Re: [Marxism] Behind the attack on New York Times Project 1619 | Louis Proyect

[Mark Lause via Marxism]

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I've just heard that jaw-dropping clip from the president offering his
expert warnings about the environmental dangers of windmills.  I’m sure
that, between them, the various media outlets have given a far bigger and
louder platform to his idiocy than they've ever given the advocates of wind
power.  Such is life for us, as unwilling denizens of the Opposite World
structured by the American ruling class.



Like the president, corporate media regularly disparages work by anyone
whose perspective they’d prefer to dismisses, perhaps especially so for
those who've spent years, decades, lifetimes actually studying a
subject.  Their
priority is, first and foremost, showcasing whatever will goose its
readership/viewership and the advertising revenues linked to them.


In this context, we should welcome the 1619 Project for popularizing what
scholars of American History generally have been studying and discussing
for half a century:  Race cannot be separated from any major event in our
history, and the nature of power means that these have been shaped by the
imperatives of white supremacy.  These insights should actually surprise
nobody on a Marxism list, though, if they do, we have all the more reason
to praise the project.



However, I would not uncritically embrace the New York Times without a few
caveats.



To state the obvious, causality requires sifting and processed of those
diverse motives.  In a large and complex population, a broad spectrum of
concerns motivates individuals. The nonslaveholders in the Confederate Army
or small town kids of all backgrounds enlisting to fight for the U.S. in
Vietnam might tell us all sorts of things about their motives.  Rather than
take these on face value as explanatory of the general cause of the
war.  Rather
we weigh them critically.



Then, too, we can't take the outcome of the process as an indication of
what motivated those who participated in it.  In particular, people my age
hopefully have recollections of their parents talking about what hopes they
had coming out of the sacrifices of World War II.  Most did not struggle
because they wanted the permanent warfare state and the Mutually Assured
Destruction insanity that emerged.  I suppose you could say that this was
“one of the principal causes” of WWII—it certainly had to motivate some in
power or we wouldn’t have gotten them—but it would be misleading to read
this backwards into the past.  In the wake of the American Revolution or
the Civil War, there were always many people who protested the outcomes as
less than they had expected.



Certainly, some of the slaveholding gentlemen in slaveholding states
opposed secession and became Unionists because they rightly saw secession
and war as likely to result in the destruction of the institution of
slavery.  Did that mean that one of the principal causes of the Union in
the Civil War was the preservation of slavery?  Some with racialist
hypernational politics opposed the Axis in WWII, but that did not mean the
Allies favored fascism.  At least such erroneous assumptions in these cases
would have something from which to leap to a conclusion.



To me, though, the fundamental objection to the assertion that the American
Revolution was about saving slavery from its abolition by the British are
obvious.  This refurbished old Tory whitewash of the British Empire is
applied over an undercoat of American parochialism.  First, the American
colonies did not square off against a British Empire eager to abolish
slavery.


In fact, it did not do so for several generations after the American
Declaration . . .   Maybe somebody had a TARDIS.


Then, too, the empire's move against slavery never emancipated the imperial
economy from slavery.  Indeed, not only did it make a series of exemptions
at the behest of the East Indian Company, but the entire Industrial
Revolution rested as firmly on the textile industry, the cotton trade from
the American South, and its reliance on African slavery.  This British
reliance on slavery provided the Confederacy with a strong base of support
within the government and provided the Confederacy’s main hope for the
salvation of its own independence from the U.S. and the salvation of its
“peculiar institution.”



Most directly, the American Revolution became an American Revolution—a
unitary experience—only after the fact, in the establishment of unified
national government with a unified policy.  In practice, colonists
organized their rebellion through their colonial governments, which forged
a common military force and a foreign policy but balked at almost any other
move the direction of a national policy.  Slavery did not have the sa

[Marxism] Exchange about Project 1619 on my blog

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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Anna wrote: This is not a serious treatment of the issues involved. At 
the center of the WSWS criticisms, and the historians’ letter to the 
Times, and Wood’s reply to Silverstein, as well as the interviews with 
Reed & Janiewski, is the claim of falsification of the history of the 
American Revolution. These include claims that the Revolution took place 
in order to preserve the institution of chattel slavery against British 
interference, and that racial hatred are in the DNA of the country, and 
therefore permanent.


