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Western Sahara and the right to self-determination
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The Continued Irresolution of the Conflict of Western Sahara:
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[image: Western Sahara and the right to self-determination. 64078.jpeg]

*The Right to Self-determination vs. Realpolitik [1]*



Dr Sidi M. Omar
<https://www.pravdareport.com/world/144738-western_sahara_morocco_illegal_invasion/#_ftn2>
[2]

Frente POLISARIO Representative at the United Nations

The UN marks the 75th anniversary of its creation on 26th June, the date on
which the UN Charter was signed by the representatives of 50 countries in
San Francisco, the United States of America. Since its inception, the UN
has had a rather mixed record when it comes to fulfilling the purposes for
which it was created. On balance, the UN as an inter-governmental
organisation has stood the test of time despite the myriad challenges
arising from its built-in structural imbalances and the continued attacks
on the multilateral system that it represents. An area that stands out
among the achievements of the UN is decolonisation. Although the colonial
powers at the time strongly opposed any reference in the UN Charter to
self-determination or independence for colonised peoples and countries
(Non-Self-Governing Territories in line with UN terminology), the process
of liberation of colonised peoples was irresistible and irreversible. The
adoption of UN General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) on the *Declaration on
the Grating of Independence to Colonial countries and Peoples*, on 14
December 1960, was a historic milestone that contributed significantly to
accelerating the decolonisation process, which led to the increase of UN
membership as more colonies acceded to independence.

Today peoples of many erstwhile colonies enjoy their freedom and
independence, yet unfortunately colonialism is far from over. At present,
there are 17 Non-Self-Governing Territories whose peoples have not yet
exercised their right to self-determination and independence including
Western Sahara, the last colony in Africa, on the UN list of
Non-Self-Governing Territories since 1963. The decolonisation of Western
Sahara however was thwarted when Morocco militarily invaded the Territory
on 31 October 1975 in violation of UN resolutions and the ruling of the
International Court of Justice (ICJ) on 16 October 1975, which held that no
tie of territorial sovereignty had ever existed between Morocco and Western
Sahara.
Occupation by Morocco

Morocco's military occupation of Western Sahara stroke at the heart of two
fundamental principles of the existing international order, namely peoples'
right to self-determination and the inadmissibility of the acquisition of
territory by force. However, the Security Council, which has primary
responsibility, under the UN Charter, for the maintenance of international
peace and security, did not take any decisive action against Morocco for
reasons related mainly to *realpolitik.* This is obviously not the place to
engage critically with *realpolitik* and its "dogmatic acceptance" of power
as the fundamental determinant of international politics, among other
things. There is no denying the fact, however, that its doctrinaire
power-centred approach in policymaking has caused (and continues to cause)
so much instability and insecurity in many parts of the world.

Even after approving the UN-OAU Settlement Plan for Western Sahara, which
was solemnly accepted by both parties, the Frente POLISARIO and Morocco, in
August 1988, the Security Council has frequently failed to exercise its
authority to ensure the implementation of the plan. As a result, after 29
years since the establishment of the UN Mission in Western Sahara, MINURSO,
the self-determination referendum for the Sahrawi people, which was
scheduled to be held in 1992, has not yet taken place due to several
reasons. First, Morocco sought to determine the result of the referendum in
advance by transferring thousands from Morocco proper into occupied Western
Sahara and insisting that they should be included in the voting lists.
Second, the passivity and ambivalence with which the Security Council
confronted Morocco's defying attitude, especially when Morocco expressed
unwillingness to go forward with the Settlement Plan in 2002. Third, the
attempts by some quarters to "accommodate" in some way the Moroccan
position by searching for supposedly "political solutions based on
compromise" as if the UN-OAU Settlement Plan had not been the mutually
acceptable political and compromise-based solution par excellence. The fact
that Morocco has reneged on its commitments under the UN-OAU Settlement
Plan for fear of the free and democratic expression of the Sahrawi people
(a fact that attests to the undemocratic nature of the ruling regime in
Morocco) cannot be an argument to invalidate the mutually accepted peace
plan or the referendum as a democratic process for conflict resolution.
Passive and ambivalent approach

The passive and the ambivalent approach with which the Security Council,
under the influence of some of its members, has managed the UN peace
process in Western Sahara over the past decades has only exacerbated the
conflict situation and hampered the quest for a peaceful and enduring
solution. In this context, the root cause of the continued irresolution of
the conflict of Western Sahara, in my view, still lies in the tension
between some approaches based on the doctrine of *realpolitik* on the one
hand, and the right of colonised peoples to self-determination and
independence on the other. Even the recent attempts to reconcile these
contrasting positions could not resist the influence of *realpolitik*,
resulting in self-contradictory and confusing approaches. A prime example
of these is reflected in the Security Council recent calls on the two
parties, the Frente POLISARIO and Morocco, to achieve "a realistic,
practicable and enduring political solution based on compromise" on the one
hand, and to enter into "negotiations without preconditions in good faith
with a view to achieving a just, lasting, and mutually acceptable political
solution, which will provide for the self-determination of the people of
Western Sahara" on the other. This type of "destructive ambiguity" that is
manifest in Security Council recent resolutions has only created more
confusion even for Council members and has given Morocco more room of
manoeuvre to persist in its policy of procrastination and obstruction.

