[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]: Bekken on Keith, 'When It Was Grand: The Radical Republican History of the Civil War'

2020-07-19 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: July 19, 2020 at 7:13:50 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]:  Bekken on Keith, 'When It Was Grand: 
> The Radical Republican History of the Civil War'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> LeeAnna Keith.  When It Was Grand: The Radical Republican History of 
> the Civil War.  New York  Hill and Wang, 2019.  352 pp.  $30.00 
> (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8090-8031-1.
> 
> Reviewed by Jon Bekken (Albright College)
> Published on H-Socialisms (July, 2020)
> Commissioned by Gary Roth
> 
> When Republicans Were Radicals
> 
> _When It Was Grand: The Radical Republican History of the Civil War_ 
> focuses on the emergence of the Republican Party from the 1850s 
> through the brief triumph of Reconstruction, with particular emphasis 
> on its Radical faction and their determination to bring an end to 
> slavery. The Radicals, LeeAnna Keith contends, dominated the 
> Republican Party in its early years, transforming the American polity 
> in the process: "The Radicals were culture warriors, committed to a 
> nearly mystical vision of representative government based on free 
> labor. Prizing equal opportunity and expansion, they championed 
> government spending for education and transportation 
> infrastructure These Republicans appealed to populism without 
> demonizing capital" (p. 4). This is a stirring narrative, with much 
> emphasis on armed conflict and political intrigue. But some of the 
> broader facets of this radicalism are eclipsed by the focus on what 
> was indisputably the major issue of the day. Keith notes the 
> important role of women's suffrage advocates in the movement and the 
> insistence of many (by no means all) Radicals on full racial 
> equality, not simply an end to the institution of slavery. But while 
> slavery was certainly the central issue, the struggle for its 
> abolition was part of a larger social ferment that saw the formation 
> of utopian colonies, the emergence of unions, and movements for 
> religious and social reform. Indeed, as it was moving from the Whigs 
> to the Republicans, the _New York Tribune_ published a series of 
> articles praising Pierre-Joseph Proudhon's mutualism and gave Karl 
> Marx a regular column that ran for a decade. 
> 
> The political system was already in crisis when debates over the 
> expansion of slavery forced the long-suppressed issue to the fore. 
> Keith suggest that Stephen Douglas was (inadvertently) "the founding 
> father of the Republican Party" through his 1854 Kansas-Nebraska 
> bill, which overturned the Missouri Compromise in an effort to 
> appease increasingly aggressive southern slaveholders (p. 10). But 
> the two-party system was already in tatters. Never a stable political 
> formation, the Whigs had been united primarily by their opposition to 
> Andrew Jackson and their commitment to building infrastructure to 
> promote commerce and industry. Democrats and Whigs shared a common 
> commitment to preserving the status quo on slavery, if only because 
> the South's electoral strength made it difficult to win national 
> elections without carrying at least some southern states. But the 
> status quo was not sustainable. Southern politicians saw westward 
> expansion as an existential threat to their political dominance and 
> so demanded the extension of slavery to the new 
> territories--something that was both economically untenable and an 
> intolerable affront to the growing numbers appalled by slavery. 
> Ultimately, this dispute shattered both parties. Western Democrats 
> like John Wentworth originally condemned abolitionists as fanatics, 
> but could tolerate neither the expansion of slavery nor their party's 
> increasingly implacable opposition to internal improvements. 
> (Wentworth correctly saw Chicago's future as inextricably bound up 
> with the development of canals and railroads.) In 1848 he opposed the 
> new Free Soil Party on the grounds that it threatened to deliver 
> Illinois's electoral votes to the Whigs he still despised (noting in 
> his _Chicago Democrat_ that Whig presidential nominee Zachary Taylor 
> was a slave owner). Free Soilers, Know-Nothings, Anti-Nebraska 
> Democrats (such as Wentworth), and the remnants of the Whigs 
> ultimately coalesced under the Republican Party banner, united by 
> little else but their opposition to slavery's expansion. 
> 
> Keith discusses the coalescing of these forces and the early 

[Marxism] Adolph Reed Jr. And The Essence Of Class Essentialism: In Which We Essentially Examine This With Class - CounterPunch.org

2020-07-17 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://www.counterpunch.org/2020/07/17/adolph-reed-jr-and-the-essence-of-class-essentialism-in-which-we-essentially-examine-this-with-class/


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[Marxism] Fwd: Dark days

2020-07-17 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Subject: Dark days
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[Marxism] [SUSPICIOUS MESSAGE] Adolph Reed Jr. And The Essence Of Class Essentialism: In Which We Essentially Examine This With Class - CounterPunch.org

2020-07-17 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Albion]: Mistry on Ogborn, 'The Freedom of Speech: Talk and Slavery in the Anglo-Caribbean World'

