[Marxism] Why Mainstream Unions Shouldn’t Represent the Cops | Harold Meyerson | The American Prospect
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[Marxism] The Revolutionary Life of Paul Robeson: Scholar Gerald Horne on the Great Anti-Fascist Singer, Artist, and Rebel | The Intercept
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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Ukraine]: Kupensky on Hrytsak, 'Ivan Franko and His Community'
POSTING RULES & NOTES #1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. #2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived. #3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern. * Best regards, Andrew Stewart - - - Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/ Begin forwarded message: > From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW > Date: July 15, 2020 at 11:37:04 AM EDT > To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org > Cc: H-Net Staff > Subject: H-Net Review [H-Ukraine]: Kupensky on Hrytsak, 'Ivan Franko and His > Community' > Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org > > Yaroslav Hrytsak. Ivan Franko and His Community. Translated by > Marta Daria Olynyk. Brookline Academic Studies Press, 2019. 588 pp. > $42.00 (paper), ISBN 978-1-61811-968-1. > > Reviewed by Nicholas Kupensky (US Air Force Academy) > Published on H-Ukraine (July, 2020) > Commissioned by Nataliya Shpylova-Saeed > > Yaroslav Hrytsak's _Ivan Franko and His Community _(2019) is a > pioneering volume that sits at the crossroads of three different > genres. It is at once a biography of the Ukrainian writer Ivan > Franko, a microhistory of eastern Galicia from the 1850s to 1880s, > and a case study of the origins and meanings of the Ukrainian > national movement. > > These concerns are reflected in the book's title, both elements of > which are creatively balanced in its narrative. At times, Franko's > biography takes prominence, and the development and evolution of the > artist serves as a structuring metaphor for the profound changes > taking place in eastern Galicia in the last half of the nineteenth > century. Elsewhere, the microhistory of eastern Galicia predominates, > and, thus, we see the degree to which Franko's biography distills and > amplifies the varied worlds he inhabited. > > _Ivan Franko and His Community _is divided into two methodologically > distinct parts that allow Hrytsak to read Franko both horizontally > and vertically. "Part I: Franko and His Times" largely sticks to a > chronological narrative and, in meticulous detail, takes the reader > through the ever-expanding "small communities" (p. xiv) that helped > shape Franko as he moved from his native village of Nahuievychi > (chapters 2 and 3) to school in Drohobych (chapter 4), university in > Lviv (chapter 7), prison (chapter 8) and back again (chapter 9). > "Part II: Franko and His Society" synthetically analyzes core > concerns of Franko's aesthetics and politics, such as his > relationship with peasants (chapter 11), Boryslav (chapter 12), women > (chapter 13), Jews (chapter 14), and his readers (chapter 15). It > concludes with a discussion of why Franko began to be known as a > genius (chapter 16) and a prophet, contrary to the biblical logic, > even in his own land (chapter 17). Finally, the narrative is followed > by fourteen fascinating tables that graphically illustrate the > contours of Franko's worlds, such as the religious makeup of Galicia > (table 1), literacy (tables 2-4), demographics of the > Boryslav-Drohobovych oil basin (tables 5-6), family data (tables > 7-8), data about Ruthenian-Ukrainian publications (tables 9-13), and > the geography of Franko's publications (table 14). > > Although the book's Ukrainian title uses the image of Franko as a > "prophet"--_Prorok u svoïi vitchyzni. Franko ta ioho spil'nota_ > _(1856-1888_)--the English title in Marta Daria Olynyk's powerful > translation wisely draws attention to its central historical and > theoretical tensions, namely Hrytsak's thoughtful exploration of > Franko's modernism, nationalism, and socialism. > > Hrytsak begins his study by representing the Austrian province of > Galicia as a "civilizational borderland" (p. 15), whose territory > became the playing field for a host of competing class, confessional, > and national identities. And what Hrytsak emphasizes is that > Galicia's historical development challenges the assumption that > industrialization and urbanization (neither of which were widespread > at the end of the nineteenth century) are necessary ingredients to > the formation of modern nations. In his formulation, Galicia is a > historical region "where there was a great deal of modernity but > little modernization" (p. xix). In this respect, the volume_ _makes a > valuable contribution to studies of modernism in Eastern and Central > Europe, which have tended to explore the relationship between the > region's material backwardness and aesthetic progressivism. In _All > That Is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity _(1982), > Marshall Berman noted how nineteenth-century Russian writers produced > some of the most canonical symbols of modernity in a country without > widespread industrialization and urbanization, a phenomenon he calls >
[Marxism] The White House Called a News Conference. Trump Turned It Into a Meandering Monologue.
