http://www.telegraphindia.com/1090717/jsp/opinion/story_11247748.jsp#
WHERE THE DIVIDEND LIES
- The Union budget has ignored the *Economic Survey*CUTTING CORNERS - Ashok
Mitra

In the mid-1940s, the country’s apex bank, the Reserve Bank of India, was
still very much a fledgling institution, groping its way around. To improve
the quality and processing of data as well as its global understanding of
economic and monetary issues, the RBI decided to set up a research
department. A few members of technical staff were scraped together from the
bank’s operational wings along with a handful of bright young economists and
statisticians recruited from outside. They were boxed in an obscure corner
on the top floor of the bank’s imposing building on Bombay’s Mint Road and
left to their own devices. One afternoon, an out-of-town visitor keen to
meet a college-mate, who had joined the RBI research staff, walked into the
Mint Road office and enquired where exactly the research department was
located. He asked hither, he asked thither, nobody could help him. He was
about to give up and leave when a bank clerk took pity and called him back:
“Well sir, you take the lift at that corner, take it and go to the top
floor, step out of the lift, walk twenty paces to the right, then turn to
the left, walk another fifteen paces from that spot, now turn to the right
and you will come to a biggish room where you will find a cluster of young
people gossiping and occasionally reading newspapers. May be they are the
research department.”

In other words, in that era, nobody took the research department of the RBI
— or for that matter, that of any other official institution dealing with
economic, monetary and financial matters — seriously. More often than not,
an outfit of this kind was the object of banter and ridicule. The members of
research staff were at most tolerated, few believed they could make any
substantive contribution to either policy-making or operational efficiency.

A sea-change has taken place since Independence. Economics is now a
holier-than-thou profession. Most ministries dealing with economic affairs
now recruit sophisticated research staff with formidable academic
credentials and are equipped with state-of-the-art computers. The state
governments have not lagged behind, nor have banks and corporate firms. The
country’s prime minister himself had once headed the government’s economic
research division. Senior economists with, for instance, the ministry of
finance and the Planning Commission are at present a much-sought-after,
high-profile species. They produce reports, in season and out of season, on
the burning economic issues of the day. Their advice, admonitions and
prognoses are supposed to be major inputs at the disposal of policy-makers,
including ministers. None dare keep them at arm’s length. On the contrary,
if gossip is to be lent an ear, their sage words uttered every now and then
have a considerable impact on the movement of share prices in the market.

The *Economic Survey* put out annually on budget eve by the ministry of
finance is the product of its economic research contingent. This year’s *
Survey* has a breathtaking quality. It is seemingly unaware of the grave
economic recession — the gravest in eight decades — that has currently
overtaken the United States of America as well as Europe. The fact that at
the root of the crisis is the greed and venality of private enterprise is of
no matter to those who have authored the document. Problems of both economic
stability and economic growth, the *Survey* assumes, have a unique solution:
globalization and even more globalization; the nation’s fate is to be left
entirely to the care of private initiative. It recommends disinvestment, at
galloping speed, in public sector undertakings including in the nine
undertakings that are making huge profits, the*navaratna*. It pitches for
privatization of the country’s railway network and mines. It totally ignores
the hard reality that foreign — particularly American — banks and insurance
companies are now a thoroughly discredited lot and proven hotbed of
corruption and other gross financial irregularities, often necessitating
injection of public funds for their survival. The *Economic Survey* actually
urges greater scope for their entry into the Indian economy.

Those who have prepared the *Survey* are true-blue neo-liberal economists,
on the same wavelength as savants on the staff of the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund and other admirers of the concept of global
economic equilibrium nestling in American and British academic institutions.
The central objective of the*Economic Survey*, evidently in the view of its
authors, is not to inform the nation and politicians in charge of its
destiny about the economic realities here and overseas, nor to suggest
policies and programmes which take into account the substance of these
realities, but to indulge in abstract pedantry. Perhaps their product is
more intended for consumption abroad: dear friends, please see how much we
have learned by sitting at your feet. Even if the *Survey* is not taken
seriously within the country, those who have scripted it will have no
regrets; as long as their neo-liberal whimsies are duly appreciated — and
suitably rewarded — by appropriate quarters in distant lands, their day is
made.

The preachings and precepts strewn across the *Economic Survey*, have mostly
not been heeded in the preparation of this year’s Union budget. The finance
minister has charted his own course. On the issue of disinvestment, he has
dissembled beautifully: it will all depend, you know, on market conditions.
He has not even bothered to refer to the extravagant proposal to privatize
railways and mines. There is similar reticence on whether to allow wider
opportunities to foreign banks and insurance companies to mulct the Indian
economy. Also worth noticing is the spectacle of the finance minister
maintaining a certain distance from the fetishism of gross domestic product
growth. His airy-fairyness conveys the message that was intended to be
conveyed: wait out till the global situation clarifies; meanwhile, no harm
humouring the hugely rural electorate, even if this involves some fiscal
deficit. After all, in the US, he has gently rubbed it in, the fiscal
deficit is almost double of what he has proposed.

In sum, the budget is a slap on the face of the wisdom-laden architects of
the *Economic Survey*. It is as if we have come full circle. Sixty or
seventy years ago, the research personnel of government institutions were
considered irrelevant for policy-making because of a general ignorance about
what they do. The research personnel are once more being regarded as
irrelevant, but because the inanities they produce are now in the domain of
full public knowledge and invite derision. Which is all a great pity. The
intellectual calibre of those who have prepared the *Survey* is of the
highest grade, and yet, their advice and suggestions are out of alignment
with the realities the nation has to grapple with. One is almost tempted to
ask whether there is not a need to ‘nationalize’ the government’s economic
research units. An independent nation cannot afford to carry the burden of a
comprador research outfit in the sphere of either science or economics.

The budget has exercised its judgment: there is little percentage at this
moment in acting as cheerleader for globalization. Class issues are an
altogether different matter though. Additional generosity in the form of
both higher exemption limits and special exemptions, abolition of surtax,
reluctance to raise the rates of direct taxation, disappearance of the
fringe benefit tax, and so on, pack a message from the finance minister’s
party to the urban classes: please go ahead and enrich yourselves, the
budgetary dispensations will act as your security guard; government measures
will not be as naïve nor as aggressive as the oddballs in the research wing
recommend, but for all that will be immensely more fruit-bearing.

Finally, why forget the triple bonanza of the by-now-routine increase, by
more than one-third, in the outlay on defence, pleasing, at one go, the
patriotic lobby, the military-industrial complex and the commission agents?
Nobody will have the temerity to suggest that the fiscal deficit is because
of the hefty rise in defence spending.

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