2020-07-16 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
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Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: July 15, 2020 at 12:11:06 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Albion]:  Mistry on Ogborn, 'The Freedom of Speech: 
> Talk and Slavery in the Anglo-Caribbean World'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Miles Ogborn.  The Freedom of Speech: Talk and Slavery in the 
> Anglo-Caribbean World.  Chicago  University of Chicago Press, 2019.  
> x + 309 pp.  $35.00 (paper), ISBN 978-0-226-65768-4; $105.00 (cloth), 
> ISBN 978-0-226-65592-5.
> 
> Reviewed by Heena Mistry (Queen's University at Kingston)
> Published on H-Albion (July, 2020)
> Commissioned by Patrick J. Corbeil
> 
> Miles Ogborn's new book highlights the importance of speech and 
> speech practices in broadening our understanding of slavery in the 
> Anglo-Caribbean and the Atlantic World. By examining how speech in 
> sugar islands like Barbados and Jamaica was policed, attributed 
> force, diminished, held accountable, and discredited, Ogborn 
> delineates the oral cultures that made empire and slavery. By 
> centering speech, he offers new ways of understanding legal cultures 
> of empire, metropolitan and colonial politics, imperial knowledge 
> networks, the negotiation of religion at imperial frontiers, and the 
> abolition of slavery. Ogborn offers scholars an example of how to 
> deliberately consider speech and its meaning in historical context, 
> making the book useful as a methodological intervention. He 
> highlights the ubiquity of words spoken in resistance to or in direct 
> disregard of the power hierarchies of slavery despite repercussions. 
> However, his argument that certain kinds of speech contested 
> boundaries and restrictions in the sugar islands leaves readers 
> wondering whether the measures planters employed when acting on their 
> fears of this speech can really help us move away from accounts of 
> slavery that center power. 
> 
> _Freedom of Speech_ argues that "who can speak and what they might 
> say" are central questions for understanding the violent struggle 
> between humanity and freedom that characterized transatlantic slavery 
> (p. 34). By examining traces of speech and silencing in the archives 
> of plantation slavery, Ogborn argues that speech was an "asymmetrical 
> common ground" upon which slavery worked. He claims that his 
> methodology helps tie together "separate accounts" of power and 
> resistance that "emphasize either the extraordinary apparatus of 
> domination brought to bear on the enslaved population or the manifold 
> forms of resistance that those same populations deployed" (p. 17). It 
> remains unclear what specific literature he is responding to, as he 
> does not name any specific works that allegedly build separate 
> accounts of power and resistance. More convincing is his claim that 
> his book moves beyond understanding the Caribbean as "either the 
> silence of slavery or the astonishing and inventive proliferation of 
> creolized sonic forms" (p. 28). 
> 
> Ogborn reveals the inseparability of British, Caribbean, and West 
> African histories. Ephemeral and mobile speech accompanied by printed 
> materials created conversations that threaded together all sides of 
> the Atlantic. Readers are thus left with the impression that it is 
> impossible to fully understand British legal history, abolition, 
> planter politics, missionary work, or histories of colonial botany 
> without understanding the important ways different forms of speech 
> and silencing were integral to these connections. 
> 
> This book's strength and primary appeal is its insistence that 
> historians move away from the divide between orality and literacy, as 
> power was transmitted through forms of speech as well as forms of 
> writing. Ogborn builds a compelling case for why orality and literacy 
> are entwined. He argues that an understanding of empire as the 
> triumph of writing over speaking is inaccurate, as empires are oral 
> cultures too. The oral cultures of both slaves and colonists crossed 
> the Atlantic through networks of slavery and empire. Imperial power 
> was invested in speech practices, which can be recovered by reading 
> for "the uses of orality" and "instances where speech was required or 
> chosen" in printed materials (p. 28). Instead of "hoping to hear what 
> was really said in the past," he considers the forms of talk that 
> appear in traces or the "contours of suppressed and unheard modes of 
> speech" (p. 29). 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Ukraine]: Kupensky on Hrytsak, 'Ivan Franko and His Community'

2020-07-15 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: July 15, 2020 at 11:37:04 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Ukraine]:  Kupensky on Hrytsak, 'Ivan Franko and His 
> Community'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Yaroslav Hrytsak.  Ivan Franko and His Community.  Translated by 
> Marta Daria Olynyk. Brookline  Academic Studies Press, 2019.  588 pp. 
> $42.00 (paper), ISBN 978-1-61811-968-1.
> 
> Reviewed by Nicholas Kupensky (US Air Force Academy)
> Published on H-Ukraine (July, 2020)
> Commissioned by Nataliya Shpylova-Saeed
> 
> Yaroslav Hrytsak's _Ivan Franko and His Community _(2019) is a 
> pioneering volume that sits at the crossroads of three different 
> genres. It is at once a biography of the Ukrainian writer Ivan 
> Franko, a microhistory of eastern Galicia from the 1850s to 1880s, 
> and a case study of the origins and meanings of the Ukrainian 
> national movement.  
> 
> These concerns are reflected in the book's title, both elements of 
> which are creatively balanced in its narrative. At times, Franko's 
> biography takes prominence, and the development and evolution of the 
> artist serves as a structuring metaphor for the profound changes 
> taking place in eastern Galicia in the last half of the nineteenth 
> century. Elsewhere, the microhistory of eastern Galicia predominates, 
> and, thus, we see the degree to which Franko's biography distills and 
> amplifies the varied worlds he inhabited.  
> 
> _Ivan Franko and His Community _is divided into two methodologically 
> distinct parts that allow Hrytsak to read Franko both horizontally 
> and vertically. "Part I: Franko and His Times" largely sticks to a 
> chronological narrative and, in meticulous detail, takes the reader 
> through the ever-expanding "small communities" (p. xiv) that helped 
> shape Franko as he moved from his native village of Nahuievychi 
> (chapters 2 and 3) to school in Drohobych (chapter 4), university in 
> Lviv (chapter 7), prison (chapter 8) and back again (chapter 9). 
> "Part II: Franko and His Society" synthetically analyzes core 
> concerns of Franko's aesthetics and politics, such as his 
> relationship with peasants (chapter 11), Boryslav (chapter 12), women 
> (chapter 13), Jews (chapter 14), and his readers (chapter 15). It 
> concludes with a discussion of why Franko began to be known as a 
> genius (chapter 16) and a prophet, contrary to the biblical logic, 
> even in his own land (chapter 17). Finally, the narrative is followed 
> by fourteen fascinating tables that graphically illustrate the 
> contours of Franko's worlds, such as the religious makeup of Galicia 
> (table 1), literacy (tables 2-4), demographics of the 
> Boryslav-Drohobovych oil basin (tables 5-6), family data (tables 
> 7-8), data about Ruthenian-Ukrainian publications (tables 9-13), and 
> the geography of Franko's publications (table 14). 
> 
> Although the book's Ukrainian title uses the image of Franko as a 
> "prophet"--_Prorok u svoïi vitchyzni. Franko ta ioho spil'nota_ 
> _(1856-1888_)--the English title in Marta Daria Olynyk's powerful 
> translation wisely draws attention to its central historical and 
> theoretical tensions, namely Hrytsak's thoughtful exploration of 
> Franko's modernism, nationalism, and socialism.
> 
> Hrytsak begins his study by representing the Austrian province of 
> Galicia as a "civilizational borderland" (p. 15), whose territory 
> became the playing field for a host of competing class, confessional, 
> and national identities. And what Hrytsak emphasizes is that 
> Galicia's historical development challenges the assumption that 
> industrialization and urbanization (neither of which were widespread 
> at the end of the nineteenth century) are necessary ingredients to 
> the formation of modern nations. In his formulation, Galicia is a 
> historical region "where there was a great deal of modernity but 
> little modernization" (p. xix). In this respect, the volume_ _makes a 
> valuable contribution to studies of modernism in Eastern and Central 
> Europe, which have tended to explore the relationship between the 
> region's material backwardness and aesthetic progressivism. In _All 
> That Is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity _(1982), 
> Marshall Berman noted how nineteenth-century Russian writers produced 
> some of the most canonical symbols of modernity in a country without 
> widespread industrialization and urbanization, a phenomenon he calls 
> 