Eric Foner was also critical of the latter aspect of 1619 Project in a 
recent podcast.



Bradley Mayer replied:

Anna: While the 1619 Project may contain errors in historical fact and 
theory, and I certainly think it does, the point of the dispute fostered 
by the "right-liberal" historians and WSWS is a political one. WSWS 
reductively sees the Project as a mere tool of NYT-style liberal 
identity divide and conquer politics. But the content of the Project 
differs from the content of NYT's editorial politics. As far as this 
goes, we are to oppose the appropriation of this history by liberal 
apologists.


Since the WSWS deed is done, however, we first critically sweep it out 
of the way. That will make it clear where we stand. Proyect and others 
have already done so, but just to cite one example, Gordon Wood claims 
that absence of chatter around slavery by the planters is evidence that 
they were not motivated by concerns that British abolitionism would soon 
come to a plantation near them. But there is plenty of historical 
evidence that it was already established custom South and North not to 
speak too much of the institution of slavery, a "custom" that persisted 
throughout the early history of the United States until the slaveowners 
resorted to the State to maintain that suppression from the 1830's on. 
So lack of evidence does not guarantee lack of concern on the part of 
the slaveowners. And there is no doubt plenty of evidence of practical 
measures taken to preserve slavery, carried out with tight lips.


The above-mentioned infamous passage by Jefferson from the Declaration 
of Independence is prima facie evidence of this. Note the studied 
vagueness of "He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us". Did he 
mean the Regulator movement in the Carolinas of the 1760's-70's?, some 
of whose participants later fought as Loyalists against their own 
Charleston planter oligarch "revolutionaries"? Or does it refer to the 
legacy slave rebellions in New York province between 1712-1741, or the 
Stono Rebellion of 1739 in South Carolina?


In contrast, Jefferson is much more forthright with naming names in the 
very next clause: "and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of 
our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages whose known rule of warfare, 
is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions". 
This reflects the actual priorities of the Anglo-Americans, and that can 
be easily backed by the historical facts of the course of the 
Revolutionary War. Washington's army always sought to avoid head on 
battles with the British Army that he knew he'd likely lose, and most of 
the time hung out in the back country to wait them out. Not so with the 
Indians. There an all-out genocidal war of "merciless savagery" was 
systematically launched all along the Appalachian frontier from the 
Cherokee to the Iroquois Confederacy lands, laying waste to towns and 
crops and ultimately destroying the Iroquois Confederacy entirely.


So I'd say the main priority of the colonial Anglo-Americans in the War 
was to attack the Indians and take their land. That was their strategic 
offensive move. Maintaining the security of their slave property was a 
second, and very defensive, concern. Indeed, I'd say that "America 
began", not in 1619, but when the first English settler at Jamestown or 
Plymouth murdered the first Indians and stole their wives and children 
into Anglo Indian slavery while they also stole their land, and it is 
likely the North American Indian slave trade was more important in the 
early to mid-17th century than that from Africa or the Caribbean, until 
the indigenous population was so depleted by slaving raids and the 
epidemics so conveniently transmitted by this trade in distressed human 
beings that the settlers had no alternative but to turn to more 
expensive Black slaves. That is a thesis I seek to prove. See "Indian 
Slavery in Colonial America, Alan Gallay ed. (2009) or "Brethren by 
Nature: New England Indians, Colonists, *and the Origins of American 
Slavery*" (**my emphasis).


