[Marxism] Michelle Goldberg joins the pile-on over Ilhan Omar

[Andrew Stewart via Marxism]

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https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/11/opinion/ilhan-omar-antisemitism.html

I started a petition on Change.org that might not do much of anything but,
well, Nancy Pelosi can piss off.

https://www.change.org/p/nancy-pelosi-democrats-apologize-to-rep-ilhan-omar
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[Marxism] A Proposal for Building a New Revolutionary International

[RKOB via Marxism]

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One or the other comrade might be interested in this:

*Our Next Steps*

**

/*A Proposal for Building a New Revolutionary International*/

/**/

/*A contribution to a highly important debate among Marxists*/

//

/By Michael Pröbsting, 11 February 2019/

https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/next-steps-in-building-the-international/

--
Revolutionär-Kommunistische Organisation BEFREIUNG
(Österreichische Sektion der RCIT, www.thecommunists.net)
www.rkob.net
ak...@rkob.net
Tel./SMS/WhatsApp/Telegram: +43-650-4068314



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Re: [Marxism] 'It’s all about the Benjamins baby’: Ilhan Omar again accused of anti-Semitism over tweets - The Washington Post

[MM via Marxism]

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> On Feb 11, 2019, at 8:37 AM, Louis Proyect via Marxism 
>  wrote:
> 
> https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2019/02/11/its-all-about-benjamins-baby-ilhan-omar-again-accused-anti-semitism-over-tweets/
>  
> 

This article is an atrocity of distortion and misrepresentation. Thankfully, 
the Jewish Forward has published a suitably vicious response by Peter Feld, 
worth reading in full but which ends like this:

“Like “hypnotized,” Omar’s comment on “Benjamins” was said to employ the 
anti-Semitic trope of secret Jewish control. Much has been written about this 
awful demonization of Jews, about how it has been repeatedly used to falsely 
depict one of history’s most marginalized and oppressed peoples as all-powerful.

“The problem is, all lobbies, by definition, are designed to exert secret 
control over policy, using money. That’s what they do. For example, we’re just 
now learning about a Russian plot to launder money through the NRA and help 
Republicans. Good times.

“And so, unless you want to deny that there even is an Israel lobby, it can’t 
be off limits to point out that it works in secret and uses money to bring 
about policy outcomes.

“Now, it’s quite true that not all pro-Israel lobbying is Jewish these days. 
Much of it now comes from evangelical groups and other entities that tend to 
favor US intervention abroad, and who see strategic importance in Israel.

“But it’s also true, almost a cliche in political analysis, that American 
voters pay little or no attention to foreign policy. So, even as polls continue 
to show general support for Israel (though now polarized by party, and 
crumbling among Democrats and younger voters), few voters would be very upset 
or even notice if the US stopped doing the practical things we do for Israel: 
$38 billion (a lot of “benjamins”) in military aid, protection at the UN from 
international accountability and, under Trump, official support for territorial 
annexation.

“For crucial decades before the rise of Christian Zionism, the lobby that 
produced wall-to-wall congressional support for Israel was AIPAC. Like Omar, 
academicians Stephen Walt and John Mearsheimer were slandered as anti-Semites 
for merely writing about “the Israel lobby,” though this is no longer tenable 
and the critics have mostly backed off.

“But if you were in the right audience, AIPAC was very up front about its 
influence. In 1988, at the Fairmont Hotel in San Francisco — yes, representing 
the Dukakis campaign at an AIPAC luncheon is a thing I have done in this life — 
I heard an AIPAC speaker boast unabashedly about AIPAC’s vast influence. In 
recent cycles, he said, AIPAC had punished enemies of Israel in Congress, like 
Senator Charles Percy of Illinois, who had lost his 1984 reelection after 
criticizing Israel’s settlements and Lebanon invasion.

“But now it was time to reward Israel’s friends, he told the crowd. Lobbies, he 
joked in what became a widely repeated saying, are like mushrooms: they grow 
best in the dark; you will not hear about all our successes.

“No one called him anti-Semitic.

