new demand for their products, baby food
corporations have aggressively sought to "open new markets" in the Third
World.

A key vehicle for "opening new markets" is advertising intended to
convince women that breast-feeding their babies isn't "modern" and bottle
feeding is healthier. Of course the premise of such advertising is
medically false -- breast-feeding provides superior benefits compared to
all synthetic substitutes.
(Breast-feeding provides an infant with significant immunity
against disease; it creates a strong emotional bond between
mother and child; it helps prevent breast cancer in the mother, and more.)
Nevertheless, many women are taken in by the false advertising; as a
result, according to the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), only 44%
of infants in the Third World are breast-fed. (The proportion is even
smaller in "developed" countries.)

Chiefly because of this false advertising, according to UNICEF, 1.5
million infants die each year because their mothers unwittingly prepare
infant formula with contaminated water, causing fatal diarrhea.

During the 1970s, a world-wide grass-roots campaign focused
attention on this problem, boycotting products made by Nestle, a major
manufacturer of infant formula.

Partly because of the Nestle boycott, the World Health
Organization (WHO) developed and published a Code on Marketing of
Breast-Milk Substitutes. The WHO code prohibits words like "humanized
breastmilk" and "equivalent to breastmilk."
Furthermore, to protect illiterate women from being duped, the WHO code
prohibits pictures on labels "that idealize the use of bottle feeding."

In 1983, Guatemala passed a law and regulations incorporating the WHO
code. The goal of the Guatemalan government was to encourage new mothers
(1) to breast-feed their infants and (2) to fully understand the threats
to their babies of using infant formula as a substitute for breast milk.
The Guatemalan law prohibited the use of labels that associated infant
formula with a healthy, chubby baby; specifically, the law prohibited
pictures of idealized babies on packages of baby food intended for
children younger than 2 years. Furthermore, the Guatemalan law required
labels to carry a statement that breast-feeding is nutritionally superior.

The law also prohibited baby food manufacturers from providing free
samples of their products (if a baby starts taking free samples the mother
stops lactating, thus converting mother and infant into full-time, paying
customers). And finally the law prohibited baby food manufacturers from
directly marketing their products to young mothers in the hospital.

The regulations went into effect in 1988 and all domestic and foreign
manufacturers of baby foods -- with one notable exception -- came into
compliance. Infant deaths attributable to bottle feeding declined, and
UNICEF began highlighting Guatemala as a model for what works.

However, the U.S. baby food manufacturer, Gerber (motto: "Babies Are Our
Business"), objected to Guatemala's new law. Although the Guatemalan
Ministry of Health made numerous attempts to negotiate with Gerber, the
company reportedly continued to market its infant formula directly to
mothers in the hospital, and continued to give free samples to doctors and
day care centers.

Most importantly Gerber refused to remove its trademark picture of a
chubby, smiling baby from its product labels, and it refused to add a
phrase saying breast milk was superior. In sum, Gerber thumbed its nose at
Guatemalan health authorities, who were
trying to protect their most vulnerable citizens, infants,
against harm.

In November, 1993 -- ten years after Guatemala passed its law, and five
years after its regulations went into effect -- Gerber lost its final
appeal. A Guatemalan Administrative Tribunal ruled in favor of the
Ministry of Health and it looked as though even Gerber would have to
comply with the Guatemalan law.

But Gerber opened a new line of attack on Guatemala, arguing that the
Guatemalan law was illegal under international statutes because the law
was really an "expropriation of Gerber's
trademark." This tactic bought Gerber some time while the World Trade
Organization was being created. Then in 1995, when the WTO came into
being, Gerber dropped its claim about illegal expropriation of its
trademark and began threatening to challenge Guatemala before a WTO
tribunal.

Within a short time, Guatemala realized it was now up against immense
power and the Guatemalan government changed its law to allow Gerber to
have its way. Gerber won without ever having to formally request that the
U.S. take its case to the WTO. Just a few letters containing the WTO
threat were sufficient.

This example illustrates another marvelous feature of the WTO --
the ease with which small, poor countries can be intimidated by
transnational corporations into "opening their markets." Under WTO rules,
countries must open their markets to foreign
corporations and governments cannot establish, as a precondition of doing
business, that their domestic laws will be respected. In effect, the WTO
has given corporations a powerful new way to challenge the laws of any
government (federal, state or
municipal).

Many poor countries, including Guatemala, cannot afford to
support a full-time delegation to monitor the WTO in Geneva,
Switzerland. Nor can they maintain in-house legal expertise on
fast-changing WTO rules. They could legally hire outside counsel and
experts to defend themselves against a WTO challenge but the cost of such
a defense would be several million dollars.
Countries that know the ropes in Switzerland and have money to burn can
use procedural ploys that make the WTO a very expensive arena in which to
litigate. For example, one country can
challenge the credentials of another country's delegation, thus prolonging
the proceedings indefinitely. As Ralph Nader's
organization, Public Citizen, has written, "The WTO practice of allowing
rich adversaries to object to the delegations of poor countries undermines
poor countries' meaningful participation in the WTO -- and makes threats
of WTO challenges enormously
powerful tools to forestall the adoption of public health
safeguards by poor countries that need them the most."[1,pg.117]

The pharmaceutical corporations in the U.S. and Europe evidently learned
an important lesson from Gerber's victory over Guatemala. The drug
corporations have launched a campaign of threats against countries that
are trying to make medicines more affordable and accessible to their
citizens. South Africa, Thailand and India are examples.