Re: [Marxism] The Forgotten History of the Jewish, Anti-Zionist Left | A conversation with scholar Benjamin Balthaser | Sarah Lazare | In These Times

2020-07-14 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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This was a glorious article

-- 
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart

Message: 9
Date: Tue, 14 Jul 2020 11:44:05 -0500
From: Kevin Lindemann and Cathy Campo 
To: marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu
Subject: [Marxism] The Forgotten History of the Jewish, Anti-Zionist
Left | A conversation with scholar Benjamin Balthaser | Sarah
Lazare |
In These Times
Message-ID: 
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii


https://inthesetimes.com/article/22659/jewish-anti-zionism-israel-palestine-
colonialism-annexation-apartheid


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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Environment]: Scown on Chang, 'Novel Cultivations: Plants in British Literature of the Global Nineteenth Century'

2020-07-14 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
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Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: July 14, 2020 at 1:31:22 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Environment]:  Scown on Chang, 'Novel Cultivations: 
> Plants in British Literature of the Global Nineteenth Century'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Elizabeth Hope Chang.  Novel Cultivations: Plants in British 
> Literature of the Global Nineteenth Century.  Under the Sign of 
> Nature Series. Charlottesville  University of Virginia Press, 2019.  
> 240 pp.  $29.50 (paper), ISBN 978-0-8139-4248-3; $59.50 (cloth), ISBN 
> 978-0-8139-4247-6.
> 
> Reviewed by Jim Scown (Cardiff University)
> Published on H-Environment (July, 2020)
> Commissioned by Daniella McCahey
> 
> Elizabeth Hope Chang's _Novel Cultivations: Plants in British 
> Literature of the Global Nineteenth Century _examines the agency of 
> plants in a wide range of British genre fiction from the 1850s to the 
> 1920s. Transported around the world during these years, plant life 
> was shaped by and also helped to shape the social, economic, and 
> ecological transformations of empire. Chang exposes how genre fiction 
> from these years uses plants, as imports and cultivars, to "explore 
> questions of exoticism, foreignness, selfhood, and subjectivity" amid 
> these global networks (p. 3). In so doing, such novels also offer 
> conceptions of plant agency and consciousness that begin to redefine 
> subjectivity beyond the limits of the human. _Novel Cultivations 
> _will be of interest to many, from those working on non-human agency, 
> world-ecology,  and the crossovers between postcolonial and 
> ecocritical theory, to those interested in the workings of the 
> novel--and, indeed, the workings of plants--in the global nineteenth 
> century. 
> 
> Over five chapters, Chang leads her reader through a diverse range of 
> detective, scientific romance, imperial gothic, and adventure 
> fiction. Her wide array of "not entirely canonical literary examples" 
> and resistance to strict periodization underpin the book's strength 
> of argument (p. 17). Charles Dickens's _The Mystery of Edwin Drood 
> _(1870), Arthur Morrison's _A Child of the Jago _(1896), Arthur Conan 
> Doyle's _The Lost World _(1912), Charlotte Brontë's _Villette 
> _(1853), Richard Marsh's _The Beetle _(1897), Arthur Machen's _The 
> Three Imposters _(1895), Oscar Wilde's _The Picture of Dorian Gray_ 
> (1890), and H. G. Wells's "The Door in the Wall" (1906) are just some 
> of the texts to feature in chapter 2. These are contextualized by 
> horticultural works, including John Loudon's _Suburban 
> Horticulturalist _(1842), Thomas Fairchild's _The City Gardener 
> _(1722), and Shirley Hibberd's _The Town Garden _(1859). With all 
> five chapters including similar ranges of texts, each would benefit 
> from subdivision into titled sections. Nevertheless, supported by a 
> wealth of evidence, the book's chapters build on each other 
> effectively, drawing out the developing associations of personal and 
> horticultural cultivation while deftly showing the ways plants 
> reconfigured existing conventions of culture and nature, domestic and 
> foreign, subject and object, in the genre novel of the period.  
> 
> The first chapter, "Detecting the Global Plant Specimen," introduces 
> the global history of plant life in the nineteenth century and 
> examines the place of these plants in the development of detective 
> fiction. Chang's focus here is the narrative formulation of the 
> clue--"a plot element demanding a newly pronounced attention to 
> setting and the broader environmental reference setting implies" (p. 
> 34). When Ezra Jennings picks flowers from an English hedge that are 
> familiar from the unnamed country of his birth, plants trace global 
> networks integral to Wilkie Collins's _The Moonstone_'s (1868) 
> narrative structure. Chang shows that Collins's novel and Arthur 
> Conan Doyle's short story "The Adventure of the Naval Treaty" (1893) 
> thus develop the language of horticulture by figuring foreign 
> cultivars as objects of narrative significance. 
> 
> Chapter 2 examines plants within the urban gardens of imperial gothic 
> novels. Where plants in detective fiction offer clues that look 
> outward, supporting the "global acts of detection" needed to address 
> domestic crime, plants turn gothic narratives inward, disrupting 
> coherent senses of self and identity (p. 68). The glass Wardian case, 
> introduced in the first chapter 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]: Winks on Rodríguez Navas, 'Idle Talk, Deadly Talk: The Uses of Gossip in Caribbean Literature'

