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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <h-rev...@lists.h-net.org>
> Date: May 20, 2019 at 11:44:58 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff <revh...@mail.h-net.org>
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Nationalism]:  McGahern on Monterescu and  Hazan, 
> 'Twilight Nationalism: Politics of Existence at Life's End'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Daniel Monterescu, Haim Hazan.  Twilight Nationalism: Politics of 
> Existence at Life's End.  Stanford  Stanford University Press, 2018.  
> xii + 270 pp.  $85.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-5036-0432-2; $25.95 
> (paper), ISBN 978-1-5036-0563-3.
> 
> Reviewed by Una McGahern (Newcastle University)
> Published on H-Nationalism (May, 2019)
> Commissioned by Cristian Cercel
> 
> In _Twilight Nationalism: Politics of Existence at Life's End, 
> _authors Daniel Monterescu and Haim Hazan offer an original and 
> thought-provoking ethnographic study of nationalist identity in the 
> "mixed" city of Jaffa. Critiquing methodological nationalism and the 
> "vicious circle" (p. 10) of uncritical reproduction of the same 
> dichotomous categories of analysis that prevail in studies of 
> Jewish-Arab relations in Israel, they instead advocate a relational 
> and situational approach that would better demonstrate the more 
> complex constitution and dissolution of nationalist identities and 
> discourses that emerge from the cracks of "contrived coexistence" (p. 
> 3) between individuals and groups over the course of different lives, 
> life stages, and life struggles within the city. 
> 
> Once a major port city during the period of the British mandate, only 
> 5 percent of Jaffa's seventy thousand Palestinians remained in the 
> city following the 1948 "war of independence," or _Nakba _(disaster) 
> as it is known in Arabic. This remnant community was then confined to 
> a ghetto in the Ajami neighborhood that was enclosed until 1956 and 
> subject to military rule until 1966. During this time, Jaffa was 
> unilaterally annexed to the neighboring city of Tel Aviv (in 1950), 
> and over the next decade, the city's population grew rapidly as a 
> result of Jewish immigration, receiving at one point the moniker of 
> "Little Bulgaria" (p. 7). With the construction of new "development 
> towns" from the 1960s onward, however, it increasingly became a 
> transit city for wealthier Ashkenazi Jewish residents on their way to 
> better housing elsewhere while an increasingly poor and stigmatized 
> Mizrahi Jewish population remained who, together with the remnant 
> Palestinian residents of the city, were targeted with successive slum 
> clearances and gentrification plans. Today, the city is home to 
> twenty thousand Palestinians, forty thousand Jews (including a 
> growing number of hipster-gentrifiers), hundreds of migrant laborers, 
> and Palestinian collaborators resettled from the occupied Palestinian 
> territories (p. 5).    
> 
> In order to highlight the dialectical relationship that exists 
> between the different identities, lived spaces, and memories of these 
> city's residents, the authors draw on insights from subaltern 
> studies. This serves not only to advance their critique of 
> methodological nationalism but also as a means to liberate the 
> voices, memories, and narratives of their elderly respondents. For 
> them, the elderly provide a unique vantage point not only because 
> they are considered "an agent and a guardian of memory capable of 
> providing a firsthand testimonial" (p. 2), but also because their 
> "vantage point [is] predicated on their assumed marginality, which 
> frees them from the constraints of normative cultural performance" 
> (p. 13). At the twilight of their lives, the act of remembering 
> becomes not only a speech act but, they argue, a lens through which 
> the (in)coherence and (dis)continuities of nationalist narratives and 
> discourses can be unpacked and analyzed. This forms the basis of 
> their "metanationalist" approach--"a second-order reflexive unpacking 
> of national narratives through and of speech" (p. 15) that reveals 
> the ways in which elderly residents of the city--Palestinian and 
> Jewish, male and female, rich and poor--each engage with, navigate, 
> affirm, reject, or bargain with nationalism as part of their own 
> "autobiographical dramas" (p. 13). 
