LAUNDERING THE PUBLIC IMAGE OF WORKER-KILLING SWEATSHOPS
By David Bacon
Truthout Analysis, 5/7/13
http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/16212-laundering-the-public-image-of-worker-killing-sweatshops


At the Ali Enterprises garment sweatshop in 
Pakistan in 2011, 300 people burned to death - 
the largest factory fire in world history. Last 
year in Bangladesh workers jumped from the 
windows of the burning Tazreen factory because 
the doors were locked, falling to the pavement 
below as their sisters had done in the notorious 
Triangle Shirtwaist fire in New York City in 
1911. In the Foxconn plant in China, where the 
iPads and iPhones are assembled, workers were 
pushed so hard that they began to kill themselves 
in 2010.

And during the week of April 21, over 350 workers 
were killed when the Rana Plaza building 
collapsed. Factory owners refused to evacuate the 
building after huge cracks appeared in the walls, 
even after safety engineers told them not to let 
workers inside. Workers told IndustriALL union 
federation representatives they'd be docked three 
days pay for each day of an absence, and so went 
inside despite their worries.

Not good for the corporate image of WalMart, 
whose clothes were sewn at Tazreen, or Apple, 
whose iPads and iPhones are put together at 
Foxconn. Not good for J. C. Penney, Benetton or 
the Spanish clothing brand El Corte Inglés, whose 
labels or cutting orders were found in the rubble 
at Rana Plaza. According to the International 
Labor Rights Forum, "one of the factories in the 
Rana complex, Ether-Tex, had listed 
Walmart-Canada as a buyer on their website."

When workers started committing suicide at 
Foxconn, protestors held signs with their names 
in front of Apple's flagship store, demanding 
better conditions.  But the strategy employed by 
most large manufacturers is not to improve the 
conditions that kill workers. They are especially 
unwilling to recognize workers' unions that would 
act as monitors and enforcers of signed 
agreements guaranteeing livable wages and safety 
procedures that wouldn't put lives at risk.


Chinese immigrants in San Francisco protest the 
suicides of Foxconn workers because of the long 
hours and bad conditions at the factory in 
southern China, where the Apple iPad is 
manufactured.

Instead, the big label companies "helped spawn an 
$80 billion industry in corporate social 
responsibility (CSR) and social auditing," 
according to a new report by the AFL-CIO, 
Responsibility Outsourced. "Yet the experience of 
the last two decades of 'privatized regulation' 
of global supply chains has eerie parallels with 
the financial self-regulation that failed so 
spectacularly..." That CSR industry, the report 
charges, "helped keep wages low and working 
conditions poor, [while] it provided public 
relations cover for producers."

One corporate CSR auditing firm, the Business 
Social Compliance Initiative (BSCI), had 
certified two factories in Rana Plaza, New Waves 
Style and Phantom Apparel. The website of another 
factory, Ether Tex, said the same firm had 
audited it as well, and that it had also passed 
inspection by a second corporate auditor, the 
Service Organization for Compliance Audit 
Management (SOCAM).

The BSCI website admitted auditing the first two, 
but disclaimed any responsibility for the deaths 
of hundreds of workers in the premises it had 
certified. "The reasons of the collapse of the 
factories seem to be related to the poor 
infrastructure of the Rana Plaza building," it 
said. "BSCI focuses on monitoring and improving 
labour issues within factories and relies on 
local authorities to ensure the construction and 
infrastructure is secure."

BSCI was set up by the Foreign Trade Association, 
a company group based in Europe "in order to 
create consistency and harmonisation for 
companies wanting to improve their social 
compliance in the global supply chain," its 
website says. SOCAM, which reportedly also 
certified the Ether Tex factory, was created by 
the huge C&A clothing manufacturer, based in the 
UK and Germany.

The global proliferation of sweatshops has driven 
the income and working conditions of garment, 
electronics and other factory workers to the 
absolute rock bottom. Half a century ago, their 
conditions were much better. After the huge 
organizing drives of US workers in the 1930s and 
40s, a critical mass of garment workers in the 
United States belonged to unions - enough so that 
workers' wages afforded them a secure and decent 
life. Most worked directly for manufacturers. And 
when those companies began to use contracting 
shops, workers' organized strength enabled them 
to force employers to agree to critical measures 
that protected their jobs.