2020-07-13 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: July 13, 2020 at 9:24:22 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]:  Winks on Rodríguez Navas,  'Idle Talk, 
> Deadly Talk: The Uses of Gossip in Caribbean Literature'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Ana Rodríguez Navas.  Idle Talk, Deadly Talk: The Uses of Gossip in 
> Caribbean Literature.  New World Studies Series. Charlottesville  
> University of Virginia Press, 2018.  308 pp.  $35.00 (paper), ISBN 
> 978-0-8139-4162-2; $75.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8139-4161-5.
> 
> Reviewed by Christopher Winks (Queens College CUNY)
> Published on H-LatAm (July, 2020)
> Commissioned by Casey M. Lurtz
> 
> At first glance, the premise of this study may seem obvious: the 
> practice of gossip can either subvert the dominant order by mocking, 
> outing, or otherwise exposing its representatives, or reinforce it by 
> scapegoating individuals incapable of, or refusing to, fit 
> comfortably into a given community. But Ana Rodríguez Navas's 
> outstanding, lucidly written, and engrossing work brings to light the 
> sheer complexity of the far-from-trivial phenomenon of gossip within 
> the Caribbean and the ways it is mobilized in key texts from the 
> region's literature, thereby reinforcing the dialectic between oral 
> (the customary mode of gossip, frequently expressed in 
> nation-language) and scribal practices. Rodríguez Navas states in 
> her acknowledgments that "this was a project many years in the 
> making," and what distinguishes this book from today's 
> run-of-the-mill scholarly monograph is precisely her thoroughness, 
> her assured command of languages and a broad range of texts from the 
> entire Caribbean region, her deft incorporation of secondary critical 
> sources into her argument, and the kaleidoscopic perspective with 
> which she approaches the topic (p. ix). Chapter by chapter, she 
> builds a narrative that expands outward from the local level to the 
> commanding heights of power, grounded in creative readings of her 
> primary texts. All this should inspire her (hopefully many, and not 
> only specialist) readers to take a fresh look at, or be welcomed to, 
> Caribbean literature through the lens of gossip. After all, to 
> paraphrase one of the authors she (sympathetically but critically) 
> examines, the Cuban Guillermo Cabrera Infante, is not history as a 
> narrative genre built on gossip of sorts? And is it not the fiction 
> writer's job to "tell tales" about her or his characters, even 
> venturing into their deepest thoughts and fears? In the Caribbean, 
> where so much of life is carried on in public, gossip is an integral 
> part of daily existence--and as Rodríguez Navas shows, it is not the 
> exclusive domain of women, contrary to the prevailing stereotype. 
> 
> This book tells stories about how stories are told in the Caribbean 
> by a variety of agents, ranging from the neighbor across the lane to 
> the messengers of dictatorial state power, and the author takes pains 
> to clarify that gossip in the Caribbean, as an important technique of 
> storytelling, is not some essential trait artificially linking its 
> diverse peoples but reflects a historical condition "where 
> inequality, tyranny, and long histories of domination bring with them 
> the constant violation of social rules," thereby creating a fertile 
> ground for gossip. Insofar as gossip acts to destabilize and call 
> into question discursive orders, it is valuable as a means of 
> "splinter[ing] official accounts into a more representative 
> proliferation of viewpoints," but it can also "corrode social ties, 
> disempower individuals, and silence dissenting voices" (p. 24). It is 
> this double-edged quality of a weapon wielded largely but far from 
> exclusively by the weak that Rodríguez Navas meticulously explores 
> in her readings. 
> 
> Summarizing and challenging what she calls the hitherto monocultural 
> (hence reductive) approach to gossip, Rodríguez Navas goes on to 
> discuss the etymologies and semantic associations of the English 
> "gossip," the Spanish "chisme," and the French "ragot," along with 
> the various nation-language words for the practice (for example, 
> "susu," "télédyol," "bochinche"). Using works by Gabriel García 
> Márquez and Jean Rhys, among others, she refutes the generally 
> accepted "Anglo-American" notion of gossip as a force of social 
> cohesion and considers instead its potential to open fissures 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-CivWar]: Powers on Link, 'United States Reconstruction across the Americas'

2020-07-13 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: July 13, 2020 at 8:13:15 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-CivWar]:  Powers on Link, 'United States 
> Reconstruction across the Americas'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> William A. Link, ed.  United States Reconstruction across the 
> Americas.  Frontiers of the American South Series. Gainesville  
> University Press of Florida, 2019.  136 pp.  $34.95 (cloth), ISBN 
> 978-0-8130-5641-8.
> 
> Reviewed by Michael S. Powers (Angelo State University)
> Published on H-CivWar (July, 2020)
> Commissioned by Madeleine Forrest
> 
> Examining the Civil War era in a global context has been a leading 
> avenue of recent study. Historians, such as Matthew Karp in _This 
> Vast Southern Empire: Slaveholders and the Helm of American Foreign 
> Policy _(2016) and those in Gregory P. Downs and Kate Masur's _The 
> World the Civil War Made _(2015), have demonstrated how focusing on 
> the global links of the era are apt case studies for an analysis of 
> slavery, emancipation, citizenship, capitalism, nation building, and 
> a host of other aspects of central interest to Civil War era 
> scholars. More recently, historians have begun to extend analysis of 
> Reconstruction beyond national borders. Grounded in research from 
> North America, South America, the Caribbean, and Great Britain that 
> examines a rich array of primary sources from newspapers and 
> government reports to private correspondence, _United States 
> Reconstruction across the Americas _admirably broadens the scope of 
> the Civil War's aftermath. 
> 
> This chronologically and geographically broad analysis of the end of 
> the Civil War and its implications builds on William A. Link's 
> previously excellent co-edited (with Brian Ward and Martyn Bone) 
> collection, _The American South and the Atlantic World _(2013).  Link 
> begins _United States Reconstruction across the Americas_ with an 
> admirable introduction that weaves together the collection's three 
> essays, demonstrating that the themes in each are "all central to 
> U.S. Reconstruction" and "interwoven with patterns of post-Civil War 
> global political, social, and economic developments" (p. 3). In the 
> first essay, Rafael Marquese compares how American and Brazilian 
> landowners organized and employed labor in the transition from 
> slavery to freedom as a result of the Paraguayan War. Dan H. Doyle, 
> meanwhile, uses the lens of foreign relations to examine partnerships 
> between Mexican resistance to French intervention and the US 
> government under the guidance of William H. Seward to explore the 
> triumph of a more egalitarian republicanism above and below the Rio 
> Grande. Finally, Edward B. Rugemer argues that Jamaican freedmen's 
> protest against continued oppression, and the British government's 
> subsequent violent crackdown, known as the Morant Bay Rebellion, 
> significantly influenced the formation of Radical Republican 
> policies. Therefore, all three essays analyze the aftermath of each 
> area's most significant late nineteenth-century moment of violence 
> and conflict as cathartic events that further entangled the United 
> States, Mexico, Jamaica, and Brazil. 
> 
> In a blending of social history with macro-economic history, 
> Marquese's essay strives to internationalize the history of 
> Reconstruction without falling into the prevalent pitfall of 
> enhancing notions of US exceptionalism. "The Cotton Economies of the 
> United States and Brazil, 1865-1904" tracks the growth of European 
> immigrant labor in the _colonato _system of Brazil following gradual 
> emancipation brought on by the Free Womb Law of 1871. According to 
> Marquese, São Paulo planters observed the decentralized nature of 
> sharecropping and established a post-emancipation labor market on 
> coffee plantations that continued, and even consolidated, elite 
> control. Marquese's compelling essay raises questions for future 
> analysis, especially those that focus on how American and Brazilian 
> racial differences shaped the free labor system of each. 
> 
> "Reconstruction and Anti-imperialism: The United States and Mexico" 
> by Doyle is the most historiographically significant in the book. 
> Doyle counters the orthodox view that Secretary of State Seward's 
> postbellum policies in the Western Hemisphere were indicative of 
> commercial imperialism. Instead, Doyle posits that Seward resurrected 
> the 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-1960s]: Witcher on Andelic, 'Donkey Work: Congressional Democrats in Conservative America, 1974-1994'