> 
> Their analysis focuses on the life stories of twelve elderly 
> residents. Two stand out in particular. The first is that of Abu 
> Subhi. Born on the outskirts of Jaffa in 1927, he and his family were 
> internally displaced to Ajami in 1948. During his early years, he saw 
> the dead bodies of children following the bombing of an orphanage by 
> the Jewish terrorist group Stern Gang, the occupation of Jaffa, and 
> the barbaric herding of Palestinians into the enclosed ghetto of 
> Ajami. Both his memory and his daily life afterwards were dictated by 
> his depressing economic situation and the necessity of survival. From 
> a young age, he worked various jobs as a manual laborer: on a British 
> army base as a water pump operator, in orange groves of a nearby 
> kibbutz with his father, and later for the state of Israel. Not 
> having the luxury of material distance and financial independence, as 
> some of the city's better-off and more well-connected Palestinian 
> residents had, he represents both a narrative of survival and the 
> "unbearable burden of memory" (p. 85). He narrates the bombing of the 
> orphanage "as if it's a documentary film he watched" (p. 66) and 
> remembers other traumatic events from his life "from the position of 
> a bystander" (p. 84). Unable and unwilling to engage with and process 
> the multiple traumas he has endured, his narrative is one of stoic 
> self-reliance and resourcefulness. In his refusal the authors find 
> parallels to his testimony of many Holocaust survivors suffering from 
> continuous post-traumatic shock.           
> 
> A second story which stands out is that of Amram Ben-Yosef. Born in 
> Casablanca in 1934, he came to Israel on his own in 1950, aged 
> sixteen, to be followed later by his family. Unable to settle down or 
> get on with his father who rejected him, he wandered aimlessly from 
> kibbutz to kibbutz and dodged military service before becoming 
> homeless. He survived by eating food from rubbish bins and 
> prostitution. Later, he became a pimp and a drug addict in Jaffa's 
> slums. He lies and cheats his way through life and a series of 
> marriages only to be abandoned himself by the last woman he deceived. 
> He lives outside the city in a public housing apartment but returns 
> each day to a café next to the clock tower in Jaffa where he spends 
> most of his time. His story, the authors tell us, is one of "failed 
> absorption of an indigent immigrant who clings to the last vestiges 
> of communal existence on the outskirts of Jaffa's old city" (p. 190). 
> His is a difficult story to read. He talks openly about his life as a 
> pimp. Describing Jaffa in the 1950s as being full of 
> prostitutes--"miserable girls who came here without their parents" 
> (p. 193) who were tricked into trading their bodies for food and 
> survival--his pity is, however, reserved entirely for himself and the 
> difficult life he had to lead in order to survive. Describing the 
> government's efforts to clear and gentrify the area, he describes 
> being tricked out of his home for profit, with his old home now worth 
> two million dollars. One of six children, two of his brothers died as 
> addicts (one from drugs, another from alcohol). His youngest brother 
> died of a stroke and his parents "of a broken heart" (p. 202). 
> Feelings of anger, rejection, guilt (for having gathered his family 
> in Israel), impotence, sorrow, and bitterness reverberate through his 
> story, and he rejects all forms of collective identity.   
> 
> Each of the twelve life stories presented in the book highlights the 
> different life experiences and traumatic events encountered by these 
> elderly residents. Within each life story emphasis is placed on how 
> their lived experiences have channeled their memories in particular 
> ways and the extent to which this has caused them to either 
> internalize or repudiate national narratives as a coping strategy. 
> These stories are in turn divided into three sections that, following 
> the stages of the setting sun (sunset, dusk, nightfall), indicate 
> stages of increasing withdrawal and distance "from the classical 
> model of territorial nationalism" (p. 20). The aim of the authors 
> here is to identify commonalities in the coping strategies of their 
> Jewish and Arab respondents and to show the dwindling power of 
> nationalist discourses upon the elderly and "nationalism's terminal 
> state" (p. 224) more generally. The organization of the book allows 
> them to identify alternative unifying patterns of attachment and 
> repudiation primarily along lines of class, gender, and community 
> affiliation. Because the authors do not tell us how these twelve 
> individuals were selected, the reader is left to wonder if other life 
> stories might have been captured that could have revealed a more 
> glaring light of continuous affiliation to nationalist identities and 
> discourses. Nonetheless, what their analysis does amply and 
> sensitively show is the value of a relational and situational 
> approach to the study of nationalist identities and discourses, and 
> the importance of being attentive to different social, spatial, and 
> temporal configurations in analyses of their import upon everyday 
> lives. As such this book will surely be of interest not only to 
> scholars of nationalism and urban studies but to those interested in 
> subaltern groups, identity politics, and ethnographic research more 
> generally.   
> 
> Citation: Una McGahern. Review of Monterescu, Daniel; Hazan, Haim, 
> _Twilight Nationalism: Politics of Existence at Life's End_. 
> H-Nationalism, H-Net Reviews. May, 2019.
> URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=54112
> 
> This work is licensed under a Creative Commons 
> Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States 
> License.
> 
> 
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