As the new AFL-CIO report relates, the key was 
the "jobbers agreement." Each manufacturer or 
brand could only place orders with union 
contractors, which were guaranteed steady work to 
keep workers permanently employed. No new 
contractor could be used unless existing ones had 
a full supply of orders. And the manufacturers 
had to give the contractors a high enough price 
to guarantee the union wages.


San Francisco garment workers and their union, 
UNITE, protest the closure of the city's garment 
factories, and the relocation of work to 
sweatshops in Asia and Latin America.

Then the bottom fell out, as US brands first 
closed their own factories, and then began 
searching the world for the countries and 
contractors that would produce garments at the 
lowest possible cost. Unionized garment workers 
in San Francisco and other cities protested those 
closures, pointing to the huge difference betwen 
their wages and conditions and those in the 
sweatshops to which the work was transferred. 
The same process took place in Europe. Today, the 
world looks completely different as a result.

"Manufacturing work has left countries in which 
there were laws, collective bargaining and other 
systems in place to reduce workplace dangers," 
the report charges, while "jobs instead have gone 
to countries with inadequate laws, weak 
enforcement and precarious employment 
relationships."

This transition was aided by negotiation of 
corporate-friendly trade agreements guaranteeing 
the products of these factories unfettered access 
to US and European markets, while simultaneously 
putting pressure on developing countries to 
guarantee the rights of foreign corporate 
investors and a corporate-friendly environment of 
low wages, lax enforcement of worker protections, 
and attacks on unions.

Perhaps the building codes at Rana Plaza were not 
enforced, and permits never even obtained, 
because Sohel Rana, the building's owner, is 
reportedly active in Bangladesh's ruling party, 
the Awami League. At Tazreen, the company was 
cited by fire inspectors, but never forced to 
install safety equipment.

But Bangladesh's development policy is based on 
attracting garment production by keeping costs 
among the world's lowest. Safe buildings that 
don't collapse or trap workers in fires raise 
those costs. So do wages that might rise above 
Bangladesh's 21¢/hour - not a livable wage there 
or anywhere else.

The beneficiaries of those costs are the big 
brands whose clothes are sewn by the women in 
those factories. They give production contracts 
to the factories that make the lowest bids. 
Factories then compete to cut costs any way they 
can.


San Francisco garment workers protest the closure 
of the Koret factory, and the relocation of its 
work to sweatshops in Central America.

The Responsibility Outsourced report analyzes key 
experiences to support its conclusion. At Ali 
Enterprises, for instance, one of the two CSR 
giants, Social Accountability International, 
subcontracted with an Italian firm, RINA. "In 
Pakistan, RINA hired local firm RI&CA, which 
certified Ali Enterprises in August 2012.  For 
two years, RINA had supervised by phone and 
meetings outside Pakistan. Nearly 300 workers 
died in a fire two weeks after the 
certification," the report charges.

Use of the CSR process goes beyond garment 
factories, it shows. At the Dole plantations in 
the Philippines, the company (with the help of 
the Philippine military) replaced the union 
organized by the workers, Amado Kadena-National 
Federation of Labor Unions-Kilusang Mayo Uno, 
with a company union. At the same time Dole had a 
seat on the SAI board of directors and received 
its SA8000 certification. Afterwards, wages fell 
and Dole began replacing permanent workers with 
temporary ones.

At the immense Foxconn plant in China, according 
to the report, "when its brand's reputation was 
endangered by worker suicides, deadly accidents 
and unrest at factories, it decided to use the 
FLA (the Fair Labor Association, the other 
pro-corporate CSR giant). After receiving a 
$250,000 membership fee, FLA inspected the 
Foxconn factories, initially praising Foxconn in 
the press before even completing the inspections, 
then issuing a moderately critical report, then 
insisting a few months later Foxconn was well on 
its way to solving its labor rights problems. 
Little changed for the workers, however. When 
1000 struck at a Foxconn plant in 2013, 
"observers reported that riot police, water 
cannons and physical violence were used to 
suppress the strikers."


Chinese immigrant protestors lined up in front of 
Apple's flagship store in San Francisco, holding 
signs with the names of workers at the Foxconn 
factory who committed suicide because of the 
working conditions.

In 2008, Russell Athletics closed a plant in 
Honduras after almost 2000 workers organized a 
union and began trying to bargain a contract. The 
FLA declared that the closure was motivated by 
normal business reasons. Fortunately, in this 
case, the workers reached out to the Workers 
Rights Consortium, a monitoring group set up by 
United Students Against Sweatshops. Threatening 
to hold demonstrations at US college campuses to 
torpedo sales of Russell sportswear, the WRC was 
able to get the plant reopened and the workers 
rehired.

