Linda S. Heard: America should stop calling the kettle black Athens | | 11/03/2003
Isn't there a certain irony attached to the U.S. and Britain's pronouncements on Iraq's attempts to comply with United Nations Resolution 1441? "Lies and deceit" or "too little too late" is the way that American and British ministers invariably des-cribe such efforts.

Such disparaging comments no doubt prompted Hans Blix, Executive Chairman of UNMO-VIC, to stress during his recent report to the UN Assembly that "missiles are not toothpicks" illustrating that the destruction by Iraq of its Al Samoud variety was real disarmament.

Britain, not content with public mortification over Blair's infamous plagiarised dossier, was ex-posed by Mohammed El Baradei as having handed forged documents to the IAEA, which it maintained proved that Iraq sought to purchase uranium from Niger.

An article in Britain's Guardian quotes an IAEA official as saying: "Close scrutiny and cross-checking of the documents, the letterheads, and the signatures led us to conclude with absolute certainty that the documents were false".

American intelligence imparted by Colin Powell has fared little better under scrutiny. His attempts to link the Iraqi regime with Al Qaida have failed dismally and suspect sites shown in satellite imagery during his presentation to the UN Assembly, were confirmed benign.

Powell's contention that high strength aluminum tubes had been imported by Iraq for the purpose of manufacturing nuclear centrifuges was also disproved by the inspection teams.

Despite positive reports concerning Iraq's co-operation with the inspectors, both on process and substance, and Blix's request for a further three months to complete his work, America and Britain, with a little help from Spain, were not to be deterred from pushing for a new resolution, which would offer Iraq just 10 days – until March 17 – to disarm.

The allies have yet to explain their indecent haste. Although the most likely reasons are the approaching heat, the morale of allied troops stationed near theatre of action and the sheer cost of keeping some 300,000 military personnel cooling their heels.

Both George W. Bush and Tony Blair know that there is little support for war among UN member states. But America, in particular, has shown itself not averse to dangling bribes and using threats to garner Security Council votes. American and British diplomats are currently wooing Angola, Cameroon, Mexico, Chile, Guinea and Pakistan.

The French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin has indicated that France would use its veto even if the U.S., Britain and Spain managed to garner the requisite nine votes needed. The French position is backed up by Germany and also by veto wielding Russia and China.

So if the Bush administration knows in advance that its resolution will be vetoed, why is it proceeding? George Bush said that he wants to see UN member countries showing "their cards". Sounds like another implied threat on the lines of "you are either with us or...".

Recent U.S. attempts to bribe Turkey were so blatant that American newspapers ran cartoons depicting that country as a carpet seller – one of the kinder representations. As a result the Turkish public and many of its politicians were incensed. At the time of writing, the U.S. does not have permission to base 62,000 of its troops on Turkish soil, although this could, and probably will, change.

Irony

But the irony doesn't end here. While the U.S. and Britain condemn Iraq for not conforming to United Nations resolutions, both countries are threatening the very fabric of the UN by insisting that even without the approval of the Security Council they will continue with their invasion plans.

Tony Blair has repeatedly stated that he would not be swayed from his support of the American position by one "unreasonable" veto, yet during an MTV programme, Blair told a group of teens that even if the new resolution was blocked by several "unreasonable" vetoes he would still stick to his guns, literally.

We must, therefore, surely ask: why should Iraq be expected to adhere to United Nations resolutions when Bush and Blair feel no compunction to abide by a Secu-rity Council decision? Further, by what standard does Britain decide whether or not the use of a veto is "reasonable" or otherwise?

Bush has threatened the United Nations with irrelevance if it doesn't conform to America's wishes and perhaps that is just what he wants. If the UN was to be dismantled then the chains of constraint would be released and the U.S. would feel able to proceed on its merry way unhampered.

Another of America's double standards is its threatening of Iraq with the possible use of nuclear weapons while, at the same time, condemning Baghdad for developing weapons of mass destruction.

Reports further suggest that the U.S. may be preparing to use CS gas and deadly sedative chemicals during the probable upcoming conflict, similar to those used by Russian forces in a Moscow theatre.

Usage of some of these chemical agents contravenes The Chemical Weapons Convention, but U.S. Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has apparently given the green light anyway.

The Leader of Britain's Liberal Democrat Party Charles Kennedy said: "If the argument with Saddam Hussain is over disarming him of weapons of mass destruction, it is perverse of the U.S. to push the boundaries of international chemical warfare conventions in order to subdue him."

A further anomaly rests in the fact that while the American President and his coterie of right-wing neo-Conservatives grandi-osely advocate the imposition of democracy throughout the Mid-dle East; they are planning to either temporarily or semi-permanently carve Iraq into three sectors whether the Iraqis like it or not.

Former U.S. army generals will control the North and South, while Baghdad is to be "ruled" by Barbara Bodine, a former U.S. Ambassador to Yemen. Like Israel, America is likely to be perceived as a detested occupier and a legitimate target for freedom fighters, although any such freedom fighters will no doubt be labelled by the U.S. as "terrorists".

Some 10,000 young Russians have applied for Iraqi visas so as to defend that country from aggression. Will they be called "terrorists"? Will they be taken off to Guantanamo Bay as "detainees"? Do American human shields stand to be divested of their nationality under Ashcroft's Patriot II?

It is surely of concern that while America is pursuing its "war on terror", it is at the same time laying down the very soil in which terrorism blooms?

The American President said during a recent press conference: "One of the things we love in America is freedom." Those Iraqis destined to live under the yoke of Pax Americana, for goodness knows how many years to come, will surely take that statement with a fistful of salt.

During the same question and answer session the president condemned the Iraqi regime for the use of torture. Yet this week we heard of two Afghan prisoners who were in the U.S. custody in Bagram when they were allegedly beaten to death.

It is also an open secret that the U.S. has handed over detainees to countries, which are less than squeamish about using all and any methods of torture, in its search for information about Al Qaida.

Controversial remark

Perhaps Bush's most controversial statement is his "liberty is not America's gift to the world, it is God's gift to each and every person." It is liberty, which the anti-war protestors – dismissed by Bush as a "focus group" – are fighting to preserve. Liberty for the Iraqi people and for the people of other countries, which the Bush administration could well have in its sights.

It is clear that the Bush administration is prepared to ignore the will of the international community, as well as a host of international laws and treaties, while trumpeting democracy even as it is planning to invade and dominate a sovereign nation.

The opposition, which the U.S. faces now from France, Russia, Belgium, Germany and China over its plans for Iraq is only the tip of the iceberg – one that could lead to a meltdown of stability and security or even, in the worst case scenario, the third World War.
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