“And it cannot be anti-Semitic to say that a lobby that spends large sums of 
money and boasts (at least to its own supporters) of its influence, is 
influential through money. (If you think members of Congress don’t care about 
“benjamins,” you haven’t watched any of them dance for a $5000 PAC check like 
it’s “Goodfellas” and Joe Pesci is shooting at their feet.) Israel also exerts 
influence in the donations of wealthy individuals like Sheldon Adelson who has 
given the GOP a reported $100 million and was rewarded by Trump with the 
Jerusalem embassy move.

“It’s AIPAC, not the evangelicals, who made the Israel Anti-Boycott Act a 
legislative priority and got 292 House and 69 Senate cosponsors from both 
parties to place protecting Israel from criticism above their own constituents’ 
constitutional rights to free speech.

“Not all these Congress members hate the First Amendment — many just thought it 
would be no biggie to sign on to a bill AIPAC cares about. And it was AIPAC who 
helped force a different anti-BDS bill, S.1, to the Senate floor three times 
this winter in the midst of a government shutdown.

“New members like Omar and Tlaib are shaking up Congress like it has has never 
been shaken. This includes criticisms of Israel that have been almost entirely 
suppressed in our political conversation.

“There are plenty of Jews, like me, whose beliefs are voiced by Omar, not 
AIPAC. And this time, we will not let our leaders be t

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-CivWar]: Zander on Masich, 'Civil War in the Southwest Borderlands, 1861-1867'

[Andrew Stewart via Marxism]

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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Mon, Feb 11, 2019 at 8:54 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-CivWar]: Zander on Masich, 'Civil War in the
Southwest Borderlands, 1861-1867'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Andrew E. Masich.  Civil War in the Southwest Borderlands, 1861-1867.
 Norman  University of Oklahoma Press, 2017.  x + 454 pp.  $34.95
(cloth), ISBN 978-0-8061-5572-2.

Reviewed by Cecily Zander (Penn State University)
Published on H-CivWar (February, 2019)
Commissioned by G. David Schieffler

Andrew E. Masich's Civil War in the Southwest Borderlands is an
important intervention in the growing scholarly literature on the
Civil War in the American West. As a region, the West has been
largely ignored in scholarly assessments of the nation's most
transformative era, with such works as Donald S. Frazier's Blood and
Treasure: Confederate Empire in the Southwest (1995) and Alvin M.
Josephy's The Civil War in the American West (1991) long considered
the standard treatments. In the past decade, a new cohort of scholars
has produced monographs, collections of essays, and dedicated issues
of journals on the topic of the Civil War in the West. Masich joins
this growing chorus of voices exhorting Civil War enthusiasts and
scholars to include the West in their narrative of the conflict,
though his approach reminds all scholars of the period to consider
carefully not only what made conflicts in the far West similar to the
Civil War but also what set them apart.

_The Civil War in the Southwest Borderlands_ does not wholeheartedly
endorse the notion that conflict between American Indians, white
settlers, and Hispanic peoples was part of the struggle between Union
and Confederate forces on the eastern half of the continent. Masich
begins his monograph by alerting readers that the conflicts he
examines occurred "quite apart from the Civil War of the Southern
Rebellion that raged in the eastern United States" (p. 3). Rather, in
Masich's narrative of the period from 1861 to 1867, the demands of
the Civil War on national resources, particularly the institution of
the Regular Army, substantially changed conditions in the Southwest
borderlands, first creating a power vacuum and then replacing
seasoned, veteran troops with citizen volunteers, putting more
American martial power in the borderlands than had ever existed prior
to the Civil War.

Masich is particularly interested in martial attitudes among all of
the groups that vied for influence and survival in the borderlands.
In describing the lifeways and customs of borderlands inhabitants,
Masich turns anthropologist and offers complex portrayals of the
customs and cultural attitudes that drove such groups as Apachean
peoples, Navajos, and Mescaleros--as well as Kiowas, Comanches, and
Utes--to both internal and external warfare. The incidents Masich
details range from intertribal raiding and captive taking to
resistance movements against the encroachment of white and Hispanic
settlers on Native territory.

Masich also gives prolonged attention to the issue of
gender--particularly masculinity--in the borderlands. Though Masich
goes to great lengths to distinguish the array of cultural and ethnic
groups in the borderlands and admonishes historians who lump all
Native American, Hispanic, or white settlers together, he ascribes a
warrior ethos to each of the groups in his study that is seldom
explained. Masich writes that the borderlands "became a stage upon
which martial men assumed roles dictated by their conceptions of
manhood, honor, and violence" (p. 31). The monograph will do little
to satisfy readers who might seek to know more about how those
conceptions or masculinity differed among cultures. The reliance on
generalizations about gender is clear in Masich's prose, where the
discussion of gender is indicated by inserting adjectives like
"manfully" when describing the combat actions of soldiers or saying
an individual soldier was "powerfully built," implying masculinity
(pp. 90, 96).

