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Pakistan: The Spider’s Web <http://www.marxist.com/the-spiders-web.htm>
Written by Lal KhanFriday, 13 September 2013
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Introduction: In June this year, Shahrukh Jatoi the son of a Sindhi feudal
landlord, was handed the death penalty after being found guilty of shooting
dead university student Shahzeb Khan last December. The case raised furore
all over Pakistan as it was a clear example of the corruption and cronyism
that exists within Paksitani society. As Khan's father said: “This is the
brutal reign of the feudals. They don’t spare anyone.”. Despite being found
guilty and sentenced to death Jatoi was pardoned last week after paying
Khan's family a sum of 350 million Rs ($3.3m).

[image: 
shahrukh-jatoi]<http://www.marxist.com/images/stories/pakistan/shahrukh-jatoi.png>Shahrukh
Jatoi, the son of a feudal landlord, was smiling and waving V signs after
he received his death sentence. He was sure that his obscene wealth would
save him from the gallows.The release of Shahrukh Jatoi and others in the
Shahzaib murder case by way of Qisas, or payment of Blood Money to the
parents of the deceased victim, has yet again triggered a debate on the
status of laws enacted in the name of religion. A rich killer from the
feudal aristocracy, despite having blood on his hands, went scot-free only
because he belonged to a class that could quash the verdict and bend
justice through their obscene wealth. However, it is not just the law of
Qisas one needs to condemn. The entire judicial set up makes a mockery of
justice.

After sixty -six years of Pakistan’s existence the legal code inherited
from the British, the Islamic courts, the tribal Jirgas and rural
panchayats is operative at different levels of society. It’s not just that
a universal legal system is missing but that the vast majority of the
population does not have the financial means to obtain justice. The real
situation is that from the lower courts to the Supreme Court the whole
judicial system is so complicated, slow and expensive that the toiling
classes are even denied the most elementary kind of bourgeois democratic
justice.

Justice as well as proper health care, decent education and other basic
necessities have become the privileges of the rich and the mighty. As the
ancient Athenian poet, lawmaker and statesman Solon said: “Laws are like
spiders’ webs: if some light or powerless thing falls into them, it is
caught, but a bigger one can break through and get away”

This scenario has been omnipresent in all class societies but under crony
capitalism with its burgeoning crisis in countries like Pakistan obtaining
justice has become a psychological and financial torment. The expenses and
fees in the high and supreme courts are so astronomical that not more than
five percent of the people of the country can afford to seek justice
through this path.

The bourgeois revolutions in Europe that erupted in the wake of the
renaissance created new types of nation states in concert with the rising
capitalist economics. This is also true for the US and other advanced
capitalist countries where the bourgeois revolutions were completed to
various degrees. One of the corner stones of these new states was the
judiciary. This institution was proclaimed sacred and the other
institutions of the state, such as the dominant media and the
intelligentsia, inculcated this myth into the general social consciousness.

The ruling classes and the far sighted experts of capital ensured that the
judiciary lived in a world that apart from society and was above all its
ills and defects. With a multitude of concocted myths, respect for and fear
of the judiciary was instilled in the psyche of society. They were very
careful and cautious not to over use this state institution in order to
preserve it as a tool to curb the revolts of the oppressed class in
extraordinary revolutionary periods.

The British brought this judicial system to the subcontinent and imposed it
over the prevalent existing judicial practices. This system that the
British introduced still dominates India, Bangladesh, Pakistan and other
countries of the British ex colonies.

During the time of the British Raj there were several cases in which the
judiciary was used to impose imperialist rule but the most significant one
was the trial of Bhagat Singh and other militants of the HSRA (Hindustan
Socialist Republican Association). These revolutionary freedom fighters had
planned to challenge the judicial system and spread their revolutionary
message through the proceedings of the court trial. The Viceroy, Lord
Irvin, was so much irritated by the tactic of these militants that he
issued a special ordinance, which not only curbed their legal rights but
also brought the trial to a hasty conclusion. This resulted in the hanging
of Raj Guru, Sukhdev and Bhagat Sing in the early hours of 23rd March 1931.

In Pakistan the most controversial case of the use of the judiciary by a
despotic regime was the execution of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in April 1979. To
date this case continues to reverberate and exposes the real nature and the
class bias of the so called independent and sacred institutions. Of the
seven member full bench of the Supreme Court, two judges were sent home in
spurious circumstances on the grounds that they had expressed doubts on the
veracity of the evidence and the tyrant Gen Zia ul Haq was not prepared to
take a chance on the outcome. When the death verdict was announced it was a
split decision of three to two. This case is being reopened but the yet
again process is being strangled by legal complications, which are
deliberately enacted to delay and subvert the proceedings.

These episodes expose the real character of the judiciary and the laws of
an imperialist state. The capitalist state is created to sustain the rule
of capital and the ruling classes. All institutions of such states are
designed for this particular purpose. Whenever a system or a regime is
threatened, all these institutions play their role in these crucial events.
Usually, the judiciary is the last resort as an institution to be used to
rescue the ruling class and their system.

However, when a state and system fails to deliver the basic needs of the
masses and widening disparity and exploitation creates social unrest,
judicial activism comes into play. Many suo-moto notices of the courts have
been very selective, resulting in the ignoring of some of the most crucial
issues and pandering to relatively insignificant issues as a tool to
deflect the masses from attending to their day to day burning issues.
Judicial activism also exposes the growing crisis of the state as its
institutions begin to decay and erode with the worsening crisis of the
economy and the society.

The present Chief Justice and his predecessors have time and time again
vowed to eradicate corruption from the judiciary. These pledges have been
futile. In an economy where the informal sector is thrice the size of the
formal sector the sickness of the system becomes acute. The informal or the
black economy is itself a manifestation of the corruption and crime raging
in the country. This black capital intrudes into the state and society. Its
investment is mainly in nonproductive sectors of short-term duration and
the flight of capital is easy.

Conversely, what is happening is, the deterioration of life in society
through an excruciating rise in poverty, deprivation, disease,
unemployment, terrorism, violence, extortion and misery. That is the only
future that capitalism can offer.  In a system which fails to deliver
health, education and the other basic necessities of life, to talk of
delivering real justice on the doorstep is a delusion and a deception.

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