Seeing the helpful discussion emerge on the new National Academies report
on ways to improve the "social cost of carbon" estimates, thought you'd
appreciate my piece on the political context, which is essential to
consider given that key aspects of the final determination of such metrics
is implicitly a function of values/politics/ethics more than data. Some
excellent input from Myles Allen and Gernot Wagner...

Here's the link and an excerpt (several links to relevant papers are at the
bottom as well):


https://www.propublica.org/article/will-trumps-climate-team-accept-any-social-cost-of-carbon

President-elect Donald Trump and members of his proposed cabinet and
transition team have taken aim at many of President Obama’s climate and
clean-energy policies, programs and legacies — from the Paris Agreement to
the Clean Power Plan.

But there’s probably no more consequential and contentious a target for the
incoming administration than an arcane metric called the “social cost of
carbon.”

This value is the government’s best estimate of how much society gains over
the long haul by cutting each ton of the heat-trapping carbon-dioxide
emissions scientists have linked to global warming.

Currently set at $36 per ton of carbon dioxide
<https://www.epa.gov/climatechange/social-cost-carbon>, the metric is
produced using a complex, and contentious, set of models estimating a host
of future costs to society related to rising temperatures and seas, then
using a longstanding economic tool, a discount rate, to gauge how much it
is worth today to limit those harms generations hence. (For context, the
United States emitted about 5.1 billion tons of CO2 in 2015
<http://edgar.jrc.ec.europa.eu/overview.php?v=CO2ts1990-2015>, out of a
global total of 36 billion.)

The contention arises because the social cost of carbon underpins
justifications for policies dealing with everything from power plants to
car mileage to refrigerator efficiency. The carbon valuation has already
helped shape 79 regulations <http://www.gao.gov/assets/670/665016.pdf>.

The strongest sign of a coming challenge to the social cost calculation
came in a post-election memorandum
<http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3232186-Pyle-What-to-Expect-From-the-Trump-Administration.html>
from
Thomas Pyle, who was then president of the industry-funded American Energy
Alliance and Institute for Energy Research and who now leads the Trump
transition team for the Department of Energy. In the memo, he predicted
policies resulting in “ending the use of the social cost of carbon in
federal rule makings.”

Outright elimination of such a calculation is highly unlikely, according to
interviews with a range of experts. The practice of estimating the economic
costs and benefits of most government regulations began under an executive
order of President Ronald Reagan
<http://www.nytimes.com/1981/11/07/us/reagan-order-on-cost-benefit-analysis-stirs-economic-and-political-debate.html?pagewanted=all>
in
1981. It has continued ever since. Climate-related regulations are no
different. Several court rulings have affirmed the process
<http://www.eenews.net/stories/1060041382>.

But the Trump administration’s aim of lowering the operative “number,”
possibly by a lot, is almost assured. In 2013, an economist from Pyle’s
energy institute testified
<http://instituteforenergyresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/2013.07.18-Murphy-EPW-Testimony-on-Social-Cost-of-Carbon-FINAL.pdf>
in
a Senate hearing that under a proper calculation, the social cost of carbon
“would probably be close to zero, or possibly even negative.”

A deep cut would be both dangerous and unjustified, given the basics of
both climate science and economics, said Gernot Wagner, a Harvard economist
focused on climate risk and policy. In a phone interview on Tuesday, he
said the interagency working group assembled by the White House in 2009 to
create the social cost measurement was “a damn impressive exercise at
assembling a lot of firepower and done in a way that was about as
apolitical as things can go in Washington.”

The result, he said, is, if anything, far too conservative. “What worries
me most, frankly, is that the current social cost is basically being
portrayed as the upper limit,” he said.

In fact, he and several other climate-focused economists said in interviews
that the science, including persistent uncertainty on how fast temperatures
and seas will rise, should result in a higher carbon cost and even more
aggressive steps at limiting warming.

