---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Wed, 12 Aug 1998 09:40:04 -0300 From: Parker Barss Donham <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: [PARKER:1096] Column 8-12-98 Ghoti Lawsuit 12 August 1998 A coalition of small-boat fishermen and fishing communities asked the Federal Court this week to stop Ottawa from imposing radical _ and they believe illegal _ changes in the way fish are managed in Canada. Some will be quick to dismiss the litigants as yet another ``special interest group'' attempting an end-run around democracy through the courts. Herald columnist Jim Meek has already taken a swipe at them. But it's hard to argue that the sweeping changes now underway in fisheries management have been accompanied by much if any democracy _ unless you define democracy as the right of the government to do pretty much whatever it pleases. Privatization of fish stocks constitutes a seismic change that _ some argue _ will devastate coastal communities. Yet it has inspired little public debate outside the industry sectors immediately affected. Few Nova Scotians have any idea what ITQs and enterprise allocations are, let alone how they will change this province. Instead, radical change has been imposed by bureaucratic fiat, while right wing think tanks with no stake in the human impact of the changes, but keen interest in them as ideological test cases, cheer >from the sidelines. The ideology stems from an influential 1968 article in the journal Science, ``The Tragedy of the Commons,'' which argued that common property resources are doomed to over-exploitation. Author Garret Hardin, an ecologist at the University of California at Santa Barbara, used the example of a community sheep pasture. It is in the community's interest to limit the total number of sheep in the pasture, lest forage suffer. But each individual farmer will want to put as many of his own sheep in the pasture as possible. As long as each individual makes his own decisions, the resource is inevitably overwhelmed. A solution that finds much favor with neo-conservatives is to privatize the pasture. Give each farmer a small section of pasture. He can either use it for his own sheep, or rent or sell it to another farmer. Now his own best interest coincides with the community goal of conserving the pasture. In a common fishery, the theory goes, everyone rushes to the fishing grounds on opening day, because it is in each fisherman's interest to catch as much fish as possible before the overall quota is exhausted. The result is a periodic glut of crudely handled, poor quality fish. So Ottawa has begun issuing ``individual transferable quotas'' or ITQs. A fisherman with an ITQ can catch his own quota on his own timetable _ perhaps waiting until market conditions fetch the best price, or taking extra care to insure good quality (and a better price). Or he can rent or sell his quota to a fisherman with a larger, more efficient boat. It sounds wonderful _ in theory. The trouble comes in practice. Wherever ITQs (and their corporate equivalents, known as enterprise allocations) have been tried, the result has been a rapid concentration of the fishery in the hands of a few, wealthy owners. To an economist concerned only with the overall efficiency of economic output, that looks great. What's lost is the industry's ability to sustain tens of thousands of families and hundreds of small coastal communities. The conflict boils down to one of the essential issues of our time: do people exist to serve the economy, or does the economy exist to serve people? This issue warrants the fullest possible discussion, but has received little. DFO has been able to impose privatization without widespread debate because most of the public finds the industry incomprehensibly complex. Incomprehensibility works to the policy-makers' advantage, since Canadians who object to the change lack confidence in their own understanding of the issue. At the same time, the groundfish collapse has persuaded everyone that radical change is needed. The irony is that the same bureaucrats whose stewardship of the cod fishery was such a spectacular failure are imposing policies to reward the very companies whose rapacious fleets caused the problem in the first place, while punishing the small boat fishermen who have been its chief victims. The small-boat fishermen who went to court this week say Ottawa lacks constitutional jurisdiction to create property rights in the fishery, and existing fisheries legislation specifically prohibits it from doing so. But are the courts the right place to fight the issue? ``It is a process where you can be sure that you will be heard, where you will be taken seriously,'' said Bruce Wildsmith, the soft-spoken lawyer for the small-boat fishermen. ``It's slow and it's complicated and it's expensive, but you can't brushed aside too lightly if you have a point to be made.'' Gee. Sounds a lot like democracy. <I> Copyright (c) 1998 by Parker Barss Donham. All rights reserved. <I> -- ------------------------------------------------ Parker Barss Donham | 902-674-2953 (vox) 8190 Kempt Head Road | 902-674-2994 (fax) Bras d'Or, NS B0C-1B0 | [EMAIL PROTECTED] ------------------------------------------------ ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- All the list info you'll ever want: http://antler.moose.to/~server/parker