I/II.
https://scroll.in/article/840588/the-daily-fix-the-centre-needs-to-seriously-consider-the-demand-for-gorkhaland

A Union of linguistic states

2 hours ago

Shoaib Daniyal

The hills of West Bengal have been in turmoil for the past week. The
agitation started when Nepali-speaking Gorkhas began to protest
against the decision of the Mamata Banerjee government to make Bengali
compulsory in school. But given that the movement has continued even
after Banerjee has clarified that the order will not apply to the
hills, it points to deeper roots. On Tuesday, Gorkha parties –
including the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha and the Gorkha National
Liberation Front – got together to adopt a unanimous resolution
calling for a separate Nepali-speaking state of Gorkhaland to be
carved out of West Bengal. The resolution was even supported by the
Bharatiya Janata Party.

The separation of the Nepali-speaking areas of West Bengal is one of
the oldest statehood demands in India – the issue came into existence
almost as soon as the British transferred power to Indian hands in
1947. In this, the Gorkhas do not stand alone. The linguistic
principle has been the basis of Indian politics for some time now. In
1920, as Mohandas Gandhi reorganised the Congress radically in order
to transform it from a genteel talk shop to a vehicle for mass
movement, he made sure to constitute the Congress’ provincial
committees along linguistic lines rather than have them reflect the
Indian provinces at the time, which were arbitrary and often reflected
the history of British conquest. The message was clear: India was to
consist of an union of language communities.

This message was given concrete political shape in the second decade
after Independence, as India’s states were reorganised on linguistic
lines. The arbitrary state of Bombay and Madras were split up into
Marathi, Gujarati, Tamil, Telugu lands.

Yet, in this reorganisation, the Gorkhas of West Bengal got left out.
This step-motherly treatment was due to expedient political
calculation. Unlike Marathis or Tamils, Gorkhas were too small in
number to shake up New Delhi. Of course, Kolkata herself was loathe to
give up areas that bought in valuable tea and tourist revenue, even if
it ignored the character of West Bengal as a Bengali-speaking state.
This anomaly has led to long years of neglect. Bengali politicians do
not win elections from the hills and Gorkhas by themselves are too
small to influence Kolkata.

In the 1980s, support for Gorkhaland exploded into terrible violence
which scarred the hills. This forced some devolution from Kolkata. In
1988, West Bengal formed the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. In 2011,
this gave way to the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration with
expanded powers. Yet, this is not only weaker than other similar
autonomous regions such as the Bodoland Territorial Council but, of
course, has powers that fall far short of a state government.

India’s principal of making states using languages might seem, at
first glance, a divisive tool. However, it is the glue that has kept
the Union together, balancing the multiple identities of citizens as
both Indian and as members of their local language community. The
example of the break up of Pakistan, which tried to wipe out the
Bengali identity of East Pakistan, is a warning about the price that
could be paid if linguistic nationalism is sought to be suppressed.

II.
https://scroll.in/article/840456/reviving-gorkhaland-how-language-identity-and-ethnic-strife-is-driving-violence-in-darjeeling

WEST BENGAL POLITICS

Reviving Gorkhaland: How language identity and ethnic strife is
driving violence in Darjeeling
The Trinamool's aggressive wooing of minority groups in the hills is
further catalysing the issue.

Yesterday · 07:30 am

Shoaib Daniyal

Tourists fled Darjeeling on Monday as the Gorkhaland Janmukti Morcha
chief Bimal Gurung asked them to leave the hills, warning that
“anything might happen”. The hills of West Bengal have seen a violent
agitation by the GJM since Thursday, sparked off by the West Bengal
government’s decision to make the study of Bengali compulsory in all
schools across the state. Even after Chief Minister Banerjee had made
it clear that the Bengali compulsory rule will not apply to the mostly
Nepali-speaking hill regions, the agitation has continued, pointing to
deeper reason for discontent.

Darjeeling in Bengal
The hill regions of West Bengal were originally a part of the Kingdom
of Sikkim. In the late 19th century, Nepal captured Darjeeling from
Sikkim. In 1816, the British in turn wrested it from Nepal. Rather
than give it back to Sikkim, the British decided to keep it, merging
it with Bengal. In 1947, as Bengal was partitioned, Darjeeling was
made a part of West Bengal, thus bringing it to its current status.

Almost immediately after 1947, however, the Nepali-speaking Gorkhas of
Darjeeling started to agitate for a linguistic state of their own,
separate from West Bengal, under the leadership of the All India
Gorkha League.

For a number of reasons, this demand had little traction. New Delhi
was always wary of Nepali language nationalism given that Nepal would
be next door to the proposed Gorkhaland. For example, in 1985, when
Anand Pathak of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) moved a bill
asking for greater autonomy for the hill districts of West Bengal, the
Union Home Ministry had this to say:

These are very dangerous implications, if a proposal of this nature is
accepted. It would be interpreted all over the country as a victory
for separatist forces.

Kolkata itself was not very keen to see West Bengal divided –
especially given the revenue Darjeeling earned via tea and tourism.

The Gorkhaland movement
Due to long years of neglect, Darjeeling erupted in violence in the
1980s, under Subhash Ghising of the Gorkha National Liberation Front.
Ghising’s main demand was for a new state of Gorkhaland for India’s
Nepali-speaking citizens. Ghising pulled no punches using violence and
scare tactics – he even warned of a plot to create a “Greater Nepal”.
Ghising also demanded an abrogation of the 1950 Indo-Nepal treaty.
Journalist and political commentator Romit Bagchi writes that
Ghising’s movement was supported by Nepal as a way to scotch demands
that Indian-origin people get Nepali citizenship in the Terai.

In 1988, giving in partially to the movement, West Bengal formed the
Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. In 2011, this gave way to the
Gorkhaland Territorial Administration with expanded powers. The
Gorkhaland Territorial Administration controls 54 subjects including
the lucrative tea plantation sector. Yet, it is significantly weaker
than other autonomous regions such as the Bodoland Territorial
Council, which even has the power to make news laws.

Trinamool divide and rule
Matters are made trickier for the Gorkhas by the local strategic
politics of the Trinamool. The hills of West Bengal are rich in
ethnicities. And while Gorkhas are the main group, they aren’t the
only one. Since 2011, the Trinamool government has assiduously wooed
these minority ethnicities in the hills, creating six boards for the
Lepcha, Tamang, Rai, Sherpa, Bhutia and Mangar communities. Even the
Trinamool candidate for the 2016 Assembly elections from Siliguri town
was a Bhutia – India’s best-know footballer, Baichung Bhutia.

The Trinamool’s politics came to fruit last month as it won the Mirik
municipality in Darjeeling district. This win is highly significant as
it is the first time a non-Gorkha party has won anything in the hills
for three decades – ever since the Gorkhaland movement took off under
Subhash Ghising.

More than anything, the Mirik win might explain why the Gorkhaland
Janmukti Morcha is keen to start an agitation around the issue of
language identity even after the Trinamool has backtracked from its
Bengali-is-compulsory stand. Painting the Trinamool as a Bengali party
would help unite the all the hill ethnicities taking it back to the
situation of the 1990s where the Gorkhaland Janmukti Morcha held sway
over the region.



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Peace Is Doable

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