In 1997, under the leadership of Nelson Mandela, South Africa passed a
Medicines Law which has not yet taken full effect. When all the provisions
of the law are implemented, it will encourage the use of low-cost generic
drugs, and it will prohibit drug companies from paying bounties to doctors
for prescribing
particular drugs. The Medicines Law has two additional provisions that the
pharmaceutical corporations find particularly
distasteful:

(1) the law requires drug companies to license their products to other
companies who must then pay a royalty fee to the drug's developer. Such a
law encourages competition in the manufacture of new drugs, thus making
modern drugs available at reduced cost.

(2) The second provision is called "parallel importing" and it allows a
pharmaceutical product to be imported from several different countries
simultaneously, thus taking advantage of the lowest prices available. For
example the antibiotic Amoxicillin costs 50 cents per tablet in South
Africa, 30 cents in New York and only 4 cents in Zimbabwe.[1,pg.114] South
Africa's new law would make Amoxicillin cheaper and thus more widely
available to the people of South Africa, many of whom are poor.

Transnational pharmaceutical corporations, with assistance from the
Clinton/Gore administration, are now using threats of WTO action to force
South Africa to repeal its Medicines Law. When AIDS activists protested
the Clinton/Gore administration's role in trying to overturn South
Africa's Medicines Law, a "senior Gore advisor" issued a statement
defending Mr. Gore: "Obviously the Vice President's got to stick up for
the commercial interests of U.S. companies."[1,pg.121] Mr. Gore is doing
more than merely sticking up for U.S. corporations. U.S. State Department
memos describe a "full court press," led by Mr. Gore, to force South
Africa to "repeal, suspend, or terminate" its Medicines Law. As the U.S.
sees it, there is simply no choice -- under WTO rules, the intellectual
property rights of corporations have higher priority than human health;
this is, in fact, a correct
interpretation of WTO rules. However, Mr. Gore seems to recognize that his
campaign against medical care for the poor in South
Africa might come back to bite him. When pressed by the group ACT-UP in
June 1999, Mr. Gore issued a statement denying that he was pressuring
South Africa.[1,pg.123].

The South Africa case is not unique. In 1992, Thailand
established a Pharmaceutical Review Board which established
compulsory licensing for medicines. A firm with an exclusive
patent on a critical medicine was required to license other
companies to manufacture it, with royalties paid to the
patent-holder. This created competition and drove down the price of
critical medicines for the people of Thailand, such as Pfizer's
Flucanazole, used to treat meningitis. After compulsory licensing, the
cost of treatment with Flucanazole dropped from $14 per day to $1 per day
in Thailand. However, the U.S.
pressured Thailand relentlessly for 7 years until the Thai
Pharmaceutical Review Board was formally abolished. The U.S.
argued successfully that such a Board is illegal under WTO
rules.[1,pg.113] Under WTO rules, corporate intellectual property rights
have higher priority than human health.

For many years, India had a law making it illegal to patent a substance
"intended for use, or capable of being used, as a food or as [a] medicine
or drug."[1,pg.105] A WTO tribunal ruled in 1997 that India's law is
illegal. Using the WTO as a battering ram, the U.S. successfully pressured
India to abandon its
prohibition against patenting food and pharmaceuticals.

Now W.R. Grace has filed for a U.S. patent on a pesticidal
byproduct made from the Neem tree, which grows only in India. Neem has
been used for centuries in India to make medicines and bio-pesticides.
Indeed, the Neem tree is nicknamed "the village pharmacy." W.R. Grace
claims that it has a new method of producing the pesticides that
indigenous people have produced for hundreds of years. Grace now says it
deserves the exclusive right to sell the products that were developed by
indigenous communities -- and Grace argues that under WTO rules the
government of India has an obligation to enforce Grace's patent
rights.[1,pg.110]

It appears that the WTO is a nearly-perfect vehicle for extending
corporate dominance into every corner of the world. But the corporations
are not yet satisfied. The purpose of the WTO
meeting in Seattle November 29-Dec. 3 is to consolidate and
extend the WTO's power even further. To get involved, phone
toll-free 1-877-STOPWTO.

==============
[1] Lori Wallach and Michelle Sforza, WHOSE TRADE ORGANIZATION?: CORPORATE
GLOBALIZATION AND THE EROSION OF DEMOCRACY (Washington, D.C.: Public
Citizen, Inc., 1999). ISBN 1582310017; telephone (202) 588-1000.

FROM:
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RACHEL'S ENVIRONMENT & HEALTH WEEKLY #677           . .
---November 18, 1999---                    . .
HEADLINES:                           . .                CORPORATE RIGHTS
VS. HUMAN NEED                . .                          ==========
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