[Donald Trump's warning that North Korea could face "fire and fury the
likes of which the world has never seen" has been widely interpreted as a
threat backed by destructive power of the US nuclear arsenal.
In case that message wasn't clear, the following morning the president
boasted that US nuclear weapons were "far stronger and more powerful than
ever before".
"Hopefully we will never have to use this power," he tweeted, "but there
will never be a time that we are not the most powerful nation in the world!"
The president's recent nuclear sabre-rattling shouldn't be viewed as an
isolated incident, however. Mr Trump has displayed a keen interest in the
utility of atomic weapons for decades.
It's part of a political worldview that has long since solidified into firm
beliefs for the septuagenarian. His thoughts on trade have been influenced
by the American industrial might of the post-World War Two era. His
demographic views of the nation hark back to an ethnic homogeneity that has
long since vanished. And his thoughts on atomic weaponry reflect a certain
strain of Cold War arms-race enthusiasm and diplomatic brinkmanship.]

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-40879868

Donald Trump's nuclear fixation - from the 1980s to now

Anthony Zurcher
North America reporter
9 hours ago

Protesters outside the White House call for a de-escalation in
tensionsImage copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image caption
Protesters outside the White House call for a de-escalation in tensions

*Donald Trump's warning that North Korea could face "fire and fury the
likes of which the world has never seen" has been widely interpreted as a
threat backed by destructive power of the US nuclear arsenal.*

In case that message wasn't clear, the following morning the president
boasted that US nuclear weapons were "far stronger and more powerful than
ever before".

"Hopefully we will never have to use this power," he tweeted, "but there
will never be a time that we are not the most powerful nation in the world!"

The president's recent nuclear sabre-rattling shouldn't be viewed as an
isolated incident, however. Mr Trump has displayed a keen interest in the
utility of atomic weapons for decades.

TrumpImage copyrightGETTY IMAGES

It's part of a political worldview that has long since solidified into firm
beliefs for the septuagenarian. His thoughts on trade have been influenced
by the American industrial might of the post-World War Two era. His
demographic views of the nation hark back to an ethnic homogeneity that has
long since vanished. And his thoughts on atomic weaponry reflect a certain
strain of Cold War arms-race enthusiasm and diplomatic brinkmanship.

North Korea: Are Trump's assumptions about the nuclear threat right?
The North Korea crisis in 300 words
Trump and the nuclear codes

Last December President-elect Trump emphasised that the US had to "greatly
strengthen and expand" its nuclear weaponry and would "outmatch" any
adversaries.

In August MSNBC's Joe Scarborough reported that candidate Trump had asked
his foreign policy advisors several times why the US couldn't use its
nuclear weapons - a claim the Trump campaign denied.

The report, however, followed on the heels of an April 2016 town hall forum
exchange between Mr Trump and MSNBC's Chris Matthews, who asked him why he
had refused to categorically rule out the use of nuclear weapons.

"Would there be a time when it could be used?" Trump replied. "Possibly.
Possibly."

trumpImage copyrightGETTY IMAGES

When pressed on the risks of openly talking of using nuclear weapons, Mr
Trump said: "Then why are we making them? Why do we make them?"

(The US no longer makes new nuclear warheads. It maintains its current
arsenal.)
He repeated that he is not going to take any of his "cards off the table".

Digging back further, in 1990 Mr Trump gave an interview with Playboy
Magazine in which the topic of atomic weaponry came up.

"I've always thought about the issue of nuclear war; it's a very important
element in my thought process," Mr Trump said. He called it the "ultimate
catastrophe" and compared it to an illness no one wants to talk about it.

"I believe the greatest of all stupidities is people's believing it will
never happen," he continued, "because everybody knows how destructive it
will be, so nobody uses weapons. What [expletive]."

US troops regularly hold training drills with South KoreaImage
copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image caption
US troops regularly hold training drills with South Korea

In 1984 - at the height of the Cold War - Mr Trump even told a Washington
Post interviewer he wanted to be put in charge of US-Russia nuclear arms
negotiations.

"It would take an hour-and-a-half to learn everything there is to learn
about missiles," Mr Trump said. "I think I know most of it anyway."

Around the time of this interview a computer game called Balance of Power,
which simulated the Cold War struggle between the US and Soviet Unions,
became a surprise hit.

Players could sabotage, scheme and sabre-rattle up to the brink of nuclear
war. The trick was you were never quite sure how close you could get before
the missiles started flying. Escalation could lead to inadvertent
annihilation.

And if it did, this was the message, displayed in white letters on a black
screen: "You have ignited an accidental nuclear war. And no, there is no
animated display of a mushroom cloud with parts of bodies flying through
the air. We do not reward failure."


Media captionGuam beachgoers unfazed by North Korea threats

If Mr Trump's past comments are any guide, he appears to be making the
calculus that the US nuclear arsenal is ineffective if adversaries don't
believe the nation is willing to pull the trigger. It's all part of the
"unpredictability" strategy he repeatedly touted during his presidential
campaign (and plugged again in a recent tweet).

Mr Trump - and his Defence Secretary Jim Mattis - have spoken of how the US
will prevail in any military confrontation with North Korea. Largely left
unmentioned amid the bluster, however, is the danger that an extended
standoff could spin out of control and the high cost in human lives - in
civilian lives on both sides of the Korean demilitarised zone and for US
military personnel - that any such conflict would entail.

The US would almost certainly prevail, but it would be difficult to view
such a result as anything but a failure.

-- 
Peace Is Doable

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