So how revolutionary was the American bourge

[Marxism] A Plea for Captain John Brown, by Henry David Thoreau

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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It was his peculiar doctrine that a man has a perfect right to interfere 
by force with the slaveholder, in order to rescue the slave. I agree 
with him. They who are continually shocked by slavery have some right to 
be shocked by the violent death of the slaveholder, but no others. Such 
will be more shocked by his life than by his death. I shall not be 
forward to think him mistaken in his method who quickest succeeds to 
liberate the slave. I speak for the slave when I say, that I prefer the 
philanthropy of Captain Brown to that philanthropy which neither shoots 
me nor liberates me. At any rate, I do not think it is quite sane for 
one to spend his whole life in talking or writing about this matter, 
unless he is continuously inspired, and I have not done so. A man may 
have other affairs to attend to. I do not wish to kill nor to be killed, 
but I can foresee circumstances in which both these things would be by 
me unavoidable. We preserve the so-called peace of our community by 
deeds of petty violence every day. Look at the policeman’s billy and 
handcuffs! Look at the jail! Look at the gallows! Look at the chaplain 
of the regiment! We are hoping only to live safely on the outskirts of 
this provisional army. So we defend ourselves and our hen-roosts, and 
maintain slavery. I know that the mass of my countrymen think that the 
only righteous use that can be made of Sharp’s rifles and revolvers is 
to fight duels with them, when we are insulted by other nations, or to 
hunt Indians, or shoot fugitive slaves with them, or the like. I think 
that for once the Sharp’s rifles and the revolvers were employed in a 
righteous cause. The tools were in the hands of one who could use them.


full: http://www.gutenberg.org/files/2567/2567-h/2567-h.htm
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Re: [Marxism] Behind the attack on New York Times Project 1619 | Louis Proyect

[Dayne Goodwin via Marxism]

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also
The Counter-Revolution of 1776: Slave Resistance and the Origins of
the United States of America
by Gerald Horne (NYU Press, 2014)

On Fri, Dec 27, 2019 at 11:56 AM Louis Proyect via Marxism
 wrote:
>   . . .
> As for the British and slavery, this article is worth reading:
> https://www.counterpunch.org/2011/05/23/was-the-american-revolution-fought-to-save-slavery/
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Re: [Marxism] Defend Idlib! Defeat Assad and the Russian-Iranian Occupiers!

[Chris Slee via Marxism]

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Resistance to the Turkish invasion continues in Afrin and other occupied 
territories of northern Syria:

https://anfenglishmobile.com/rojava-syria/two-soldiers-killed-as-hre-hit-turkish-military-base-in-afrin-40390


The Syrian Democratic Forces defend the rights of all peoples, including ethnic 
and religious minorities:

https://anfenglishmobile.com/rojava-syria/syriac-women-turkey-targets-not-only-kurds-but-all-peoples-40385


And the rights of women:

https://anfenglishmobile.com/rojava-syria/young-women-sdf-is-the-only-force-that-protects-us-40391


Those resisting the Turkish invasion need our solidarity.

Chris Slee




From: Marxism  on behalf of RKOB via 
Marxism 
Sent: Saturday, 28 December 2019 1:31 AM
To: Chris Slee 
Subject: [Marxism] Defend Idlib! Defeat Assad and the Russian-Iranian Occupiers!

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Defend Idlib! Defeat Assad and the Russian-Iranian Occupiers!

An emergency call for international solidarity with the Syrian people
suffering from the barbarous onslaught by Assad and Putin!

https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/africa-and-middle-east/defend-idlib-defeat-assad-and-the-russian-iranian-occupiers/

--
Revolutionär-Kommunistische Organisation BEFREIUNG
(Österreichische Sektion der RCIT, 
www.thecommunists.net)
www.rkob.net
ak...@rkob.net
Tel./SMS/WhatsApp/Telegram: +43-650-4068314

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[Marxism] [UCE] UAW corruption starts with the pro-company strategy of leaders

[John Reimann via Marxism]

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'The scandal of corruption and union leaders living like capitalists that
is sweeping the UAW has its roots in the pro-company strategy of the UAW
leadership. Today, former UAW president Bob King is saying he’s horrified
at the corruption, but he is part of the process that led to this sorry
state of affairs.