Civil War historians will be most interested in Masich's discussion
of the two best-known campaigns in the Southwest borderlands: Henry
Hopkins Sibley's Confederate invasion of New Mexico and the march of
James H. Carleton's California Column. Masich adds relatively little
to the historiography on Sibley, though he rightly observes that
Jefferson Davis and the Confederate government invested almost no
attention (and few financial resources) in the expedition.[1] The
investigation into Carleton's training and deployment of the
California Column to remove the Navajo and Apache to the Bosque
Redondo, on the other hand, feels innovative. It is in this 

[Marxism] Something Is Not Quite Right In the Universe, Ultraprecise New Measurement Reveals

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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https://www.livescience.com/64724-hubble-constant-measured-precisely-with-quasars.html
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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]: Cohen on Schulze, 'Are We Not Foreigners Here? Indigenous Nationalism in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands'

[Andrew Stewart via Marxism]

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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Mon, Feb 11, 2019 at 11:32 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]: Cohen on Schulze, 'Are We Not Foreigners
Here? Indigenous Nationalism in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Jeffrey M. Schulze.  Are We Not Foreigners Here? Indigenous
Nationalism in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands.  Chapel Hill  University
of North Carolina Press, 2018.  258 pp.  $32.95 (paper), ISBN
978-1-4696-3711-2; $90.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-4696-3710-5.

Reviewed by Theodore Cohen (Lindenwood University)
Published on H-LatAm (February, 2019)
Commissioned by Casey M. Lurtz

Jeffrey M. Schulze's _Are We Not Foreigners Here? Indigenous
Nationalism in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands _rethinks the almost
two-thousand-mile border between the United States and Mexico by
foregrounding indigenous nationalisms rather than the US and Mexican
nation-states. In particular, it focuses on three indigenous
communities--the Yaqui, Kickapoo, and Tohono O'odham--that have their
own unique experiences with border crossing after the
Mexican-American War and the 1853 Gadsden Purchase. The Yaquis of
Sonora crossed a relatively porous border during the dictatorship of
Porfirio Díaz (1876-1910) to resist the liberal policies that
privatized their communal lands. While the Yaqui traveled northward
into Arizona, the Kickapoos fragmented when they migrated southward
from the Great Lakes region to Missouri, Oklahoma, Texas, and finally
Coahuila, Mexico, in the 1830s. Rather than crossing the border, the
Tohono O'odham, originally of Sonora, Mexico, point to the
complexities of indigenous community formation when, after 1853, the
border bisected their lands, leaving some of them to navigate Mexican
laws and others, US Indian policies.

_Are We Not Foreigners Here?_ traces the survival strategies members
of the Yaqui, Kickapoo, and Tohono O'odham nations employed to
maintain community ties across the US-Mexico border in the twentieth
century. Schulze effectively moves beyond the chronicles of
indigenous resistance and the local-state negotiations that have been
a pillar of Mexican historiography since the early 1990s. From a
transnational perspective, he casts the histories of these three
indigenous groups as "challenging, subverting, capitalizing upon, or
just plain ignoring any geopolitical border that sought to contain,
neutralize, and ultimately extinguish their _own_ nationalistic
aspirations" (p. 3). Ultimately, he argues that there was no single
preordained outcome for their strategies to maintain community ties
across the border. While the Yaqui and Kickapoo adapted to changing
historical realities, the Tohono O'odham were less adept at
maintaining a coherent national identity in this transnational
milieu.