2020-07-10 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: July 10, 2020 at 7:40:55 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-1960s]:  Witcher on Andelic, 'Donkey Work: 
> Congressional Democrats in Conservative America, 1974-1994'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Patrick Andelic.  Donkey Work: Congressional Democrats in 
> Conservative America, 1974-1994.  Lawrence  University Press of 
> Kansas, 2019.  304 pp.  $34.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-7006-2803-2.
> 
> Reviewed by Marcus M. Witcher (Huntingdon College)
> Published on H-1960s (July, 2020)
> Commissioned by Zachary J. Lechner
> 
> Patrick Andelic's Donkey Work argues that the Democratic Party--and 
> liberalism by extension--did not disappear after George McGovern's 
> disastrous defeat in 1972. Indeed, Andelic insists that congressional 
> liberal Democrats successfully limited the effects of the Reagan 
> revolution even while they failed to produce a coherent ideological 
> and policy response to conservatism. Andelic decenters the political 
> narrative from the presidency to Congress and details the efforts of 
> Democrats to govern from Congress from 1974 to 1994. Finally, he 
> offers some insight into the evolution of the Democratic Party, the 
> rise of neoliberalism, and the reasons for the failure of 
> congressional governance. 
> 
> Looking back, many historians claim that conservatism was on the 
> ascent during the 1970s and that this momentum resulted in Ronald 
> Reagan's victory in 1980. Andelic reminds readers, however, that 
> after Watergate and President Gerald Ford's pardon of President 
> Richard Nixon, Democrats were ascendant. In fact, the 1974 
> congressional elections resulted in huge victories for the party: 
> gaining forty-nine seats in the House and four in the Senate. This 
> new class of freshman legislators were known collectively as 
> "Watergate Babies." Although from different districts and 
> backgrounds, they were "sensitive to minority rights, champions of 
> the suburban consumer, environmentally conscious, and dovish on 
> foreign policy" (p. 19). Despite having little seniority, they were 
> able to play important roles in Congress due to changes in the House 
> rules. As Andelic demonstrates, after 1974 the Democratic Party was 
> triumphant. 
> 
> Unfortunately for Democrats, determining what type of liberalism to 
> promote with their majorities in both Houses proved difficult. Many 
> of the new members believed that "New Deal liberalism was defunct" 
> and some of them attempted to replace it with "hardheaded, pragmatic 
> liberalism" that did not overpromise (p. 20). Consequently, the 
> Democratic Party was at odds with itself when Jimmy Carter won the 
> White House in 1976. 
> 
> Carter came into office controlling both chambers of Congress, but 
> neither he nor Congress "felt any gratitude to the other" (p. 62). As 
> Andelic illustrates, both the divisions in the Democratic Party and 
> Carter's unwillingness to embrace a bold liberal legislative agenda 
> crippled attempts to fashion a new liberalism. Despite the failure of 
> Representative Phillip Burton and Senator Herbert Humphrey to gain 
> leadership positions in 1976, the advocates of a more active liberal 
> agenda pressed the pragmatic Carter to embrace full employment. The 
> result was the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act, which in its 
> original form would "have extended a legal right to a job to every 
> American" (p. 72). Carter insisted that the measure was inflationary 
> and refused, initially, to support the legislation. Despite polls 
> demonstrating that the American people supported the measure, Carter 
> was concerned about the costs. He was not alone in his concerns; many 
> of the Watergate Babies and business leaders also opposed the more 
> extreme elements of the bill. Ultimately, a much-watered down version 
> passed with the support of Carter. 
> 
> The election of 1976 gave Democrats a real opportunity to unite their 
> party around a new political ethos that combined the economic 
> liberalism of the New Deal and the civil rights liberalism of the 
> 1960s. Andelic argues, however, that as much as congressional 
> Democrats hoped to be a coequal branch in governing, they discovered 
> "that grand visions of a 'New New Deal' would go nowhere without 
> forceful presidential leadership" (p. 89). Democrats failed to 
> capitalize on their opportunity to present the American people with a 
> new and 

Re: [Marxism] Freedom Means Can Rather Than Should: What the Harper's Open Letter Gets Wrong | Literary Hub

2020-07-09 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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*

As a person who deals with both gender and sexuality-derived bigotry
because of queerness, I understand the impulse here but frankly find all
the responses a tad childish.

Freedom of speech is defined by the right to not have your exercise of
speech punished or repressed BY THE STATE.

What lies at the core of this argument is the following scenario:

Activists are successfully organizing crowds to reject granting venues for
certain speakers. Some of the aggrieved are facing further repercussions
for their bad opinions via firing from work.

When it is a matter of state compelling the excommunication, expulsion, or
job termination of a certain party, that is wrong. That needs to be opposed
vigorously precisely because it crosses a very dangerous line between the
citizenry and the state.

But when this is an engagement in the private sphere, lacking any kind of
imposition or endorsement from the state (as is the case here), that's
actually just another dimension of the First Amendment being exercised,
FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION. You as a private individual do not have the right
to impose yourself onto other individuals and force their engagement with
you. A Klansman does not have the right to say to me "You must grant me a
forum and debate by default."