Back in 2011, King spoke at a meeting of the Detroit Area Chamber of
Commerce. His speech is no longer available online, but Oaklandsocialist
copied it down at the time. It is worth reprinting his speech verbatim here
(emphasis added)'
See entire article, including entire speech of King here:
https://oaklandsocialist.com/2019/12/27/uaw-corruption-starts-with-the-pro-company-strategy-of-the-leaders/

John Reimann

-- 
*“In politics, abstract terms conceal treachery.” *from "The Black
Jacobins" by C. L. R. James
Check out:https:http://oaklandsocialist.com also on Facebook
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Re: [Marxism] Behind the attack on New York Times Project 1619 | Louis Proyect

[John Edmundson via Marxism]

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"In a more general sense, how North America developed would have been a lot
more similar to the development of India/Pakistan or Nigeria - or even
Ireland - than it was, with the difference being that outright slavery
would have been woven into the overall fabric of US society and the US
economy even more than it was."

I would have thought more like Australia. In Nigeria, Ireland and
India/Pakistan, there were millions of people who were ruled over by a
British minority. In Australia, with the obvious exception of slavery, the
pattern of colonisation (convict colonies, free European settlers) was
similar to that of America. The principle of terra nullius - ie extinguish
any "native title", drive off or kill the prior inhabitants and settle the
country as though it were empty - was applied in both cases. Similarly in
New Zealand, except Maori proved too difficult to simply eliminate with the
resources Britain was willing to commit, so a treaty was implemented
instead and the land still subsequently confiscated in many cases. In
Ireland too, the Irish were widely deprived of their land but they still
remained as a potential workforce. In America, the indigenous population
were not seen as such, by and large, hence the importation of slaves, which
is the main factor that makes America different.

On Sat, Dec 28, 2019 at 7:56 AM Louis Proyect via Marxism <
marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu> wrote:

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>
> On 12/27/19 1:17 PM, John Reimann via Marxism wrote:
> >   (As far as the Native
> > Americans - they were the ones who truly had no interest in the outcome
> of
> > the Revolution since British troops would have been used to slaughter
> them
> > like the American troops were after the Revolution.)
>
> It's more complicated than that. The British tended to be more
> supportive of native land claims because they had no vested interest in
> their removal. It was the colonists who were far more threatening for
> the simple reason that they coveted Indian lands.
>
> Joseph Brant, the Mohawk leader, fought alongside the British in the
> same manner that some slaves signed up with Lord Dunsmore. When
> Washington was victorious over the British, the consequences for the
> Mohawks was disastrous. Their villages were burned to the ground and
> their women and children slaughtered along with the men. General
> Sullivan carried out this attack. My village in upstate NY is in
> Sullivan County, named after this war criminal and racist.
>
> As for the British and slavery, this article is worth reading:
>
>
> https://www.counterpunch.org/2011/05/23/was-the-american-revolution-fought-to-save-slavery/
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-- 
The law locks up the man or woman
Who steals the goose from off the common
But leaves the greater villain loose
Who steals the common from the goose
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[Marxism] Sherrie Anne Andre is going on trial for resisting I.C.E. in MA

[Andrew Stewart via Marxism]

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Please share far and wide, support if possible.


https://washingtonbabylon.com/sherrie-anne-andre-fang-trial-release/


-- 
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart
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[Marxism] Would Slavery Have Ended Sooner if the British Won the American Revolutionary War? | History News Network

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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https://historynewsnetwork.org/article/172653
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Re: [Marxism] Behind the attack on New York Times Project 1619 | Louis Proyect

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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On 12/27/19 1:17 PM, John Reimann via Marxism wrote:

  (As far as the Native
Americans - they were the ones who truly had no interest in the outcome of
the Revolution since British troops would have been used to slaughter them
like the American troops were after the Revolution.)


