No end to US's war budget woes
By David Isenberg
AsiaTimes Online
Oct 30, 2007 

WASHINGTON - To paraphrase an old US Army song (The Caissons Go Rolling Along), 
the costs of the overall US global "war on terror", including, but not limited 
to the Iraq war, just keep rolling along and piling up. The title "The Growing 
Budgetary Costs of the Iraq War" of an October 24 House Budget Committee 
hearing succinctly summed it up. 

During a nearly three-hour hearing a trio of witnesses provided detailed 
testimony. Peter Orszag, director of the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) 
testified that the CBO had totaled the funding provided through fiscal year 
2007 for military and diplomatic operations in Iraq and Afghanistan and other 
activities associated with the "war on terrorism", as well as for related costs 
incurred by the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) for medical care, 
disability compensation, and survivors' benefits. 

In addition to totaling the funding provided to date, CBO has projected the 
total cost over the next 10 years of funding operations in support of the "war 
on terrorism" under two scenarios specified by the committee chairman. 
Including both funding provided through 2007 and projected funding under the 
two illustrative scenarios, total spending for US operations in Iraq and 
Afghanistan and other activities related to the "war on terrorism" will amount 
to between US$1.2 trillion and $1.7 trillion for fiscal years 2001 through 
2017. 

In the first scenario, the number of personnel deployed on the ground for the 
ongoing effort would be reduced from an average of about 200,000 in fiscal year 
2008 to 30,000 by the beginning of fiscal year 2010 and then remain at that 
level through 2017. CBO estimates that costs to the US government under this 
scenario will total $570 billion over the 2008-2017 period. 

In the second scenario, the number of personnel deployed to Iraq and other 
locations associated with the "war on terrorism" would decline more gradually, 
from an average of about 200,000 in fiscal year 2008 to 75,000 by the start of 
fiscal year 2013 and then remain at that level through 2017. The CBO estimates 
that costs to the government under this scenario would total $1,055 billion, 
just over a trillion dollars, over the 2008-2017 period. 

Of course, one third or one half of the above total has already been spent, 
according to Orszag. He said that from September 2001 through the end of fiscal 
year 2007, Congress appropriated $602 billion for military operations in Iraq 
and Afghanistan and other activities associated with the terrorism campaign. 
That does not include an estimated $2 billion has been spent by the VA for 
war-related benefits. 

According to CBO's estimates, the majority of the $604 billion appropriated to 
date - about $533 billion - has been provided to the Pentagon for US military 
operations and other defense activities. Such war-related appropriations 
accounted for more than 20% of the department's budget in 2006 and more than a 
quarter of its budget in 2007. The Department of Defense (DOD) currently is 
obligating an average of almost $11 billion a month for expenses associated 
with its operations in Iraq and Afghanistan and for other activities related to 
the "war on terrorism". 

Most of that amount (more than $9 billion per month) is related to operations 
in Iraq. 

As an example of how hard it is to figure out costs, the next witness, Amy 
Belasco of the Congressional Research Service, had a slightly higher figure 
than the CBO. She said that CRS estimated that Congress had provided about $615 
billion to date for Iraq, Afghanistan and enhanced security at defense bases. 

That figure, does not reflect the administration's most recent request. On 
October 22, the administration submitted an additional request which includes 
an additional $43.6 billion for Iraq and Afghanistan. If Congress chooses to 
provide those funds, the CRS estimates that total war costs will reach about 
$803 billion, including some $192 billion in FY2008. 

To help put current costs in historical perspective, the CRS noted that the 
cost of all DOD funds appropriated thus far for the three "war on terror" 
operations - Iraq, Afghanistan and enhanced security - now equals about 90% of 
the 12-year war in Vietnam ($670 billion) and about double the cost of the 
Korean war ($295 billion). 

Put another way, the cost of all three operations thus far is now over six 
times as large as the cost of the first Gulf War ($94 billion). Comparisons to 
that war are problematic, however, because the United States only paid some $7 
billion, or about 7% of the cost of that war, because its allies, principally 
Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, reimbursed the United States for most of the cost. 

The Iraq war itself has thus far cost about 65% as much as Vietnam. On the 
other hand, Iraq has cost about 50% more than Korea to date and about four and 
a half times more than the costs incurred for the first Gulf War. 

Interestingly, according to Belasco, the current "burn rates" or monthly 
obligations, such as the nearly $11 billion a month given by the CBO, do not 
reflect overall costs. 