Furthermore, look at the power dynamics. All the aggrieved parties in this
are rich liberals with a substantial audience and access to powerful
forums. Besides her rather repulsive gender politics, JK Rowling is a
gazillionaire children's book author who played a predominant role in the
whole Jeremy Corbyn/Labour Party "anti-semitism" fracas <
https://jewishnews.timesofisrael.com/jk-rowling-attacks-saint-jeremy-in-biblical-tweet/>.
She's a dyed-in-wool neoliberal who was thick as thieves with Gordon Brown.

This is a tempest in a teapot.

-- 
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart

Message: 1
Date: Thu, 9 Jul 2020 13:39:53 -0400
From: Michael Meeropol 
To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition

Subject: Re: [Marxism] Freedom Means Can Rather Than Should: What the
Harper's Open Letter Gets Wrong | Literary Hub
Message-ID:

Content-Type: text/plain; charset="UTF-8"

So the reason this letter is no good is because it was signed by J.K.
Rowling and doesn't mention the fight for LGBTQ rights?

So Noam Chomsky is guilty by association?

All American communists were Stalinist mass murderers by association??

All black men have to answer for a black rapist?   All gay people have to
answer for a single child molester?  (or a mass murderer like Juan Corona)

All Jews have to answer for Benjamin Netanyahu?

After reading this piece, I re-read the letter very carefully to see where
it denied the reality of trans people.  Couldn't find it 

Even THE BELL CURVE should be attacked and refuted  not burned or taken
out of a library --- When Steven J. Gould refuted it, he first READ it!!

The writer seems to be asserting that the letter is wrong because it
implicitly (or specifically) defends the right of anti-trans bigots to
assert that there is no such thing as a truly trans person (ridiculous idea
but there are plenty of them) --- but all it really does is caution the
rest of us to resist the urge to PUNISH "wrong" speech -- that's what the
OTHER SIDE does all the time and we should not give them ammunition 


https://lithub.com/freedom-means-can-rather-than-should-what-the-harpers-open-letter-gets-wrong/
>
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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-SHERA]: Taroutina on Reischl, 'Photographic Literacy: Cameras in the Hands of Russian Authors'

2020-07-09 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Thu, Jul 9, 2020 at 12:33 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-SHERA]: Taroutina on Reischl, 'Photographic
Literacy: Cameras in the Hands of Russian Authors'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Katherine M. H. Reischl.  Photographic Literacy: Cameras in the Hands
of Russian Authors.  Ithaca  Cornell University Press, 2018.  320 pp.
 $49.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-5017-2436-7.

Reviewed by Maria Taroutina (Yale-NUS College)
Published on H-SHERA (July, 2020)
Commissioned by Hanna Chuchvaha

Katherine Reischl's eloquent new monograph examines the complex and
multivalent ways in which some of Russia's leading authors understood
and engaged with the novel medium of photography. The book begins
with the 1860s and runs roughly through to the late 1930s, with the
conclusion focusing on the post-World War II works of Vladimir
Nabokov and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. Reischl traces the chronological
evolution of photography as a technological, cultural, and visual
medium, while simultaneously analyzing a diverse set of authorial
word-image strategies that were employed by key literary figures at
specific historical junctures. Each discrete case study is
contextualized within a dense network of political, ideological,
cultural, and theoretical concerns surrounding questions of modern
subjectivity, authorial authenticity, and visual and literary
representation, all of which evolved with and responded to the
continuously shifting environment of late imperial and early Soviet
Russia. Throughout the course of the book, Reischl attends to the
numerous connections and continuities between individual authors and
projects, carefully scrutinizing their cross-temporal dialogues
across several decades.

The book opens with the late nineteenth century and a consideration
of Lev Tolstoy's exponentially growing authorial celebrity and the
manner in which it was further augmented by the proliferation of the
photographic medium, so much so that the writer's frequently
reproduced image became an important visual emblem for his entire
epoch. The chapter also investigates the subtle and pervasive
influence that photography exerted on Tolstoy's writing and
highlights several instances of the author's "camera eye" at work in
his various novels, such as _The Cossacks_ (1863) and _Anna Karenina_
(1878). It culminates with a discussion of Tolstoy's "crisis of
authorship" and the intense dispute that broke out over his copyright
and literary legacy between his wife, Sofia, and his chief disciple,
Vladimir Chertkov, with the latter prevailing so that Tolstoy's image
ultimately became "the property of the public sphere" (p. 51) at the
same time that photography was recognized in Russia as an artistic
medium in its own right.

The second chapter similarly interrogates the photographic and
literary experimentations of the novelist, short-story writer, and
playwright Leonid Andreev and, to a lesser degree of Silver Age
authors Vasilii Rozanov and Maksimilian Voloshin. Here Reischl
emphasizes the idiosyncratic and generative intersections between
Andreev's public persona and the intimate images of his domestic
life, which he photographed himself and strategically deployed as
visual extensions of his fictional, literary worlds, whose esoteric,
demonic themes mirrored photography's liminal ability to connect the
realms of the living and the dead. Reischl contends that through the
active fusion of "life writing and light writing as method" (pp.
15-16) writers like Andreev, Rozanov, and Voloshin embraced a novel
form of creative modernist intermediality that became integral to the
very "formation of [their] literary imagination[s]" (p. 17).

The ensuing two chapters shift their attention to the Soviet era and
survey the different ways the regime harnessed photographic processes
and documentary writing toward forging a new Soviet citizenry and
socialist state. Photography was employed on a large scale as both a
pedagogical and agitational tool, with many "author-photographers"
rising to the task at hand throughout the 1920s and 1930s. The third
chapter specifically bridges the pre- and postrevolutionary epochs by
exploring the documentary writing and photography of the Symbolist
ethnographer and diarist Mikhail Prishvin, who strove to renegotiate
and rebrand his authorial subjectivity in the wake of the Bolshevik
Revolution and the novel demands of Soviet society. Mikhail Prishvin
advanced the hybrid new genre of the _ocherk_, which united text and
image in a mutually generative dialectical relationship_. _Comparing
his prerevolutionary publication _The Land of Unfrightened Birds_
(1907), 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-War]: King on DeLucia, 'Memory Lands: King Philip's War and the Place of Violence in the Northeast'

2020-07-09 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Thu, Jul 9, 2020 at 10:18 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-War]: King on DeLucia, 'Memory Lands: King
Philip's War and the Place of Violence in the Northeast'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Christine M. DeLucia.  Memory Lands: King Philip's War and the Place
of Violence in the Northeast.  New Haven  Yale University Press,
2020.  496 pp.  $32.00 (paper), ISBN 978-0-300-24838-8.