It's more complicated than that. The British tended to be more 
supportive of native land claims because they had no vested interest in 
their removal. It was the colonists who were far more threatening for 
the simple reason that they coveted Indian lands.


Joseph Brant, the Mohawk leader, fought alongside the British in the 
same manner that some slaves signed up with Lord Dunsmore. When 
Washington was victorious over the British, the consequences for the 
Mohawks was disastrous. Their villages were burned to the ground and 
their women and children slaughtered along with the men. General 
Sullivan carried out this attack. My village in upstate NY is in 
Sullivan County, named after this war criminal and racist.


As for the British and slavery, this article is worth reading:

https://www.counterpunch.org/2011/05/23/was-the-american-revolution-fought-to-save-slavery/
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[Marxism] Limits: Why Malthus Was Wrong and Why Environmentalists Should Care | Louis Proyect: The Unrepentant Marxist

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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https://louisproyect.org/2019/12/27/limits-why-malthus-was-wrong-and-why-environmentalists-should-care/
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[Marxism] Red Clydeside

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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LRB, Vol. 42 No. 1 · 2 January 2020
The Atmosphere of the Clyde
Jean McNicol

When the Clyde Ran Red: A Social History of Red Clydeside
by Maggie Craig.
Birlinn, 313 pp., £9.99, March 2018, 978 1 78027 506 2

Glasgow 1919: The Rise of Red Clydeside
by Kenny MacAskill.
Biteback, 310 pp., £20, January, 978 1 78590 454 7

John Maclean: Hero of Red Clydeside
by Henry Bell.
Pluto, 242 pp., October 2018, 978 0 7453 3838 5

In​ the general election of 14 December 1918, the Labour Party 
disappointingly won only one of the 15 constituencies in Glasgow; in the 
next election, on 15 November 1922, it won ten. Nine of these seats, or 
their successors, remained Labour for the next ninety years, until in 
2015 it lost every single one of them to the SNP, and not narrowly: the 
SNP majorities in all seven Glasgow constituencies were around ten 
thousand. Labour’s hegemony in the city, which had seemed eternal, had 
suddenly evaporated. It was easy enough to find reasons for it, but the 
abruptness and scale of the party’s fall were still shocking.


In 1922 thousands had gathered to watch the new MPs take the night mail 
to London. James Maxton, the most charismatic of the group, assured the 
crowd that ‘they would see the atmosphere of the Clyde getting the 
better of the House of Commons.’ Maxton and his colleagues were members 
of the Independent Labour Party (until 1918 you couldn’t join the Labour 
Party directly, only an affiliated organisation like the ILP, the Fabian 
Society or a trade union), which was by far the most powerful body in 
the Labour Party in Scotland. The atmosphere of the Clyde in the early 
20th century was in large part its creation. In When the Clyde Ran Red, 
Maggie Craig quotes an article published in the Times just after the 
1922 election which suspiciously lists some of the things organised by 
the ILP: ‘Socialist study circles, socialist economics classes, 
socialist music festivals, socialist athletics competitions, socialist 
choirs, socialist dramatic societies, socialist plays – these are only a 
few of the devious ways in which they attempted to reach the 
unconverted.’ There were also socialist Sunday schools, cycling and 
hiking clubs, several newspapers and, unsurprisingly, endless meetings. 
The city in 1915 was described by the Daily Herald as ‘a place of many 
meetings; a place rumbling with revolt ... I seemed to see a meeting at 
every street corner, and late in the evening the theatres poured forth 
huge masses of people who had been, not at entertainments, but at 
serious deliberations.’ There was a belief that the people, once 
properly informed, would seize the opportunity to control their own 
fate: ‘We are out for life and all that life can give us,’ the 
revolutionary John Maclean said at his trial for sedition in 1918.


