-Caveat Lector-

-------- Original Message --------
Subject: Russell on private health care
Date: Thu, 4 Nov 1999 12:46:25 -0500
From: Doug Henwood <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
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[Marta's too modest to forward her own work, so I'll do it for her.
Look for her piece in the forthcoming LBO #92, too.]

Here is today's ZNet Commentary Delivery from Marta Russell.

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Here then is today's ZNet Commentary...

---------------------------

The Private Health Care Juggernaut Needs Jilting by Marta Russell

Presidential hopeful Bill Bradley has placed health care reform on
the national agenda as well it should be. However, the Bradley plan
does not go far enough to resolve real need and it protects the
insurance industry - the very culprit which is undermining access to
quality health care in the nation.

Bradley's "universal" health care reform plan would abolish Medicaid
and use Medicaid plus budget surplus funds to provide subsidies to
95% of the 43 million uninsured Americans so they could join (with
little or no premiums) the Federal Government's employee health
insurance system or utilize tax credits to buy private insurance.
Bradley rationalizes his blueprint will "let the market do what it
does best and government do what it does best."

It is a mystery to this writer what the market has done best. Health
care in the U.S. is a trillion dollar industry. It is obliviously
driven by profit motives, not social responsibility. Could this be
more pronounced than in the market-heightened HMO/giant health care
conglomerate era of today? Columbia/HCA executives, for instance,
were recently convicted of intentionally defrauding Medicare of
millions of dollars after a run of soaring profits on Wall Street.
Humana Inc. and Aetna/US Healthcare face class action lawsuits
alleging, amongst other things, that they pay doctors for withholding
costly treatments and offer them other financial incentives to
diminish the cost of the care the companies deliver.

Here I want to focus on how the private system does least by those
who utilize health care the most.

The medical insurance game is played like this: the industry first
studies data and calculates rates that will assure profits. It then
"cherry picks" by denying insurance to bad risks. A 1996 study, for
example, revealed that 47% of those insurance applicants who had been
screened for "defects" were denied health insurance. Another way
insurers turn risky subscribers away is by limiting their obligations
through underwriting practices. They may insert pre-existing
condition clauses which disallow treatment for periods of time. They
may limit coverage so that specific treatments, drugs, or medical
equipment are not included. They may cap benefits or they may charge
exorbitant premiums for those with a history of a disabling condition.

(One paraplegic's premium, for example, was $750 per month. Others
have reported premiums as high as $1,100. Such rates are not
affordable for most working people and they discourage employers, who
do not want to see insurers jack up their premiums, from hiring or
retaining disabled workers.)

Unlike nondisabled people, those diagnosed with conditions such as
diabetes or asthma, cannot go without treatment for six months or one
year. Restrictions placed on benefits coupled with high premiums mean
that those who experience disablement from birth or acquire one later
in life may be forced to apply for health care from a public program
like Medicare and/or be reduced to penury to qualify for Medicaid.

Essentially, market forces have shifted people needing ongoing health
services onto the public health care system by out pricing,
undercovering, or denying essential care for periods of time. Indeed
the government stepped in to provide Medicare and Medicaid to serve
those segments of the population the private system squeezes out:
seniors and those under sixty five who are disabled from birth or
acquire a disability later in life.

These systemic underwriting practices which leave many "uninsurables"
out of the private insurance loop are meant to shift the burden of
cost onto government. They assure that "non-profitable" people will
not narrow the profit margins of health corporations. In a display of
such intent, the business lobby fought for and won passage of a law,
(USC 42 1395 y (b), which allows private insurers (and employers) to
rid themselves of their disabled retirees by dumping them onto
Medicare.