Divided into six chapters, plus an introduction and epilogue, _Are We
Not Foreigners Here? _treats the Yaqui, Kickapoo, and Tohono O'odham
as case studies, with each tribe having one chapter dedicated to it.
The first two chapters provide background information on all three
tribes, their experiences with Indian removal and reservations in the
United States as well as nineteenth-century liberalism in Mexico, and
a comparison of US and Mexican indigenous policies in the twentieth
century. Similarly, the sixth chapter examines the legal processes by
which the US and Mexican governments came to recognize the Yaqui,
Kickapoo, and Tohono O'odham by the beginning of the twenty-first
century. Schulze claims that, for the Yaqui, border policies
increasingly limited migration and thereby set the stage for two
centers of Yaqui culture to emerge, one in Sonora and the other in
Arizona. More mobile than the Yaqui, the Kickapoo maintained seasonal
migration patterns that sustained their cultural unity and
established Eagle Pass, Texas, as a center for tribal cohesiveness.
At the other extreme, the Tohono O'odham, who had been given the
right to cross the border at will after the Mexican-American War,
slowly found more and more of its peoples choosing to remain in
Arizona, a process that divided the Tohono O'odham community in two.
These histories of indigenous nationalism, Schulze concludes, left
each tribe with a legal conundrum by the end of the twentieth
century. Although the US and Mexican governments recognized them as
indigenous, citizenship rights for peoples with such longstanding
histories of border crossing left the Yaqui, Kickapoo, and Tohono
O'odham with nebulous rights to federal recognition, a legal process
that itself risked costing them the little transnational mobility
they still possessed.

To reach these conclusions, Schulze weaves US and Mexican federa

[Marxism] Petition: Democrats, Apologize to Rep. Ilhan Omar

[Andrew Stewart via Marxism]

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Rep. Ilhan Omar has been attacked by Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.),
Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.), Majority Whip James Clyburn (D-S.C.),
Assistant Speaker Ben Ray Lujan (D-N.M.), Caucus Chairman Hakeem Jeffries
(D-N.Y.), and Caucus Vice Chair Katherine Clark (D-Mass.) for speaking
plain truths about the influence of the Israel lobby on Congress and wider
American politics. In a joint statement they said “Congresswoman Omar’s use
of anti-Semitic tropes and prejudicial accusations about Israel’s
supporters is deeply offensive. As Democrats and as Americans, the entire
Congress must be fully engaged in denouncing and rejecting all forms of
hatred.”

This is blatant racism, misogyny, and Islamophobia. Rep. Omar is a
competent, adult, mature legislator who has broken major barriers. This
paternalistic, condescending, self-righteous verbiage is demonstrable of
the valuing of white over Black lives and continued disregard for the
Palestinian people and their right to self-determination. We therefore call
upon these Democrats to repudiate their statement, apologize, and begin to
seriously interrogate how they perpetuate white supremacy on a daily basis
both on the interpersonal and systemic level.


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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-FedHist]: Dennis on Gooding, 'American Dream Deferred: Black Federal Workers in Washington, D.C., 1941-1981'

[Andrew Stewart via Marxism]

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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Mon, Feb 11, 2019 at 1:21 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-FedHist]: Dennis on Gooding, 'American Dream
Deferred: Black Federal Workers in Washington, D.C., 1941-1981'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Frederick W. Gooding.  American Dream Deferred: Black Federal Workers
in Washington, D.C., 1941-1981.  Pittsburgh  University of Pittsburgh
Press, 2018.  ix + 245 pp.  $34.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8229-4539-0.

Reviewed by Michael Dennis (Acadia University)
Published on H-FedHist (February, 2019)
Commissioned by Caryn E. Neumann

Dennis on Gooding, _American Dream Deferred: Black Federal Workers in
Washington, D.C., 1941-1981_

One of the more enduring myths in modern American history is the
notion that the federal government has been the source of good jobs
for all, particularly for African Americans. Almost an inverse
corollary of this is the stereotype of the indolent, ineffective
federal employee, a figure which, in the popular, mind is often
racialized. Using statistical data and strategic archival
collections, historian Frederick W. Gooding Jr. attacks these both,
presenting a lively challenge to the assumption that the federal
government has offered blacks a refuge from the racism that pervades
the market economy. At the same time, _American Dream Deferred_
suggests that the stereotype is a key component of a larger political
agenda designed to discredit progressive federal government activism
itself.

