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Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <h-rev...@lists.h-net.org>
> Date: May 3, 2020 at 9:24:41 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff <revh...@mail.h-net.org>
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-California]:  Malka on Ryan, 'Taking the Land to 
> Make the City: A Bicoastal History of North America'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Mary P. Ryan.  Taking the Land to Make the City: A Bicoastal History 
> of North America.  Austin  University of Texas Press, 2019.  
> Illustrations. 448 pp.  $40.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-4773-1783-9.
> 
> Reviewed by Adam Malka (University of Oklahoma)
> Published on H-California (May, 2020)
> Commissioned by Khal Schneider
> 
> In this conceptually ambitious history of pre-Civil War Baltimore and 
> San Francisco, Mary P. Ryan seeks to understand what the history of 
> these two cities can reveal about the history of the American nation 
> of which they were both, eventually, a part. I say "ambitious" 
> because in the broadest sense Ryan advances several broad 
> historiographical arguments on the importance of urban history to 
> North American history: that large municipalities nurtured democracy 
> no less than did the supposed rugged individuals of the agricultural 
> frontier; that it was in cosmopolitan centers where capitalism was 
> propelled and, in occasionally surprising ways, altered; and that 
> metropolises like Baltimore and San Francisco provide an entirely 
> different vantage point to understand the political geography of the 
> Civil War era. But above all, this is a book about the simultaneous 
> making of cities and the formation of the United States, and about 
> how the two were often one and the same. For in Ryan's hands, cities 
> were more than mere sites where the US nation formed. They were, 
> perhaps, the essential sites. 
> 
> Ryan organizes _Taking the Land to Make the City _into four sections. 
> Part 1 looks at the geographic practices of the indigenous people who 
> inhabited the Chesapeake and San Francisco Bays for several thousand 
> years before European contact--the ancestors of the Powhatans and the 
> Ohlone, respectively--and then narrates how the English and Spanish 
> (again, respectively) took the land and began converting it into 
> individual parcels of private property. The brutal European 
> expropriation of Indian land did not produce the cities of Baltimore 
> and San Francisco immediately, but it did establish the social, 
> economic, and political foundations upon which such city making could 
> proceed. Part 2 then moves into the heart of Ryan's story, describing 
> how settlers during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth 
> centuries began to produce their urban spaces. Along the Chesapeake, 
> a mixture of public and private actors worked together, sometimes 
> tensely and other times harmoniously, to build the row houses, 
> impressive monuments, and orthogonal streets that characterize 
> Baltimore to this day. Meanwhile, around the bay of San Francisco, 
> _pobladores_ (settlers) like Francisco de Haro created what Ryan 
> calls "a new and distinctive landscape, one that extended out into 
> ranchland, came together around a plaza, and acquired the legitimacy 
> of a pueblo" (p. 173). Although they took different paths, and 
> although they drew from different geographic traditions, the local 
> inhabitants of these blossoming cities practiced a popular form of 
> self-government that had "lasting consequences" for both the Mexican 
> and US republics (p. 127). 
> 
> The second half of the book examines the rise of Baltimore and San 
> Francisco as modern, capitalist metropolises. Part 3, which consists 
> of two of the book's most fascinating chapters, narrates how by the 
> 1850s each city came to resemble the other in terms of power and 
> size. The paths they took, however, diverged. Baltimore's tale 
> involved an energetic municipality allied with an ever-growing 
> private sector: "as private corporations claimed their private rights 
> and privileges, the mayor, city council, and taxpayers were left with 
> a growing burden of public responsibilities" (p. 256). San 
> Francisco's tale, meanwhile, grew out of the US annexation of Alta 
> California, the Gold Rush, and the frantic land grab that followed. 
> The end result of all this rushing and all this grabbing was a 
> distinctly Californian urban landscape, one that did not replicate 
> Baltimore's grid so much as it wrote "a pattern of blocks, lots, and 
> an occasional public square" down the peninsula and toward the 
> Pacific shore (p. 306). The makers of Baltimore and San Francisco 
> made use of land according to their own local logics, and they would 
> continue to do so even as the US fractured along sectional lines. 