Without a doubt, direct negotiations between the two parties are essential
for reaching a peaceful and sustainable solution to the conflict. In fact,
the UN-OAU Settlement Plan came as a result of a series of negotiations
between the two parties and the United Nations. However, as I have pointed
out on several occasions, calling upon the two parties to engage in
negotiations to achieve a "realistic, practicable" and "mutually acceptable
political solution", "which will provide for the self-determination of the
people of Western Sahara" is incompatible with the principles and rules
governing the right of colonial peoples to self-determination. All UN
relevant resolutions and legal doctrine, including the ICJ advisory opinion
on Western Sahara of 1975, affirm that the essence of the right of colonial
peoples to self-determination is a democratic process by which the will of
the people concerned is expressed in an informed, free and genuine manner.
This means that the will of the people of Western Sahara, the sole holder
of the right to self-determination, must be expressed without any foreign
interference of any kind. The expression must also be genuine and direct
through the internationally established democratic processes of which the
referendum is a widely used process as, for instance, was shown by the case
of East Timor that had many similarities with the Western Sahara situation.
The self-contradictory approach to self-determination remains the
underlying cause of the impasse currently facing the UN peace process in
Western Sahara. This situation is compounded by Morocco's categorical
refusal to engage in any UN-supervised direct negotiations to achieve a
peaceful solution, despite its rhetoric and PR stunts. As I have pointed
out on several occasions, Morocco's strategic objective is to maintain the
status quo and, therefore, its preferable option is the continued
irresolution of the conflict.
The people will never accept it

Nevertheless, if some have accepted this status of affairs under the
influence of *realpolitik* or other considerations, the Frente POLISARIO
and the people of Western Sahara will never accept it. The Moroccan
military invasion and illegal occupation of Western Sahara in 1975,
regardless of its political and economic motives, also implied a denial of
the existence of the Sahrawi people and their right to self-determination
and independence. The practical expression of this denial was the
bombardment of Sahrawi civilians with napalm and white phosphorus and the
scorched-earth policy pursued by Moroccan forces in Western Sahara. It is
also reflected in the various forms of violence practiced nowadays against
civilians in the occupied territories and the deliberate destruction of
Sahrawi cultural heritage. The struggle waged by the Sahrawi people under
the leadership of the Frente POLISARIO is therefore a struggle for
defending their national identity and their legitimate right to exist as a
free and sovereign people in their homeland.

The international community should know, from past and present experience,
that undemocratic regimes, despite their apparent stability, are inherently
unstable, particularly in the age of democracy, the rule of law and human
and peoples' rights. Those who are genuinely concerned about stability and
security in North Africa should rethink their policies towards the region
in general and Western Sahara issue in particular. In doing so, they should
desist from viewing and addressing the issue exclusively from the vantage
point of *realpolitik* or the balance of power politics in the name of
which despotic regimes have oppressed many people and caused violent
conflicts and insecurity in many parts of the world. The time has come for
some quarters to realise that supporting the autocratic regime in Morocco
is no guarantee of regional peace and stability in North Africa. The
Security Council in particular should shoulder its responsibility and
should not wait for the conflict situation in Western Sahara to deteriorate
and become a serious source of instability in the region and beyond.

In conclusion, the legal and political nature of the issue of Western
Sahara as a decolonisation case is unquestionably clear. Therefore, the
question before the United Nations as it marks the 75th anniversary of its
creation comes down to this: do we allow *realpolitik* and the rule of
"might makes right" to prevail in the case of Western Sahara, and thus
allow the Moroccan illegal occupation of parts of the Territory to continue
with impunity, or do we defend the fundamental principles underpinning the
existing international order and thus defend unreservedly the free and
democratic exercise by the people of Western Sahara of their inalienable
right to self-determination and independence in accordance with UN doctrine
related to decolonisation? Without doubt, the "might makes right" rule
cannot be an option, otherwise many peoples and countries, including UN
Member States, would have remained under the yoke of colonialism and
foreign occupation. The only practicable option, therefore, is to allow the
people of Western Sahara a democratic process by which to exercise freely
and democratically their right to self-determination and independence.
Basic democratic principles and rules of international law all support this
legitimate aspiration, and it is now time the international community
support it too not only in words but also in deeds.

By jaysen naidoo - polisario. 20060227, CC BY-SA 2.0,
https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=20106972


------------------------------

<https://www.pravdareport.com/world/144738-western_sahara_morocco_illegal_invasion/#_ftnref1>[1]
The article was published on the website (porunsaharalibre.org).

<https://www.pravdareport.com/world/144738-western_sahara_morocco_illegal_invasion/#_ftnref2>[2]
Dr Sidi M. Omar (https://uji.academia.edu/SidiOmar) holds a European
Doctorate in Peace and Conflict Studies from Universitat Jaume I of
Castellón in Spain. He has taught, as a visiting professor and lecturer,
postgraduate courses on conflict resolution, mediation and negotiation at
several universities in Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America and USA.



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