Focusing on federal workers in Washington, Gooding presents a
portrait of African Americans drawn by the opportunity of wartime
work and by the implicit promise of federal government fairness. What
they discovered was a city and a bureaucratic system that routinely
circumscribed black aspirations. Fashioning the term "black collar
workers," Gooding argues that African Americans from across the skill
and educational spectrum ran into racial obstructions that consigned
them to the least desirable jobs, relegating them to job
classifications that prevented them from advancing into supervisory
positions and reinforced their status as second-class citizens.
Gooding makes the convincing case that in the period following
American intervention in the Second World War, black federal
employees, indiscriminate of their professional qualifications or
education and despite multiple official overtures to greater
inclusion and opportunity, "remained economically marginalized" (p.
14).

Wartime demand for workers created opportunities that African
Americans aggressively sought to exploit. But as Gooding makes clear
through several poignant anecdotes, a relationship that began in
wartime expediency proved stubbornly resistant to the nation's
official creed of democratic freedom, one that had only recently been
burnished to fight the Second World War and was now being wielded as
an ideological weapon in the Cold War. Gooding presents Ella Watson,
an employee of the Farm Security Administration featured in the
famous 1942 Gordon Parks's photo "American Gothic" as exhibit "A" in
the case for the black collar employee. The photo features a
blank-faced Watson holding a broom and mop against the backdrop of a
massive American flag in the offices of the Farm Security
Administration. Traumatized by the loss of a husband to a violent
death and burdened by responsibility for a daughter who also had two
children but died tragically after the birth of the second child,
Watson found herself working as a janitor in Washington. Tending to
two dependent children on a meager salary, the job represented an
improvement over domestic and agricultural work, but it offered
little more than a hardscrabble existence. For twenty-six years
Watson worked the night shift, pushing brooms, mopping floors, and
cleaning offices, one of which belonged to a white woman who started
at the FSA at precisely the same time that Watson did.

Gooding does not deny that work for the federal government offered a
modicum of security and generally better wages than those earned by
blacks _in the South_. Compared to northern white workers performing
the same type of job in Washington, however, conspicuous disparities
persisted. What _American Dream Deferred_ underscores is the relative
mistreatment of African Americans at the hands of administrators who
were only too happy to accommodate white racial sensitivities by
continuing to hire blacks as federal government menials. Gooding
convincingly argues that "Watson's lowly position encapsulated the
frustration of black-collar workers who suffered the indignity of
knowing that the only logical explanation for their social and
economic plight wa

[Marxism] Congressional candidates go to AIPAC first 'because this is how we raise money' -- Stephanie Schriock of Emily's List

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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https://mondoweiss.net/2019/02/congressional-candidates-stephanie/
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[Marxism] Among Wolves | Louis Proyect: The Unrepentant Marxist

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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In 2004, photographer Shawn Convey was traveling around Europe, 
including Croatia, Serbia and Bosnia. He became so consumed by the 
aftermath of the war in Bosnia (he said that he “felt drunk with 
questions”) that he sold everything he owned in Chicago and moved to 
Bosnia in order to begin making his first film. That finally came to 
fruition in 2016, when “Among Wolves” began showing up at film 
festivals. After a week-long run in Chicago this month, the documentary 
is now available as VOD/DVD and well worth your while. (Check the 
official website tomorrow for screening info.)


It is the story of a motorcycle club called the Wolves in Livno, a town 
in the predominantly Croatian area of western Bosnia, just across the 
border from the Republic of Croatia that seceded from Yugoslavia in 
1991. Most of the men are veterans who fought against the Serbs but the 
press notes describe the club as multi-ethnic. Since the film is 
observational, it does not try to identify who is a Croat or a Serb but 
allows the men to simply go about their daily lives, which consists of 
menial jobs in a town plagued by unemployment, riding their bikes, and 
providing various humanitarian assistance to needy causes such as 
securing supplies for hospitals in Livno and Srebrenica, donating blood, 
doing repair work at an orphanage and—most importantly—attending to the 
needs of the wild horses that live in the spectacularly beautiful 
mountains near Livno.


full: https://louisproyect.org/2019/02/11/among-wolves/
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[Marxism] Why Hollywood Sucks: Schindler’s List | Washington Babylon

[Andrew Stewart via Marxism]

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https://washingtonbabylon.com/why-hollywood-sucks-schindlers-list/


Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
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[Marxism] The North-South Struggle Is a Class Struggle: Venezuela Is the Latest Example | Harry Targ | Diary of a Heartland Radical

[Kevin Lindemann and Cathy Campo via Marxism]

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https://heartlandradical.blogspot.com/2019/02/the-north-south-struggle-is-class.html


Sent from my iPhone

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Re: [Marxism] Falling demand for milk puts the future of Sullivan dairy farms at risk

[Andrew Pollack via Marxism]

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See Times article today on growing use of AI in various fields -- including
milking cows:
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/13/technology/farm-technology-milkers-robots.html?module=inline

This as milk price drops are killing the sector (see Louis's article and
others below).