At the same time, he and other analysts agreed that there are issues with
the way calculations have been done so far, reflected in a flood of comments
<https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/omb/inforeg/scc-response-to-comments-final-july-2015.pdfhttps:/www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/omb/inforeg/scc-response-to-comments-final-july-2015.pdf>
received
by the Office of Management and Budget in 2015.

A fresh independent assessment of ways to improve the process was just
conducted by the National Academy of Sciences, the nation’s leading
independent scientific advisory body.

The report
<https://www.nap.edu/catalog/24651/valuing-climate-changes-updating-estimation-of-the-social-cost-of>,
“Valuing Climate Damages: Updating Estimation of the Social Cost of Carbon
Dioxide,” was released yesterday.

The main recommendation is to “unbundle” the mix of models behind that
seemingly simple dollar figure. The models, melding climate science,
demographic change and economics, project harms by looking at possible
shifts in human populations, technologies, economies and the climate in
coming decades.

The assumptions and uncertainties for each step could then be more clearly
laid out in transparent ways that might constrain misinterpretations and
boost societal, and political, acceptance.

Myles R. Allen <http://www.eci.ox.ac.uk/people/mallen.html>, an author of
the report and a climate scientist at Oxford University, said in an
interview that such a structure could help clarify where data ends and
societal and political choices begin.

“There are obviously political decisions which need to be made in any
calculation like the social cost of carbon,” he said. “On the other hand,
the way the climate system responds to greenhouse gas emission levels is
not really up for political discussion.”

Here are some additional resources on the social cost of carbon and related
issues:

   -

   The most readable, even enjoyable, summary of discount rates in the
   context of climate change was written by David Roberts, now at Vox, back in
   his Grist days: “Discount rates: A boring thing you should know about
   (with otters!)
   
<http://grist.org/article/discount-rates-a-boring-thing-you-should-know-about-with-otters/>
   .”
   -

   The two architects of the social cost of carbon, Michael Greenstone, who
   was on the White House Council of Economic Advisers early in Obama’s first
   term, and Cass R. Sunstein, at the Office of Management and Budget, wrote a
   Times op-ed in December
   
<https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/15/opinion/donald-trump-should-know-this-is-what-climate-change-costs-us.html>in
   defense of the measurement headlined “Donald Trump Should Know: This Is
   What Climate Change Costs Us.”
   -

   Gernot Wagner co-authored a new working paper
   
<http://gwagner.com/daniel-litterman-wagner-applying-asset-pricing-theory-to-calibrate-the-price-of-climate-risk/>
that
   offers lessons from risk-management practices used in investing in cutting
   through debates about the present value of limiting future climate risk:
   “Applying Asset Pricing Theory to Calibrate the Price of Climate
Risk,” by Kent
   D. Daniel <http://www.nber.org/people/kent_daniel>, Robert B. Litterman
   <http://www.nber.org/people/robert_litterman>, and Gernot Wagner
   <http://www.nber.org/people/gwagner>(National Bureau of Economic
   Research).
   -

   Richard J. Lazarus, a Harvard law professor, wrote a paper with perhaps
   the most succinct and apt title in academic literature: “Super Wicked
   Problems and Climate Change: Restraining the Present to Liberate the Future
   
<http://www.law.harvard.edu/faculty/rlazarus/docs/articles/Lazarus_WickedELRArticle.pdf>”
   (first published in the Cornell Law Review, July 2009).
   -

   I wrote a Dot Earth column on a climatologist’s view of the challenge in
   investing now for the far future called “How the Climate Challenge Could
   Derail a Brilliant Human Destiny
   
<http://dotearth.blogs.nytimes.com/2016/02/15/oxfords-halley-professor-on-how-the-climate-challenge-could-derail-humanitys-destiny/>
   .”



-- 
*ANDREW C. REVKIN*
*ProPublica Senior Reporter
<https://www.propublica.org/site/author/andrew_revkin> (*climate and
related issues)
*Mobile: 914-441-5556, @revkin <http://twitter.com/revkin>, Facebook
<https://www.facebook.com/andrew.revkin.5>, Music <http://j.mp/revkinmusic>*

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