POSTING RULES & NOTES #1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. #2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived. #3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern. * (The transcript is here. Mind-boggling. https://www.rev.com/blog/transcripts/donald-trump-rose-garden-press-conference-transcript-july-14) NY Times, July 15, 2020 The White House Called a News Conference. Trump Turned It Into a Meandering Monologue. By Peter Baker WASHINGTON — In theory, President Trump summoned television cameras to the heat-baked Rose Garden early Tuesday evening to announce new measures against China to punish it for its oppression of Hong Kong. But that did not last long. What followed instead was an hour of presidential stream of consciousness as Mr. Trump drifted seemingly at random from one topic to another, often in the same run-on sentence. Even for a president who rarely sticks to the script and wanders from thought to thought, it was one of the most rambling performances of his presidency. He weighed in on China and the coronavirus and the Paris climate change accord and crumbling highways. And then China again and military spending and then China again and then the coronavirus again. And the economy and energy taxes and trade with Europe and illegal immigration and his friendship with Mexico’s president. And the coronavirus again and then immigration again and crime in Chicago and the death penalty and back to climate change and education and historical statues. And more. “We could go on for days,” he said at one point, and it sounded plausible. At times, it was hard to understand what he meant. He seemed to suggest that his presumptive Democratic challenger, former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., would get rid of windows if elected and later said that Mr. Biden would “abolish the suburbs.” He complained that Mr. Biden had “gone so far right.” (He meant left.) Even for those who follow Mr. Trump regularly and understand his shorthand, it became challenging to follow his train of thought. For instance, in discussing cooperation agreements with Central American countries to stop illegal immigration, he had this to say: “We have great agreements where when Biden and Obama used to bring killers out, they would say don’t bring them back to our country, we don’t want them. Well, we have to, we don’t want them. They wouldn’t take them. Now with us, they take them. Someday, I’ll tell you why. Someday, I’ll tell you why. But they take them and they take them very gladly. They used to bring them out and they wouldn’t even let the airplanes land if they brought them back by airplanes. They wouldn’t let the buses into their country. They said we don’t want them. Said no, but they entered our country illegally and they’re murderers, they’re killers in some cases.” At another point, he took a jab at Mr. Biden’s mental acuity. “Let him define the word carbon, because he won’t be able to,” Mr. Trump said. That has been a theme of his lately, unsubtly implying that Mr. Biden has grown senile. Just last week, Mr. Trump, 74, boasted that he had recently taken a cognitive test and “aced it,” while insisting that Mr. Biden, 77, “couldn’t pass” such an exam. The disjointed monologue, however, may not have been the most convincing evidence. On Twitter, his critics quickly compared him to a grandfather who had broken into the sherry cabinet. “Trump is a truly sick individual,” wrote Jon Favreau, who was President Barack Obama’s chief speechwriter. Rick Wilson, a founder of the Lincoln Project, a group of anti-Trump Republicans, called it “rambling verbal dysentery.” The appearance came on the same day that the president’s estranged niece, Mary L. Trump, a clinical psychologist, published a scathing book questioning his mental health and asserting that pathologies stemming from his childhood are playing out now on the world stage. Mr. Trump has not commented about the book, but in the past he has rejected such contentions by describing himself as “a very stable genius.” The focus of the evening session with reporters took a turn after Mr. Biden received extensive television coverage earlier in the day for his $2 trillion climate plan, according to a senior official who spoke on the condition of anonymity. The Hong Kong Autonomy Act, the ostensible reason for his appearance, was treated as an afterthought. In effect, the news conference turned into a campaign speech to substitute for the one Mr. Trump was scheduled to give last weekend in New Hampshire only to cancel amid concerns about flagging attendance, citing a possible storm at the site of the rally. While presidents as a general rule are not supposed to engage in overt campaigning from the White House itself, Mr. Trump made little effort to
[Marxism] What can we learn from Kautsky today? – International Socialism
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[Marxism] The QAnon Candidates Are Here. Trump Has Paved Their Way.
