Anglachel's Journal Sunday, October 05, 2008 "Hillary's Senate Floor
Statement on the Hanky Panky" http://tinyurl.com/4gousj
"...What becomes clear in the statement is that there is at least one
Democrat in the Senate who is thinking extremely concretely about how
to reform the financial system from top to bottom. She opens with some
straightforwardly constituent-oriented explanation for her vote: New
York is the nation's financial center and is going to get the stuffing
beaten out of it unless things can be stabilized. She doesn't sugar
coat it..." http://tinyurl.com/4qqk3a

Senator Clinton: Thank you Mr. President. Thank you very much, and I
appreciate the extraordinary work that has been done with respect to
the rescue package, led in a bipartisan fashion which has certainly
produced significant changes in the original request that came to the
Congress from the Treasury Department. And tonight we will vote on
legislation none of us wish we were considering and none of us can
afford to see fail. The costs of inaction are far too great. We are
already seeing the consequences of a freezing credit market that will
only worsen.

I hear across my state of New York, small businesses are struggling to
find affordable loans to keep their doors open and their inventory
stocked. Even larger businesses are being pushed to the breaking point
throughout the country, the impact of this credit crisis is beginning
to be felt, with students who are seeing the sources of student loans
drying up, interest rates on car payments rising, families who had
saved up and acted responsibly seeing higher mortgage rates, shrinking
their dream of homeownership.

Our economy runs on credit, and underlying that credit is trust. Both
the credit and the trust is running out. Essentially what we are doing
here in an intangible way is restoring trust and confidence in a very
tangible way: helping to restore credit. Banks will refuse to lend to
businesses and even to one another. Investors continue to withdraw
into the safest if investments, treasury bills, even cash. Tens of
thousands of jobs in New York have been lost and a study this morning
projected that New York alone would lose at least 120,000 jobs.

Now I think we are here in some respects because we failed to tackle a
home mortgage crisis, and now we are facing a market crisis. If we
fail to tackle the market crisis, we risk an even deeper economic
crisis. I don't think any of us want to see irresponsibility on Wall
Street compounded by ineffectiveness in Washington. That's why we must
act, even as we do so with regret and reservations, because we have
little choice.

The proposal we are considering is far from perfect, but it is a far
cry from the original plan sent over by the Treasury Department that
installed virtually unlimited powers in the hands of the Treasury
Secretary. As I said when we first examined that original three-page
proposal, we needed a plan that included checks and balances, not a
blank check.

And thanks to the leadership here in the Senate and in the House, we
have negotiated through the Congress, on a bipartisan basis, a better
alternative that installs taxpayer protections, asserts oversight, and
maintains greater accountability. As is the case very often in
effective compromises, no one is happy. But we cannot let the perfect
be the enemy of the good, or in this case, the enemy of what's
necessary. But as we vote for this proposal tonight, we must do so
considering what steps we will take next.

On the floor at this moment are three of the leaders who shaped this,
under the very able leadership of Chairman Dodd, and the chief
Republican negotiator, Senator Gregg, and of course the Chairman of
the Finance Committee, Chairman Baucus.

But I think we all recognize that this is not the end but the
beginning of what we must do. And I believe there are three big goals
that we will have to address even after we pass the Rescue Package
tonight here in the Senate and send it over to the House.

First, we must address the home mortgage crisis. For two years, I and
others have called for action as wave after wave of defaults and
foreclosures crashed against communities and the broader economy. We
are not yet through the woods. Millions of mortgages are underwater or
under specter of adjustable rates set to rise.

I am proposing what we're calling The Homeowners Mortgage Enterprise,
an acronym obviously spelling HOME, to rewrite mortgages and reset
terms so that creditworthy, responsible families can keep their homes
and keep making affordable payments. Through such a HOME program, we'd
also be able to consider freezing adjustable mortgage rates and even
placing short term moratoriums on foreclosures.

When our country enacted a similar program in the Great Depression, we
saved one million homes without costing the taxpayers a dime. In fact,
the program ended up with a surplus. And only by rewriting the terms
of the debt held by families whose mortgages can be salvaged will we
recoup a great deal of the value of the debt we are purchasing from
Wall Street firms.