Louis wrote:

>  From my home-town paper. The collapse of dairy farming in NY State has
> hit this area very hard. Like the hotel industry that collapsed 40 years
> ago, this will be the next to go.
>
>
> http://www.recordonline.com/news/20180722/falling-demand-for-milk-puts-future-of-sullivan-dairy-farms-at-risk
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[Marxism] The Excuses of Larry Krasner | Current Affairs

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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Larry Krasner was elected district attorney of Philadelphia in 2018 with 
a radically progressive mandate. As a former public defender and civil 
rights lawyer, he has been long critical of the criminal punishment 
system. He’s perhaps the most “progressive prosecutor” in the country, 
and has already effectively decriminalized marijuana, sued Big Pharma 
companies, and required his deputies to consider the costs of mass 
incarceration in their sentencing recommendations. Activist Shaun King 
has said Krasner was “exceeding expectations” and that his sentencing 
memorandum was a “dream come true.” But recently, Krasner has received 
criticism from fellow reformers, after announcing that his office would 
challenge a judge’s decision in favor of Mumia Abu-Jamal, the former 
Black Panther controversially imprisoned for the 1981 murder of police 
officer Daniel Faulkner.


https://www.currentaffairs.org/2019/02/the-excuses-of-larry-krasner
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[Marxism] Framing Crashed (9): Christophers' The New Enclosure, Crashed and the problem of dirty and clean histories of neoliberalism – ADAM TOOZE

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https://adamtooze.com/2019/01/20/framing-crashed-9-christophers-the-new-enclosure-crashed-and-the-problem-of-dirty-and-clean-histories-of-neoliberalism/
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[Marxism] 'It’s all about the Benjamins baby’: Ilhan Omar again accused of anti-Semitism over tweets - The Washington Post

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https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2019/02/11/its-all-about-benjamins-baby-ilhan-omar-again-accused-anti-semitism-over-tweets/
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[Marxism] Eugene V. Debs and the Endurance of Socialism

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(I really can't stand Jill Lepore, who once wrote a nasty attack on 
Eugene V. Debs in the New Yorker and who, in this article, takes a swipe 
at Paul Buhle's graphic biography of Debs. Anyhow, it is still worth 
reading.)



The New Yorker, February 18 & 25, 2019 Issue
Eugene V. Debs and the Endurance of Socialism
Half man, half myth, Debs turned a radical creed into a deeply American one.
By Jill Lepore

Eugene Victor Debs left school at the age of fourteen, to scrape paint 
and grease off the cars of the Vandalia Railroad, in Indiana, for fifty 
cents a day. He got a raise when he was promoted to fireman, which meant 
working in the locomotive next to the engineer, shovelling coal into a 
firebox—as much as two tons an hour, sixteen hours a day, six days a 
week. Firemen, caked in coal dust, blinded by wind and smoke, had to 
make sure that the engine didn’t explode, an eventuality they weren’t 
always able to forestall. If they were lucky, and lived long enough, 
firemen usually became engineers, which was safer than being a switchman 
or a brakeman, jobs that involved working on the tracks next to a moving 
train, or racing across its top, in any weather, at the risk of toppling 
off and getting run over. All these men reported to the conductors, who 
had the top job, and, on trains owned by George Mortimer Pullman, one of 
the richest men in the United States, all of them—the engineers, the 
firemen, the brakemen, the switchmen, and even the scrapers—outranked 
the porters. Pullman porters were almost always black men, and 
ex-slaves, and, at the start, were paid nothing except the tips they 
could earn by bowing before the fancy passengers who could afford the 
sleeping car, and who liked very much to be served with a shuffle and a 
grin, Dixie style.