In the Managed Care Era, "cherry picking" has taken a more insidious
form. Ever wonder why HMO advertising leaves out images of disabled
people? Advertising and promotions meant to attract Medicare
beneficiaries mainly target healthy senior citizens and leave out
younger disabled people who are eligible to join. This is because
"cost containment," the managed care mantra, has led to a payment
paradigm shift. Hospitals and doctors no longer get paid for
individual services rendered (fee-for-service), they get paid a flat
fee as they would if medicine were socialized. However, unlike a
socialization scenario, there are financial incentives for physicians
and hospitals to keep costs low. As a consequence of market forces
shifting the payment and delivery system from fee-for-service to
managed care, those needing the most health care are no longer
perceived as an asset (bringing more money in), they are seen as a
liability (draining the profits).

A brief history of Medicare HMOs offers an example of how cherry
picking and HMO business structures result in a disastrous
combination for those utilizing the health care system the most.
HMOs' desire to sign up only those who would cost them the least to
care for clashed with federal Medicare contracts because the
government held the HMOs to enrolling ANY Medicare beneficiary
wanting to subscribe. But gatekeeper physicians and administrators
found other ways to get more costly subscribers out. Studies by the
General Accounting Office(GAO), for example, show that one out of
every 5 Medicare HMOs had disenrollment rates above 20%. Further, the
GAO found "the rates of early disenrollment from HMOs to fee for
service were substantially higher among those with chronic
conditions." Why? The GAO (and other studies) found that most
subscribers left HMOs due to "problems receiving medical treatment."
Medicare beneficiaries found it necessary to revert to fee for
service for vital care. The upshot -- subscribers most needing
services were forced out of HMOs by denial of care.

In the end, several large HMOs abandoned the Medicare population and
did renew their Medicare contracts. They dumped 400,000 Medicare
beneficiaries in 22 states off their plans.

As managed care encroaches upon public health care, corporate bottom
lines have come to dominate the entire health care delivery system,
both public and private. In most states, fee-for-service Medicaid is
being replaced with HMO contracts. But government, so far, does not
mandate enrollment of the disabled population into Medicaid HMOs
because studies reveal systemic problems with disabled people getting
the care they need. There are problems, for example, with HMOs
inability (or unwillingness) to provide high level individualized
care for "nonstandard" subscribers who are blind, deaf,
developmentally disabled, mobility impaired or require psychiatric
support. Pwds may have conditions which require treatment beyond
gatekeeper physicians' training, yet often HMOs do not make access to
specialists easy or possible at all, nor do all HMOs retain the
specialists some pwds require. In addition, pwds may not be "curable"
but still require modes of care in order to maintain optimal
functioning and quality of life which go against the HMO grain to
save money by rationing care. And, HMOs tend to trim rehabilitation
services which often routes pwds, unnecessarily, into nursing homes.

Yet, Bradley's reformed system would wipe out Medicaid
fee-for-service and throw the disabled population onto the private
HMO system that does not want them.

Bradley's plan does not square off against the real problems the
market juggernaut erects: cherry picking, underwriting practices
which restrict benefit packages, HMOs' outright denial of care,
restricted access to specialists and lack of personal assistance
services (now available through Medicaid in some states). Bradley's
plan does not address the possibility that employers will dump
coverage and that premiums will rise left under the auspices of a
private market.

According to the World Institute on Disability, the vast majority, or
80% of the population, will experience some form of disablement in
their lifetimes- either permanent or temporary. Genetic screening
forebodes that in the future most, if not all, will be subjected to
health insurers' scrutiny. It behooves us to assure that all people
get the care they require when they need it. Despite its ideological
opposition to collectivism, the private health insurance juggernaut
has done its best to force government to subsidize (collectivize)
their risks. The budget surplus could be put to a more complete and
satisfactory use. Why not be sensible this go-round and jilt the
unworkable market system? A universal single payer system -- if
designed to be disability sensitive -- could go a long way to close
gaps inherent to the private market place.

-- Marta Russell author Los Angeles, CA Beyond Ramps: Disability at
the End of the Social Contract
<http://www.commoncouragepress.com/ramps.html>

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