POSTING RULES & NOTES #1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. #2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived. #3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern. * NY Times, July 15, 2020 The QAnon Candidates Are Here. Trump Has Paved Their Way. The conspiracy theorists accuse Democrats and even fellow Republicans of being beholden to a cabal of bureaucrats, pedophiles and Satanists. President Trump has cheered them on. By Matthew Rosenberg and Jennifer Steinhauer A Republican Senate candidate recently declared herself “one of the thousands of digital soldiers” in service of QAnon, a convoluted pro-Trump conspiracy theory about a “deep state” of child-molesting Satanist traitors plotting against the president. A congressional candidate in Colorado who made approving comments about QAnon bested a five-term Republican incumbent in a primary last month. And then there is Marjorie Taylor Greene, a Georgia Republican who is perhaps the most unabashedly pro-QAnon candidate for Congress and has drawn a positive tweet from President Trump. She recently declared that QAnon was “a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to take this global cabal of Satan-worshiping pedophiles out.” More than two years after QAnon, which the F.B.I. has labeled a potential domestic terrorism threat, emerged from the troll-infested corners of the internet, the movement’s supporters are morphing from keyboard warriors into political candidates. They have been urged on by Mr. Trump, whose own espousal of conspiracy theories and continual railing against the political establishment have cleared a path for QAnon candidates. And even as party leaders publicly distance themselves from the movement, they are quietly supporting some QAnon-linked candidates — demonstrating the thin line they are trying to walk between radical elements among their base and the moderate voters they need to win over. Precisely how many candidates are running under the banner of QAnon is somewhat open to interpretation — estimates range to more than a dozen, with many more defeated in primaries — and nearly all are expected to lose in November. Some candidates have clear connections to the movement and use its language and hashtags on social media and in real-world appearances. Scores more have cherry-picked some of the movement’s themes, such as claims that Jews, and especially the financier George Soros, are controlling the political system and vaccines; assertions that the risk from the coronavirus is vastly overstated; or racist theories about former President Barack Obama. Many have appeared on QAnon-themed podcasts and in news outlets. On Monday Jeff Sessions, caught in a tight race to reclaim his former Senate seat in Alabama, recycled an old QAnon meme about himself in a Twitter post. All of the candidates, though, present a fresh headache for Republican leaders. They were already struggling to distance the party from conspiracy theories steeped in racist and anti-Semitic messaging. Now they must contend with candidates whose online beliefs have inspired real-world violence, including the killing of a mob boss. It is a development that threatens to further alienate the kinds of traditional Republican voters who typically care about lowering taxes, not chasing imaginary Satanists from the government. Democrats are eager to pounce. “We will point it out loudly and clearly,” said Representative Cheri Bustos of Illinois, who leads the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. “The moral of the story is the Republican Party is silent on all of this.” Yet Republican leaders also cannot afford to turn off voters who share those conspiratorial views if they hope to retain the Senate and retake the House. So while the party has publicly sought to keep its distance from most QAnon candidates, campaign finance filings show that some have clearly won its tacit backing. In April, Representative Jim Jordan of Ohio, a high-profile lawmaker and a favorite of the president, donated $2,000 to Ms. Greene’s campaign. A political action committee with which Mr. Jordan is associated, the House Freedom Fund, gave her thousands of dollars more. A month earlier, the Republican National Committee gave $2,200 to Angela Stanton-King, a House candidate in Georgia who has repeatedly posted QAnon content and obscure hashtags, such as “#trusttheplan.” The Georgia Republican Party gave an additional $2,800 to Ms. Stanton-King, who was pardoned this year by Mr. Trump for her role in a car-theft ring. She is expected to be roundly defeated in her heavily Democratic district. Ms. Stanton-King has since denied believing in any QAnon conspiracies. Yet in recent days she was again tweeting about “global elite pedophiles,” as well as a new conspiracy theory
[Marxism] Monthly Review | Modern U.S. Racial Capitalism
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[Marxism] The Truth Behind Bari Weiss’s Resignation From the New York Times | Observer
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[Marxism] Warnings of Possible Cover-Up in Progress as Trump Orders Hospitals to Stop Sending Coronavirus Data to CDC | Common Dreams News
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[Marxism] The CDC Is Wrong, Testing is essential for colleges to reopen safely