My grandparents met at a Glasgow ILP branch sometime around the end of 
the First World War, and I’ve always had a rather romantic view of the 
party and of that period, helped along by my mother’s stories of their 
family friend John S. Clarke, an ILP MP not very happily in the late 
1920s, a pretty terrible political poet, but also a lion-tamer (he’d 
joined the circus at 17) who cured Lenin’s dog when he was in Russia as 
a delegate at the Second Congress of the Third International in 1920. My 
mother remembers his signed photograph of Lenin, addressed to ‘comrade 
Clarke’. I was struck, too, by another photograph, which shows a large 
crowd gathered in George Square in January 1919. A huge red flag is 
being waved above a sea of men in bunnets, a tramcar stands unmoving in 
the background, while a single policeman turns to look at the camera. 
Soon after it was taken, there was a pitched battle when the police 
charged demonstrators, leading the secretary of state for Scotland to 
warn of ‘a Bolshevist rising’, send in tanks and (non-Glaswegian) 
soldiers, and set up machine-gun nests in the square.


There hadn’t been much sign at the turn of the century that Glasgow 
would become a centre of socialist activism. Keir Hardie founded the ILP 
in 1893, five years after the foundation of the Scottish Labour Party, 
itself formed after Hardie, a local miners’ leader, lost badly as an 
independent labour candidate in the Mid-Lanark by-election of 1888 (the 
two organisations soon merged). In the 19th century the Liberals had 
been totally dominant in Scotland, but men like Hardie, who had tried to 
get the Liberal nomination in Mid-Lanark, had come to doubt the party’s 
willingness to allow working men into positions of power. The views of 
these early socialists remained close to radical Liberalism: land 
reform, evangelical Protest

[Marxism] William Greider, Journalist Who Focused on Economy, Dies at 83

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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NY Times, Dec. 27, 2019
William Greider, Journalist Who Focused on Economy, Dies at 83
By Katharine Q. Seelye

William Greider, a reporter, editor and popular author who examined the 
United States, its politics and its position in the world through an 
economic lens for four decades for The Washington Post, Rolling Stone, 
The Nation and other media outlets, died on Wednesday at his home in 
Washington. He was 83.


His son, Cameron, said the cause was complications of congestive heart 
failure.


Mr. Greider worked for 15 years at The Post, where he was a national 
correspondent, an assistant managing editor for national news and a 
columnist.


His writing then took a more polemical and leftward turn at Rolling 
Stone, where, as a columnist and national affairs editor from 1982 to 
1999, he began investigating the defense establishment and challenging 
mainstream political and economic thought.


He joined The Nation in 1999 as the national affairs correspondent and 
was also a correspondent for six “Frontline” documentaries on PBS, 
including “Return to Beirut,” which won an Emmy in 1985.


Mr. Greider’s best-known books include “One World, Ready or Not: The 
Manic Logic of Global Capitalism” (1997), about the global economy; 
“Secrets of the Temple” (1987), a critique of the Federal Reserve 
system; “Who Will Tell the People? The Betrayal of American Democracy” 
(1992), which laid bare how powerful interests had co-opted the 
political system so that it would work for them and not for the working 
class; and “The Soul of Capitalism: Opening Paths to a Moral Economy” 
(2003), in which he took a hard look at American capitalism and 
discussed ways of reforming it.


Reviewing “The Soul of Capitalism” in The New York Times, the journalist 
John B. Judis called it “a bold and ambitious attempt to remedy the lack 
of vision that has plagued the American left since the decline of New 
Deal liberalism.”


But perhaps Mr. Greider’s most influential piece of writing was an essay 
in The Atlantic in 1981 titled “The Education of David Stockman,” which 
caused a national uproar.


Mr. Stockman was a young Michigan Republican who served briefly in 
Congress before becoming President Ronald Reagan’s budget director. 
Branded the “whiz kid” of the administration, he was in charge of 
implementing Reagan’s plan to balance the federal budget by 1984 while 
cutting income taxes and social spending and increasing military spending.


In a series of interviews with Mr. Greider, Mr. Stockman revealed his 
skepticism about the supply-side theory of economics, on which the plan 
was based, and admitted that it had caused considerable doubt and 
confusion within the administration.