I also believe we need to consider a real tax credit for homebuyers to
jump start the housing market. This has been an effective tool in the
past and it can be an effective tool again. We have too much supply
and too little demand, and getting the liquidity that will be injected
into the credit markets to work its way through the entire economy
will take time. I think we need not only a supply of liquidity but an
increase in demand, particularly in the housing market.

Second, we must be vigilant on behalf of taxpayers, putting in place
safeguards so the Treasury is maximizing the value of the assets
purchased with taxpayer dollars. We need to have the flexibility to
ensure we're not just subsidizing investors and executives, but we
should tie this debt relief to strong recapitalization requirements
and greater accountability.

I also want to be sure that companies do not take undue advantage of
this program and sell securities to the Treasury with one stroke of
the pen and claim a deduction for the losses on those assets with the
other—in essence, double dipping, dumping their bad assets on
taxpayers, and getting a tax break as well.

I'm proposing we build on a very creative provision in the bill before
us, and establish an e-TRUST Program. That would stand for Transparent
Rules Used to Safeguard Taxpayers. In the bill, there's a provision
that transactions be put on the Internet. I want to ensure that the
assets brought—bought and sold by the Treasury Department are reported
online in real time, so any American can log on and see how their tax
dollars are being spent. All assets bought and sold must be available
on a publicly accessible website that discloses the buyers, sellers
and values of these assets. The American people are buying these
securities, and so the American people must have easy access to their
portfolio.

It's also important for the American people to understand that lying
behind these complex transactions, with all kinds of long names that
you read in the newspaper—collateralized debt obligations, and credit
default swaps and all the other, you know, words that are used to in
some way explain the complex financial transactions that brought to us
this place—standing behind are real assets. There are real homes owned
by real people on real land in real communities across America. So we
want to know how those securities that stand in for these real assets
are being traded, bought, and sold, and we want to be sure that we
realize for the taxpayer the benefit of these transactions.

And third, I think there is general agreement we must pursue broader
reforms. That is one of the lessons of this turmoil. I know that
Chairman Dodd and others will be holding hearings to try to untangle
how we got to where we are. We know we have to rein in executive
compensation by giving shareholders a greater role and eliminating
loopholes that allow boards to conceal the value of salary packages.
We've got to end the quarter-by-quarter mentality in which long term
prosperity is subverted by short term stock valuations. And obviously,
we have to end the culture of recklessness in our financial markets
endorsed by an ideology of indifference in Washington.

As the American people invest in these companies, I think we should
ask the companies to invest in the American people. I think we should
consider requiring financial institutions participating in this
Treasury plan to create an American Priorities Fund to be part of
their portfolios, to invest in clean energy, infrastructure, mass
transit, manufacturing, education, and other public goods and goals
that would be well served by greater private investment.

Along with the rescue package will be a number of tax credits that
will be passed by the Senate tonight. Again, Chairman Baucus has done
yeoman's work getting these tax credits put together. The Senate
supported them before in it as a fix for the Alternative Minimum Tax,
energy production tax credits. In fact, we will be stimulating the
economy for Main Street while we pass this rescue package for our
credit markets. I think that's the right combination.

But we need to do more. Instead of toxic securities that nobody can
understand, are so complex and lack all transparency and
accountability, banks should be investing in clean energy facilities
in Buffalo, or new auto manufacturing plants in Detroit to build more
fuel-efficient cars. We should be repairing our bridges, our roads,
our tunnels. We should investing in high-speed rail and making sure
that Amtrak is just not a second-class railroad, but competes with the
best anywhere in the world.

I think, Mr. President, that the agenda before the Congress is a very
important one for our country. We cannot continue to shuttle from
crisis to crisis. This is a sink-or-swim moment for our country and we
cannot merely catch our breath. We must swim for the shores. And we
must do so together, not only as a united Congress, but as a united
country. There's so much work to be done in America, so many
investments that will make us richer and stronger and safer and
smarter, that will enable us to look into the eyes of our children and
grandchildren and tell them that we're leaving our country and in as
good, in fact, better shape than when we found it. At this moment we
can't say that. But I am absolutely sure, based on the bipartisan
cooperation that we saw on this bill in responding to a real crisis,
that we will see more of that in the months ahead. Our new President
will certainly demand it of us, but we should be demanding it of
ourselves, and demonstrate to the American people that the United
States Congress will lead the way into a much more confident and
optimistic future for America.

Thank you Mr. President. I yield the floor.


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