A YEAR LATER, CHRONICLES PROVED RIGHT AGAIN [WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK]

2002-09-11 Thread Miroslav Antic
Title: Message



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http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/News/News091102.html 

September 11, 2002 
A YEAR LATER, CHRONICLES PROVED RIGHT AGAIN 
As you are force-fed, today and throughout this week, an unending sequence of 
non-news, psycho-babble, and solemn musical interludes on your local NPR 
station, while TV screens give you yet another video replay and yet another 
talking head pontificating on the meaning of it all, we offer a shelter from 
the proceedings. On this day of remembrance we'll refrain from commentary, and 
merely repeat what we had to say in the first week after the event. 
Only hours after the attack Thomas Fleming asked ("Terrorists Target 
America") if anyone in Washington would wake up to the danger they have 
created by humiliating Muslims in the Middle East and, simultaneously, 
giving them easy access to the United States, where they are building their 
mosques and agitating against any public expression of Christian faith: 
 Such a response is unlikely. What will our government do 
in the weeks to come? . . . It is important to keep in mind that in America, 
 every disaster will be used as a pretext for more stupid 
government programs. Despite the obvious fact that this kind of terrorist 
 attack, which we have been predicting, could not have 
been stopped by the President's Missile Defense program, the Republicans will 
 certainly claim that American security interests demand 
immediate funding. Predictably, Democratic leftists will blame the openness of 
 our society and call for more stringent controls on guns 
and travel. This attack should cinch the argument for national identity cards 
 and strengthen the hand of those who don't think we have 
enough police check points. 
Two days after the attacks, on September 13, Srdja Trifkovic pointed out 
("America's Black September") that already at the time of the first WTC, 
attack in 1993, it had become obvious that radical Islam had a firm foothold 
within the Muslim diaspora in the United Statesbut in the meantime the 
demographic deluge of the followers of Islam had continued unabated: 
 Its adherents' murderous extremism, manifested on 
September 11, should spell the end of another kind of extremism: the stubborn 
 insistence of the ruling establishment on treating each 
and every newcomer as equally meltable in the pot. They let millions of people 
 into this country every year without seriously asking 
them who they are and why they are here. The federal government's refusal to 
 implement a rational immigration policy costs lives. Its 
refusal to accept that certain ethnic and cultural traits make some groups more 
 (or less) readily assimilable into America than others 
has rendered our country incapable of considering reality. An obvious lesson of 
 September 11 is that it is necessary to curtail 
immigration from the Islamic world, which fuels diasporas in both North America 
and  Europe that allow terrorists to remain anonymous and 
untraceable. 
Trifkovic also predicted that the Palestinians would be the chief and 
immediate losers from the attacks' fallout, just as the public sympathy for the 
Palestinians had been rising in the West: 
 As Arab teenagers are shot in the streets for throwing 
stones, Israel has been losing the public relations battle. This is likely to 
 change. The impression that we are now in the same boat 
with Israel is mistaken, but it will be promoted nevertheless . . . The peace 
 process will remain stalled, and ever more stringent 
Israeli counter-measures will be approved. The need for a new American policy in 
 the Middle East will be blurred, at least temporarily . . 
. The creative response to it is to avoid the perception of a permanent bias in 
 Middle Eastern affairs that breeds anti-Americanism and 
Islamic fundamentalism. But above all it is necessary to rethink the U.S. policy 
 in the Middle East. American national interests in the 
Middle East are primarily economic: It is vitally important to the United States 
to  have permanent access to secure and affordable sources 
of energy. It is not vitally important to the U.S. whose flag flies over the 
 Dome on the Rock. We need a stable peace in the Middle 
East that should be based on a scrupulously even-handed treatment of the 
 conflicting parties' claims and aspirations. The 
desirability of any possible solution must be assessed from the point of clearly 
defined  American geopolitical, economic, and diplomatic 
interests. 
In addition, Trifkovic also predicted that the mind-boggling failure of the 
U.S. "intelligence community" to anticipate and prevent the attacks would be 
used by the proponents of further centralization of the power of the government: 

 Those proponents of perpetual war for perpetual peace will 
demand expanded controls over the Internet, obligatory e-mail decoding 
 devices, and more satellites that monitor us from the 
skies. But those attacks prove 