> Part 4 concludes this story of two cities with an east-west 
> perspective, and with urban residents taking still-more territory and 
> building still-more houses and streets during the tumultuous 1860s. 
> As Ryan notes, the sale of city lots did not stop for the Civil War; 
> indeed, it did not stop for anything. She concludes that the US 
> nation's triumph over sectionalism, slavery, and slaughter was "due 
> in no small part to the history made in cities," where a polyglot of 
> peoples and interests formed an intersecting network around which the 
> postwar world would be built (p. 321). 
> 
> The power of Ryan's arguments about popular democracy, urban 
> capitalism, and national formation rests in the granular nature of 
> her analysis. By reconstructing the processes by which Baltimore and 
> San Francisco were charted, mapped, and built, she intervenes in and 
> occasionally reshapes a number of ongoing debates. Her discussion of 
> the marriage of public and private actors in Baltimore, and of the 
> ways that democratic politics and private capital reinforced each 
> other, provides welcome nuance, for instance, to the narrative of 
> urban development specifically and nineteenth-century American 
> political development more generally. "There was something more 
> complicated at work than an abrupt transition from a private to a 
> public city (or vice versa)," writes Ryan. "As private corporations 
> claimed their private rights and privileges, the mayor, city council, 
> and taxpayers were left with a growing burden of responsibilities" 
> (pp. 255-56). Meanwhile, Ryan's detailed discussion of the 
> speculative frenzy that erupted over San Francisco real estate in the 
> aftermath of the Mexican Cession and Gold Rush continues the 
> important work of scholars like Maria Montoya by showing precisely 
> what happened when two legal systems and political economies 
> converged in the most cherished bay of the Mexican Cession. Perhaps 
> most importantly, Ryan's careful attention to the messy mechanics of 
> land speculation sheds much-needed light on the mapmakers, 
> financiers, property assessors, lawyers, and politicians usually 
> hidden by passive sentence constructions in other historians' work. 
> And these are just a few examples out of many. With remarkable 
> attention to detail, Ryan weaves deftly between the fields of 
> political geography, vernacular architecture, and urban history to 
> make the persuasive case that cities were incubators of American 
> democracy, American capitalism, and the American nation itself. 
> 
> In the broadest sense, _Taking the Land to Make the City _is an ode 
> to the nineteenth-century metropolis and a tribute, in particular, to 
> early Baltimore and San Francisco. Ryan thus adopts an almost elegiac 
> tone, but this occasionally leads to some analytical trouble. It is 
> jarring to read celebratory accounts of settlers and their 
> descendants in a book that is also a story of settler colonialism. It 
> is likewise curious that her thorough examination of geographic 
> commoditization leads Ryan to conclude that "our cities serve as an 
> admonition not to take but to tend the waters and the land" (p. 15). 
> Perhaps most perplexing is the place of race. Although clear-eyed 
> about the ways that white Baltimoreans and San Franciscans delimited 
> the democratic potential of their "streets, squares, plazas, 
> neighborhoods, and vigorous municipal institutions," Ryan often 
> partitions her considerations of racism to the end of chapters or 
> sections, an organizational choice that implies "the political 
> energy, relative economic equality, and urban pleasure that once 
> thrived" in nineteenth-century cities was either incomplete or not 
> yet complete (p. 365). Many historians have shown that the supposed 
> energy, equality, and pleasure of American cities was _constitutive_ 
> of the racism that flourished on their streets and in their 
> neighborhoods, and to separate any discussion of urban racism from 
> that of urban democracy can be misleading. 
> 
> Ryan is less interested ultimately in the implications of urban 
> exclusionary practices than she is invested in reconstructing the 
> redemption and hope of urban spaces. There are advantages to this 
> choice. _Taking the Land to Make the City_ is an elegant portrait of 
> early Baltimore and San Francisco that is as enjoyable as it is 
> insightful. It offers a convincing case for the centrality of urban 
> history to the metanarratives of early US history and deserves to be 
> widely read. 
> 
> Citation: Adam Malka. Review of Ryan, Mary P., _Taking the Land to 
> Make the City: A Bicoastal History of North America_. H-California, 
> H-Net Reviews. May, 2020.
> URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=54576
> 
> This work is licensed under a Creative Commons 
> Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States 
> License.
> 
> 
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