The DOD's war cost reporting system captures the amounts that have been 
obligated for Iraq, for Afghanistan and for enhanced security and hence shows 
how funds have been allocated after the fact or once contracts or purchase 
orders are signed and military or civilian personnel are paid. 

The DOD's figures do not reflect the total amounts that Congress has 
appropriated to date, which includes funds that remain to be obligated in later 
years. Nor does the DOD's reporting system capture some intelligence funding 
that the DOD does not administer and may not include other war funds 
appropriated. Nor does the DOD capture amounts that have actually been spent. 

Concerned about the accuracy of its reporting, the DOD asked a private firm to 
conduct an audit on war cost tracking. Although the DOD's current FY2008 
request identifies the funds for Iraq against those for Afghanistan, the DOD 
has not presented a breakdown by operation of all funds received to date. 

But the most interesting testimony was that of the final witness, Harvard 
University budgeting professor Linda J Bilmes. She noted that the process 
itself by which the war is funded leads inevitably to abuse. She testified: 
  I would like to say something about the use of the "emergency supplemental" 
vehicle for funding the war. In my opinion as a budgeting professor, this is 
not the best way for the US budget system - or any budget system - to operate. 
The purpose of the emergency supplemental facility is to fund a genuine 
emergency or unforeseen event, such as Hurricane Katrina. 

  The late transmittal of the supplementals during the budget process leads to 
less congressional review and a lower standard of detailed budget justification 
than regular appropriations. It is difficult to understand why, five years into 
the war, we are still funding it largely in this manner. We are denying the 
budget staff of both parties, who are some of the very best staff members in 
the Congress - the budget committees, the authorizing committees, and the 
appropriations committees - the opportunity to review these numbers thoroughly. 
So it is not surprising, given this lack of transparency, that we have seen 
widespread waste and alleged corruption in payments to contractors, a lack of 
timely requests for vital equipment such as MRAPs, and continuing shortfalls in 
critical areas such as veteran's health care. 
Bilmes, unlike the CBO or the CRS, counts the full economic costs of the war. 
This includes long-term accrued liabilities, human costs, social costs and 
macro-economic costs, and not just budgetary costs. 

To give just one example, she notes the economic costs of injuries will add a 
further $200 to $300 billion to the cost of the war. She also pointed out that 
the US government is grossly underestimating the economic value of American 
soldiers killed and the cost of caring for the wounded. She testified: 
  Despite the fact that the military "family" mourns the loss of its soldiers, 
the official budgetary cost for a soldier's death is $500,000 paid to the 
soldier's family. This amount is a small fraction of the value used in even the 
narrowest economic estimates - and much lower than the $6-$7.5 million range 
used by civilian government agencies. 

  In many cases, the dead were young men and women in peak physical condition, 
at the beginning of their working lives. Their true economic value could easily 
have been much higher. 

  Using a VSL of $7 million, the economic cost of the more than 4,000 American 
deaths in Iraq and exceeds $30 billion. And while it seems harsh to convert 
these deaths into cold financial numbers, at the same time it is important to 
recognize that our economy will suffer as a result of the fatalities in this 
war. 
As for caring for the wounded Bilmes noted that the burden is enormous: 
  The repeated tours of duty have imposed an enormous emotional, social and 
economic strain on the individuals serving and their families. When a service 
member is critically wounded, friends and family members put their lives on 
hold. This puts enormous financial and emotional strain on their loved ones. 
Current law offers caregivers few employment protections, so they not 
infrequently lose their jobs and suffer financial consequences. The 
Dole-Shalala Commission estimated that 20% of families of veterans who were 
wounded, injured or otherwise incapacitated (such as with mental illness) have 
been forced to leave their employment in order to become full time caretakers. 

  We are in the process of estimating some of the economic costs to the 
families of having to sacrifice their income and jobs, some of the additional 
health care costs that families and society will incur in caring for seriously 
injured veterans. We believe this will impose an economic cost in excess of $40 
billion. 
David Isenberg is a senior analyst with the British American Security 
Information Council. He is also a member of the Coalition for a Realistic 
Foreign Policy, an adjunct scholar with the Cato Institute, contributor to the 
Straus Military Reform Project, a research fellow at the Independent Institute, 
and a US Navy veteran. The views expressed are his own. 

(Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us 
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