POSTING RULES & NOTES #1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. #2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived. #3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern. * Chronicle of Higher Education The CDC Is Wrong Testing is essential for colleges to reopen safely By Carl T. Bergstrom July 14, 2020 PREMIUM Last month, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention released updated guidance for institutions of higher education in dealing with the Covid-19 crisis. In that report, the CDC failed to recommend testing for students returning to campus, and went one step further: It issued an explicit statement of nonrecommendation. "Testing of all students, faculty and staff for Covid-19 before allowing campus entry (entry testing) has not been systematically studied. It is unknown if entry testing in IHEs provides any additional reduction in person-to-person transmission of the virus beyond what would be expected with implementation of other infection preventive measures (e.g., social distancing, cloth face covering, hand washing, enhanced cleaning and disinfection). Therefore, CDC does not recommend entry testing of all returning students, faculty, and staff." The aim of such testing is to identify infected individuals with no or mild symptoms, and to isolate them to prevent them from transmitting disease to others. This is a proven means of disease control, and is being used everywhere from workplaces to our armed forces to the NBA to the White House. The CDC’s decision not to recommend such testing for higher education is inexplicable and irresponsible, particularly given that colleges are environments where Covid-19 spreads easily, and large outbreaks are likely. For example, a major cluster in fraternity housing at the University of Washington last week has infected more than 130 students, the University of Mississippi suffered an outbreak of over 160 cases associated with fraternity parties, the University of California at Berkeley had a large fraternity party cluster, and several college football teams have suffered sizable outbreaks already this summer. If we cannot contain outbreaks during the minimal campus activity of summer, we cannot expect to fare better in autumn. The language of the CDC statement makes a disingenuous appeal to an absence of evidence. It is true that we have never had students return to college amidst a Covid-19 pandemic, so we have no direct experience with the effects of testing in that specific scenario. But we know exactly what to expect. We have overwhelming evidence from numerous other settings that testing is effective above and beyond other measures at identifying infected individuals, and that by isolating such individuals we can reduce the spread of disease. The CDC’s rationale for inaction is akin to observing that seatbelts save lives in Cleveland but refusing to recommend them in Cincinnati because that’s a different city and “you never know." We lack direct insight into the CDC’s motivations. But the nonrecommendation poses serious cause for concern. The White House has discouraged widespread Covid-19 testing. The CDC has already capitulated to the White House on other aspects of its coronavirus guidance. In May, at the request of the West Wing, the agency walked back its meek suggestion that religious organizations "consider suspending or at least decreasing use of a choir/musical ensembles and congregant singing … if appropriate within the faith tradition.” Last week, in response to criticism from Vice President Pence and President Trump, Director Robert Redfield of the CDC stressed that his agency’s K-12 school guidelines were not binding and expressed a desire that they not be used to justify school closures. . Another possibility — not mutually exclusive — is that the CDC is concerned about the feasibility of entry testing, given the nationwide testing shortages. Rather than recommending against testing, the appropriate response would have been to issue a statement like: “The CDC recommends entry testing as a best practice for Covid-19 control on campuses. We recognize that this may not be feasible in some locations, but urge colleges to make every effort to implement such a program.” Unclear as the motives may be, the consequences of this decision are easy to anticipate. The CDC has provided considerable cover to colleges that do not wish to deal with the expense and logistical challenges of entry testing or continuing testing throughout the semester. Already we are seeing institutions justify their planned inaction by appealing to the CDC guidelines. As college students return to campuses around the country next month, they will bring coronavirus infections with them. Failing to take obvious precautions and carry out effective
[Marxism] Former COVID-19 data chief: Outbreak ‘much worse’ in Florida than DeSantis administration lets on – Alternet.org
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[Marxism] Wealth or income? | Michael Roberts Blog
POSTING RULES & NOTES #1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. #2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived. #3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern. * And when you use the gini index for both income and wealth for each country, the difference is staggering. Take a few examples. The gini index for the US is 37.8 (pretty high), but the gini index for wealth distribution is 85.9! Or take supposedly egalitarian Scandinavia. The gini index for income in Norway is just 24.9 but the wealth gini is 80.5! It’s the same story in the other Nordic countries. The Nordic countries may have lower than average inequality of income but they have higher than average inequality of wealth. https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2020/07/15/wealth-or-income/ _ Full posting guidelines at: http://www.marxmail.org/sub.htm Set your options at: https://lists.csbs.utah.edu/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
[Marxism] China & US Power | Tony Norfield | Economics of Imperialism
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