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A Greek Morality Tale
by Joseph Stiglitz
Project Syndicate
February 2, 2015
<http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/greece-eurozone-austerity-reform-by-joseph-e--stiglitz-2015-02>

NEW YORK – When the euro crisis began a half-decade ago, Keynesian
economists predicted that the austerity that was being imposed on
Greece and the other crisis countries would fail. It would stifle
growth and increase unemployment – and even fail to decrease the
debt-to-GDP ratio. Others – in the European Commission, the European
Central Bank, and a few universities – talked of expansionary
contractions. But even the International Monetary Fund argued that
contractions, such as cutbacks in government spending, were just that
– contractionary.

We hardly needed another test. Austerity had failed repeatedly, from
its early use under US President Herbert Hoover, which turned the
stock-market crash into the Great Depression, to the IMF “programs”
imposed on East Asia and Latin America in recent decades. And yet when
Greece got into trouble, it was tried again.

Greece largely succeeded in following the dictate set by the “troika”
(the European Commission the ECB, and the IMF): it converted a primary
budget deficit into a primary surplus. But the contraction in
government spending has been predictably devastating: 25%
unemployment, a 22% fall in GDP since 2009, and a 35% increase in the
debt-to-GDP ratio. And now, with the anti-austerity Syriza party’s
overwhelming election victory, Greek voters have declared that they
have had enough.

So, what is to be done? First, let us be clear: Greece could be blamed
for its troubles if it were the only country where the troika’s
medicine failed miserably. But Spain had a surplus and a low debt
ratio before the crisis, and it, too, is in depression. What is needed
is not structural reform within Greece and Spain so much as structural
reform of the eurozone’s design and a fundamental rethinking of the
policy frameworks that have resulted in the monetary union’s
spectacularly bad performance.
. . .
So it is not debt restructuring, but its absence, that is “immoral.”
There is nothing particularly special about the dilemmas that Greece
faces today; many countries have been in the same position. What makes
Greece’s problems more difficult to address is the structure of the
eurozone: monetary union implies that member states cannot devalue
their way out of trouble, yet the modicum of European solidarity that
must accompany this loss of policy flexibility simply is not there.

Seventy years ago, at the end of World War II, the Allies recognized
that Germany must be given a fresh start. They understood that
Hitler’s rise had much to do with the unemployment (not the inflation)
that resulted from imposing more debt on Germany at the end of World
War I. The Allies did not take into account the foolishness with which
the debts had been accumulated or talk about the costs that Germany
had imposed on others. Instead, they not only forgave the debts; they
actually provided aid, and the Allied troops stationed in Germany
provided a further fiscal stimulus.

When companies go bankrupt, a debt-equity swap is a fair and efficient
solution. The analogous approach for Greece is to convert its current
bonds into GDP-linked bonds. If Greece does well, its creditors will
receive more of their money; if it does not, they will get less. Both
sides would then have a powerful incentive to pursue pro-growth
policies.

Seldom do democratic elections give as clear a message as that in
Greece. If Europe says no to Greek voters’ demand for a change of
course, it is saying that democracy is of no importance, at least when
it comes to economics. Why not just shut down democracy, as
Newfoundland effectively did when it entered into receivership before
World War II?

One hopes that those who understand the economics of debt and
austerity, and who believe in democracy and humane values, will
prevail. Whether they will remains to be seen.

http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/greece-eurozone-austerity-reform-by-joseph-e--stiglitz-2015-02

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