Drain the Swamp and There Will Be No More Mosquitoes [WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK]

2002-09-11 Thread Miroslav Antic
Title: Message



HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK
---



  
  

  Published on Monday, September 9, 2002 in the Guardian/UK 
  

  Drain the Swamp and There Will 
  Be No More MosquitoesBy attacking Iraq, the US will 
  invite a new wave of terrorist attacks 
  
  

  by Noam Chomsky
  

  

  September 11 shocked many Americans into an awareness that they had 
  better pay much closer attention to what the US government does in the 
  world and how it is perceived. Many issues have been opened for discussion 
  that were not on the agenda before. That's all to the good. 
  It is also the merest sanity, if we hope to reduce the likelihood of 
  future atrocities. It may be comforting to pretend that our enemies "hate 
  our freedoms," as President Bush stated, but it is hardly wise to ignore 
  the real world, which conveys different lessons. 
  The president is not the first to ask: "Why do they hate us?" In a 
  staff discussion 44 years ago, President Eisenhower described "the 
  campaign of hatred against us [in the Arab world], not by the governments 
  but by the people". His National Security Council outlined the basic 
  reasons: the US supports corrupt and oppressive governments and is 
  "opposing political or economic progress" because of its interest in 
  controlling the oil resources of the region. 
  Post-September 11 surveys in the Arab world reveal that the same 
  reasons hold today, compounded with resentment over specific policies. 
  Strikingly, that is even true of privileged, western-oriented sectors in 
  the region. 
  To cite just one recent example: in the August 1 issue of Far Eastern 
  Economic Review, the internationally recognized regional specialist Ahmed 
  Rashid writes that in Pakistan "there is growing anger that US support is 
  allowing [Musharraf's] military regime to delay the promise of democracy". 

  Today we do ourselves few favors by choosing to believe that "they hate 
  us" and "hate our freedoms". On the contrary, these are attitudes of 
  people who like Americans and admire much about the US, including its 
  freedoms. What they hate is official policies that deny them the freedoms 
  to which they too aspire. 
  For such reasons, the post-September 11 rantings of Osama bin Laden - 
  for example, about US support for corrupt and brutal regimes, or about the 
  US "invasion" of Saudi Arabia - have a certain resonance, even among those 
  who despise and fear him. From resentment, anger and frustration, 
  terrorist bands hope to draw support and recruits. 
  We should also be aware that much of the world regards Washington as a 
  terrorist regime. In recent years, the US has taken or backed actions in 
  Colombia, Nicaragua, Panama, Sudan and Turkey, to name a few, that meet 
  official US definitions of "terrorism" - that is, when Americans apply the 
  term to enemies. 
  In the most sober establishment journal, Foreign Affairs, Samuel 
  Huntington wrote in 1999: "While the US regularly denounces various 
  countries as 'rogue states,' in the eyes of many countries it is becoming 
  the rogue superpower ... the single greatest external threat to their 
  societies." 
  Such perceptions are not changed by the fact that, on September 11, for 
  the first time, a western country was subjected on home soil to a 
  horrendous terrorist attack of a kind all too familiar to victims of 
  western power. The attack goes far beyond what's sometimes called the 
  "retail terror" of the IRA, FLN or Red Brigades. 
  The September 11 terrorism elicited harsh condemnation throughout the 
  world and an outpouring of sympathy for the innocent victims. But with 
  qualifications. 
  An international Gallup poll in late September found little support for 
  "a military attack" by the US in Afghanistan. In Latin America, the region 
  with the most experience of US intervention, support ranged from 2% in 
  Mexico to 16% in Panama. 
  The current "campaign of hatred" in the Arab world is, of course, also 
  fueled by US policies toward Israel-Palestine and Iraq. The US has 
  provided the crucial support for Israel's harsh military occupation, now 
  in its 35th year. 
  One way for the US to lessen Israeli-Palestinian tensions would be to 
  stop refusing to join the long-standing international consensus that calls 
  for recognition of the right of all states in the region to live in peace 
  and security, including a Palestinian state in the currently occupied 
  territories (perhaps with minor and mutual border adjustments). 
  In Iraq, a decade of harsh sanctions under US pressure has strengthened 
  Saddam Hussein while leading to the death of