Reviewed by Alice King (University of Virginia)
Published on H-War (July, 2020)
Commissioned by Margaret Sankey

In _Memory Lands_, Christine M. DeLucia analyzes the historical
memory of King Philip's War among Native and non-Native people in New
England between the seventeenth and twenty-first centuries. Prompted
by colonial expansion, the war was fought between English colonists
and a coalition of Native groups including the Wampanoag and their
leader Philip, or Metacom, between 1675 and 1678. DeLucia argues that
a broader understanding of the shadow of King Philip's War is best
accessed through the "memoryscapes" that developed in the war's wake
(p. 1). Residents of the Northeast enacted their remembrance of the
war not principally through language, as Jill Lepore contends in _The
Name of War: King Philip's War and the Origins of American Identity
_(1999), but through material factors like landscapes, monuments,
archives, and objects, and the immaterial: ceremonies, stories, and
relationships. These visible and invisible commemorations infused the
landscape with memory, emotion, and narrative, creating chorographic
links between past and present. The Northeast was not a _tabula rasa
_waiting to be inscribed by English pens, DeLucia argues, but a rich
and complex "memorial terrain" before and after the war (p. 15).

These memories and places are inherently dynamic, changing with the
seasons, with time, with use and neglect. _Memory Lands _is a
correspondingly dynamic story that spans centuries and traverses
multiple locations in order to capture Native "survivance:"
Indigenous endurance in the face of persistent colonialism (p. xvii).
DeLucia's methodology has not been to every scholar's taste: _Memory
Lands _weaves together colonial records, material objects,
literature, ceremonies, interviews with descendant communities, and
the author's own photographs and stories, driven by "decolonizing
methodologies" which stress that valuable knowledge exists in
multiple places, including in the oral traditions of Native peoples
(p. 20).[1] Historians often zoom in on conflict: after all,
conflicts generate reams of sources that appear to offer certainty.
However, if we only ever deal with Native communities through the
lens of conflict, DeLucia contends, it skews our understanding of
their experiences. We need to recognize "regathering, recovery, [and]
regeneration," as well as "extraordinary violence" (p. 23). Native
peoples did not vanish from the picture, as first Puritans and later
Yankees would have us believe; instead, they adapted and survived,
remembering their histories in complex and varied ways.

In part 1, "The Way to Deer Island," DeLucia traces how Native
peoples have navigated the lasting effects of colonialism in the land
and waterscapes around Boston in the wake of King Philip's War. In
October 1675, Massachusetts Bay leaders used Deer Island, a peninsula
just north of Boston, as an internment camp for Praying Indians, a
decision ostensibly for the Natives' protection but one rooted in
deep fears about their loyalty. "Unknown numbers" of Native people
died from hunger and exposure while confined to the island (p. 30).
Despite colonial efforts, Boston remained a Native space during the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, even as white Bostonians
memorialized King Philip's War and told mythical stories of vanished
Indians who had passed out of existence through colonial violence,
cultural atrophy, and racially mixed marriages. Native presence
persisted even as Boston handed Deer Island over to the Massachusetts
Water Resources Authority to be used as a sewage treatment plant in
the 1990s. Native groups including the Muhheconneuk Intertribal
Committee on Deer Island lobbied unsuccessfully against the plant.
DeLucia bookends part 1 with the 2010 Deer Island Sacred Run and
Paddle, organized by the Natick Nipmuc Indian Council. Tribal members
and supporters paddled _mishoonash_, wooden dugout canoes, from
Plymouth Plantation to Deer Island, a sacred journey retracing the
movements of their ancestors and a powerful statement of Native
survival in the face of attempted exile and destruction.

Part 2, "The Narragansett Country," takes a similar 

[Marxism] The Haunting of Lin-Manuel Miranda Online performance

2020-07-09 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Ishmael Reed wrote a rebuttal play to *Hamilton* that he premiered last
year Off Broadway and is now doing a web broadcast of it for free on
Tuesday, 7/14/20 at 8:00 PM.

Reservations are available via <
https://ci.ovationtix.com/35133/production/1030128?performanceId=10552165>

-- 
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart
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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Asia]: Rangarajan on Zhang, 'The River, the Plain, and the State: An Environmental Drama in Northern Song China, 1048-1128'