Every man who worked on the American railroad in the last decades of the 
nineteenth century became, of necessity, a scholar of the relations 
between the rich and the poor, the haves and the have-nots, the masters 
and the slaves, the riders and the ridden upon. No student of this 
subject is more important to American history than Debs, half man, half 
myth, who founded the American Railway Union, turned that into the 
Social Democratic Party, and ran for President of the United States five 
times, including once from prison.


Debs, who wrote a lot about manliness, always said that the best kind of 
man was a sand man. “ ‘Sand’ means grit,” he wrote in 1882, in Firemen’s 
Magazine. “It means the power to hold on.” When a train stalled from the 
steepness of the incline or the weight of the freight, railroad men 
poured sand on the tracks, to improve the grip of the wheels. Men need 
sand, too, Debs said: “Men who have plenty of ‘sand’ in their boxes 
never slip on the path of duty.” Debs had plenty of sand in his box. He 
had, though, something of a morbid fear of ashes. Maybe that’s a 
fireman’s phobia, a tending-the-engine man’s idea of doom. In 
prison—having been sentenced, brutally, to ten years of hard time at the 
age of sixty-three—he had a nightmare. “I was walking by the house where 
I was born,” he wrote. “The house was gone and nothing left but ashes . 
. . only ashes—ashes!” The question today for socialism in the United 
States, which appears to be stoking its engines, is whether it’s got 
enough sand. Or whether it’ll soon be ashes, only ashes, all over again.


Debs was born in Terre Haute, Indiana, in 1855, seven years after Marx 
and Engels published “The Communist Manifesto.” His parents were 
Alsatian immigrants who ran a small grocery store. Debs worked for the 
railroads a little more than four years. In the wake of the Panic of 
1873, he lost his job at Vandalia and tramped to East St. Louis looking 
for work; then, homesick, he tramped back to Terre Haute, where, in 
1875, he took a job as a labor organizer, and, later, as a magazine 
editor, for the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen. He hung his old 
scraper on the wall, part relic, part badge, part talisman, of his life 
as a manual laborer.


Debs was a tall man, lanky and rubbery, like a noodle. He had deep-set 
blue eyes and lost his hair early, and he talked with his hands. When he 
gave speeches, he leaned toward the crowd, and the veins of his temples 
bulged. He was clean-shaven and favored bow ties and sometimes looked 
lost in crumpled, baggy suits. He had a way of hunching his shoulders 
that you often see, and admire, in tall men who don’t like to tower over 
other people. In a new book, “Eugene V. Debs: A Graphic Biography” 
(Verso), drawn by Noah Van Sciver and written by Paul Buhle and Steve 
Max, Debs looks like an R. Crumb character, though

[Marxism] Plummeting insect numbers 'threaten collapse of nature' | Environment | The Guardian

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https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2019/feb/10/plummeting-insect-numbers-threaten-collapse-of-nature
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[Marxism] ZCommunications » Yellow Vests and Red Unions Strike Together

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https://zcomm.org/znetarticle/yellow-vests-and-red-unions-strike-together/
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[Marxism] Peter Jackson’s Cartoon War

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By Chris Hedges

When director-producer Peter Jackson’s World War I film, “They Shall Not 
Grow Old,” which miraculously transforms grainy, choppy black-and-white 
archival footage from the war into a modern 3D color extravaganza, 
begins, he bombards us with the clichés used to ennoble war. Veterans, 
over background music, say things like “I wouldn’t have missed it,” “I 
would go through it all over again because I enjoyed the service life” 
and “It made me a man.” It must have taken some effort after the war to 
find the tiny minority of veterans willing to utter this rubbish. 
Military life is a form of servitude, prolonged exposure to combat 
leaves you broken, scarred for life by trauma and often so numb you have 
difficulty connecting with others, and the last thing war does is make 
you a man.


Far more common was the experience of the actor Wilfrid Lawson, who was 
wounded in the war and as a result had a metal plate in his skull. He 
drank heavily to dull the incessant pain. In his memoirs “Inside 
Memory,” Timothy Findley, who acted with him, recalled that Lawson 
“always went to bed sodden and all night long he would be dragged from 
one nightmare to another—often yelling—more often screaming—very often 
struggling physically to free himself of impeding bedclothes and 
threatening shapes in the shadows.” He would pound the walls, shouting 
“Help! Help! Help!” The noise, my dear—and the people.


full: https://www.truthdig.com/articles/peter-jacksons-cartoon-war/
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