This tactic was pioneered in the 1990s when USAS 
helped workers defeat beatings and a pro-company 
union at a Mexican garment plant, Kuk Dong. USAS 
forced Nike to step in to require its contractor 
to respect workers' rights. This use of consumer 
power in market countries, organized by 
anti-sweatshop students and unions, is a form of 
solidarity that has begun to develop a track 
record in making real improvements on the ground 
for factory workers.

The Responsibility Outsourced report concludes by 
looking at other alternative models as well, that 
can improve working conditions. It points to 
global framework agreements between global union 
federations and multinational companies as 
particularly effective. "Because they are not 
unilateral, but are negotiated by workers, they 
represent progress over corporate codes [and] 
contain binding commitments by companies to 
respect international labor rights and national 
laws."


Chinese immigrant garment workers in San 
Francisco protest the sweatshop conditions of 
workers in the Gap's contract sweatshops in 
Central America and Asia.

Some national measures passed by the US Congress 
are another means to progress in this area, the 
report finds, including the Dodd-Frank Act, which 
reformed financial practices on Wall Street. In 
Europe, it points to the protocol on freedom of 
association signed by Indonesian trade unions 
with multinational sportswear brands, backed by 
IndustriALL, the European labor federation.

The WRC and USAS have developed a Designated 
Supplier Program, in which participating 
universities only buy garments from brand name 
manufacturers that pay prices to contractors that 
can support living wages, and where workers have 
the right to organize. Following the Tazreen 
fire, a binding agreement was developed by 
IndustriALL, the WRC and other labor NGOs. It 
seeks to prevent more fires by guaranteeing 
workers' right to organize and enforce safety 
conditions. Some companies, including PVH and 
Tchibo have signed on. WalMart and Sears, 
however, not only refused, but would not even pay 
compensation to the Tazreen fire victims.

Finally, the report also mentions the potential 
impact of using the $11 trillion in workers' 
pension funds, invested in corporate stock, as 
leverage to get companies to change their 
conduct. At the same time, it casts a skeptical 
eye on more corporate-friendly programs like 
Better Work, and on the idea of reforming the 
employer-sponsored CSR process.

Ultimately, concludes Sharan Burrow, general 
secretary of the International Trade Union 
Confederation, "it is through freedom of 
association and organizing unions that workers 
have the best chance to defend their interests."



Coming in 2013 from Beacon Press:
THE RIGHT TO STAY HOME:  Ending Forced Migration 
and the Criminalization of Immigrants



DISPLACED, UNEQUAL AND CRIMINALIZED - A Report 
for the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation on the 
political economy of immigration
http://www.rosalux-nyc.org/displaced-unequal-and-criminalized/



David Bacon Discusses Worker Safety Amid Tragedy in Bangladesh Factory -
CCTV America
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F0bwqU3ZED4&feature=youtu.be
Radio interview with Leticia Nava, fired Hilton 
worker, and Sara Garcia, Casa de Vecinos 
Organizados, about the impact of E-Verify firings 
and immigration reform
http://www.kpfa.org/archive/id/90718
With Solange Echevarria of KWMR about growers 
push for guest worker programs. Advance to 88 
minutes for the interview.
http://kwmr.org/blog/show/4156



See also Illegal People -- How Globalization 
Creates Migration and Criminalizes Immigrants 
(Beacon Press, 2008)
Recipient: C.L.R. James Award, best book of 2007-2008
http://www.beacon.org/productdetails.cfm?PC=2002

See also the photodocumentary on indigenous migration to the US
Communities Without Borders (Cornell University/ILR Press, 2006)
http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/cup_detail.taf?ti_id=4575

See also The Children of NAFTA, Labor Wars on the 
U.S./Mexico Border (University of California, 
2004)
http://www.ucpress.edu/books/pages/9989.html

Entrevista con activistas de #yosoy132 en UNAM
Interview by activists of #yosoy132 at UNAM (in Spanish)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JyF6AJQa9po&feature=relmfu

Two lectures on the political economy of migration
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2GgDWf9eefE&feature=youtu.be
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Pd4OLdaoxvg&feature=related

For more articles and images, see  http://dbacon.igc.org

-- 
__________________________________

David Bacon, Photographs and Stories
http://dbacon.igc.org

__________________________________

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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