“None of us really understands what’s going on with all these numbers,” 
Mr. Stockman told Mr. Greider in one of several damning passages.


The essay won the George Polk Award for magazine writing and was 
reprinted as part of Mr. Greider’s subsequent book, “The Education of 
David Stockman and Other Americans” (1982), a broader indictment of 
Reaganomics and its shortcomings.


Before Reagan named him his vice-presidential running mate, George H.W. 
Bush had called this approach “voodoo economics,” saying Reagan’s 
policies would greatly increase the national debt. Mr. Greider’s account 
was one of the first to explain what was actually going on behind the 
administration’s curtain.


“Greider’s narrative is now a piece of history,” the historian Bruce 
Mazlish wrote in The New Republic. Mr. Greider’s essay, he said, was 
“destined to appear in future anthologies of politics, for it raises 
fundamental issues of faith, loyalty, betrayal, morality and personality.”


William Harold Greider was born on Aug. 6, 1936, in Cincinnati. His 
father, Harold William Greider, was a research chemist, and his mother, 
Gladys (McClure) Greider, was a teacher.


He was raised in Wyoming, Ohio, a Cincinnati suburb, and went on to 
study at Princeton, where he majored in English and served as associate 
editor of The Daily Princetonian, the campus newspaper. He received his 
bachelor’s degree in 1958.


Asked in a 2009 interview with Princeton Alumni Weekly if the university 
had shaped his political philosophy, Mr. Greider said no.


“I grew up a conservative Republican in the Robert Taft mold,” he said. 
“What changed me was after graduation, when I went out as a reporter and 
quickly began to experience the broader world. That led me to appreciate 
things I had once despised, such as the New Deal and liberal economics.”


He started his newspaper career at The Wheaton Daily Journal in 
Illinois, where he met his future wife, Linda Furry, wh

[Marxism] Big City, Small Farmers, and a Dying River - CounterPunch.org

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[Marxism] Greetings for the New Year of 2020

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https://www.thecommunists.net/rcit/greetings-for-the-new-year-of-2020/

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[Marxism] Defend Idlib! Defeat Assad and the Russian-Iranian Occupiers!

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Defend Idlib! Defeat Assad and the Russian-Iranian Occupiers!

An emergency call for international solidarity with the Syrian people 
suffering from the barbarous onslaught by Assad and Putin!


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[Marxism] A Sacred Place And A Sacred Quest To Save It | HuffPost

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The Oak Flat land in Arizona is holy to the Apaches. A mining company 
wants to blow a two-mile-wide hole in it.


By Osha Gray Davidson

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[Marxism] Bread and Fear | Lefteast

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Thirty years ago, the end of history was rumored to have begun. Though 
that thesis now looks quaint to say the least, the events that prodded 
it have left a deep and lasting impression on much of the world, perhaps 
most of all on central and eastern Europe, where the “transition” or 
Wende to the neoliberal monoculture began. In the next two weeks, we at 
LeftEast will be publishing a series of nine essays on the effects of 
1989 on post-state-socialist Europe and beyond. The pieces were 
developed around the workshop “Eastern Europe after 30 years of 
transition: New emancipatory perspectives from the region,” held in 
Prague on 25-26 October 2019, organised by the Transnational Institute 
(Amsterdam) and the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation (Prague). In addition to 
their commentary on the present, these articles also give a virtual tour 
of the collapsing state-socialist world at the moment of its demise, 
through the memory of those who lived through it, and implore us to 
reconsider what critical memory might look like, that is, memory that 
helps us work toward a substantially different future. Our survey begins 
in Poland.


full: http://www.criticatac.ro/lefteast/bread-and-fear/
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[Marxism] With a Thousand Ancestors Front and Back | Joshua Clover

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Nick Estes tells us why the past and present of Indigenous resistance 
means there must be no future for the United States.


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[Marxism] The Looming U.S. Water Crisis - CounterPunch.org

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