2020-07-09 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: July 9, 2020 at 9:40:13 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Asia]:  Rangarajan on Zhang, 'The River, the Plain, 
> and the State: An Environmental Drama in Northern Song China, 1048-1128'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Ling Zhang.  The River, the Plain, and the State: An Environmental 
> Drama in Northern Song China, 1048-1128.  Studies in Environment and 
> History Series. Cambridge  Cambridge University Press, 2016.  328 pp. 
> $99.99 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-107-15598-5.
> 
> Reviewed by Mahesh Rangarajan (Ashoka University)
> Published on H-Asia (July, 2020)
> Commissioned by Sumit Guha
> 
> Given the salience of large dam projects and river engineering across 
> Asia today, stretching from the Yangtze and Mekong to South Asia and 
> beyond, this is a timely and deeply insightful work. Contrary to what 
> is commonplace logic, the control of river water flows with dykes and 
> embankments not only was well known in Song China but also played an 
> indirect and critical role in an environmental drama for over eight 
> decades commencing in July 1048. Drawing on a formidable range of 
> sources, Ling Zhang weaves together a tapestry of state action, river 
> water flows, and societal crises that makes one rethink much more 
> than the period of Chinese history she has studied. This is a rare 
> work where the epic scale is enriched throughout by attention to lost 
> and forgotten voices. Hebei Province, where waters broke loose and 
> played havoc, is central to the work, but it is looked at in a way 
> that "the stories of those _who lost in the game of history_ were the 
> hidden companion of growth. Dead bodies, hungry refugees, salinized 
> earth, disappeared streams and vanished trees," she writes in lucid, 
> often charged but meticulous prose, "had participated in the making 
> of history long before we were willing to address their existence" 
> (pp. 283-84, emphasis added). 
> 
> The breaching of the banks was a catastrophe for those in the river's 
> path: Hebei had no direct association with the Yellow River for 
> centuries but was to be intimately tied in with its tribulations for 
> eighty years. At the end of this period, the river abruptly changed 
> course never to flow this way again. The day it changed course was 
> catastrophic for many. Contemporaries who witnessed the catastrophe 
> recalled people "turning into food for fish and turtles" or journeys 
> a thousand li long (Zhang estimates it was five hundred kilometers) 
> with "roads full of corpses of dead men" (pp. 2-3). As many as eight 
> out of ten households had to relocate to save their lives and take 
> only the few belongings they could carry. The land was to a large 
> extent rendered desolate, with raging waters and large patches of 
> sand deposited on once fertile fields. This deep environmental and 
> human tragedy had a date, time, and place in an episodic sense. 
> 
> And it had deep roots; it is here that Zhang expertly brings 
> disparate elements of high politics of state making and the 
> technologies of river control together with the sociocultural milieu 
> of the times. The Song era has long been a subject of scholarly 
> inquiry. In the period 1048-1128, it saw a close connection between 
> the Yellow River and Hebei in a manner that the latter paid the 
> heavier price. The argument here is simple in insight though 
> multilayered in terms of the story. The Yellow River was controlled 
> via state-built dykes. From the mid-tenth century onward there was a 
> clear regional bias; the attempt was to secure Henan, the core zone 
> of the northern Song state, and to push the river waters toward Hebei 
> to the North. There were indeed floods in both the South and North, 
> but over time their intensity on the latter front only increased. 
> This pushing to the North was not mere oversight but arose from an 
> overlap of strategic logic and political power play where the river 
> was to be both object and actor. This study is a corrective to any 
> simple reading of the Song period as an era of economic growth by 
> perceptively bringing the changing ecology into the trope of 
> state-society-economy relations. 
> 
> The first Song emperor, Taizu, secured Henan and stabilized the 
> state, integrating Hebei as a peripheral region. The fear of nomadic 
> invasion led to investment in ponds to slow down enemy advances. The 
> advancement of the 

[Marxism] [UCE] Episode 30: Dr. Michael Meeropol & Dr. Johnny Eric Williams | Washington Babylon

2020-07-08 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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This week, Ken and Andrew speak with Dr. Micheal Meeropol, an economics and 
history professor with a long history of engagement in racial justice activism. 
His birth parents, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, were political prisoners 
executed by the state, and his adoptive parents, Abel and Anne Meeropol, were 
progressive songwriters, with Abel authoring Billie Holiday’s classic 
anti-lynching ballad “Strange Fruit.” Andrew also has a brief conversation with 
Dr. Johnny Eric Williams about the spike of anti-racism book sales charted by 
the New York Times Bestseller List. And is that Unrepentant Marxist Louis 
Proyect making a cameo?

https://washingtonbabylon.com/podcast/episode-30-michael-meeropol-johnny-eric-williams/


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[Marxism] Bookselling America Out of Racism? Dr. Johnny Eric Williams Doubtful… | Washington Babylon

2020-07-08 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://washingtonbabylon.com/nyt-racism-books-johnny-eric-williams/


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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Poland]: Biskupska on Forczyk, 'Case White: The Invasion of Poland 1939'

2020-07-07 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Tue, Jul 7, 2020 at 10:30 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Poland]: Biskupska on Forczyk, 'Case White: The
Invasion of Poland 1939'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Robert Forczyk.  Case White: The Invasion of Poland 1939.  Oxford
Osprey Publishing, 2019.  Illustrations. 416 pp.  $30.00 (cloth),
ISBN 978-1-4728-3495-9.

Reviewed by Jadwiga Biskupska (Sam Houston State University)
Published on H-Poland (July, 2020)
Commissioned by Anna Muller

The popularity of the recent BBC/PBS documentary series World on Fire
and its sentimental portrait of Polish soldiers contesting Germans
"on bicycles," as Helen Hunt's character repeatedly insists,
demonstrates the need for a work like Robert Forczyk's Case White:
The Invasion of Poland, 1939. It promises an updated analysis of the
military campaign that began the Second World War. Forczyk is the
author of numerous specialized campaign studies and his Case White is
deliberately revisionist, dismissing much of the Western scholarship
on the Polish campaign as "lazy" and dominated by the German
perspective (p. 10). Even more ambitiously, Forczyk asserts that the
1939 co-invasion of Poland by Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union
constituted "the greatest criminal conspiracy of the 20th century"--a
bold claim considering the bloodiness of the century--and therefore
demands more consideration than it has gotten (p. 7). This volume is
the first book-length study in English since Steven Zaloga and Victor
Madej's illustrated The Polish Campaign 1939 (1985) and should now be
considered the definitive English-language treatment, though there is
a much-deeper Polish literature and source base. It covers the German
and Soviet attacks on Poland and considers all branches of the German
military and the combat performance of the SS, though the police
atrocity campaign, Operation Tannenberg, is mentioned only in
passing. The study relies on an established library of secondary
sources and campaign studies, supplemented with the memoirs and
diaries of participants and some archival sources on British
decision-making. The maps interspersed throughout are especially
useful for visualizing the campaign as a series of regional
conflicts.

Though the heart of the book investigates the fighting itself, the
treatment begins with a brief overview of Polish military history,
"Poland Is Not Lost," followed by a very interesting chapter on how
the new Polish Second Republic built an army and a
military-industrial complex, and the political and economic
difficulties that stunted these efforts, a chapter that should have
wide interest. The central thesis in this discussion is that the
Polish Army was on a successful modernization path by the late 1930s,
but that this late date and limited financial means meant that
reforms were incomplete at the time of the German invasion--a story
of a state caught mid-reform that was not unique during the longer
war. Chapters 3 and 4 consider the military and diplomatic buildup to
war, outlining interwar German and Soviet military developments and
the wrangling of alliances. Forczyk blames Polish military
unpreparedness on Józef Piłsudski's narrowmindedness and financial
limitations, but he sees the country's political isolation as largely
the result of some combination of British indifference and hostility.
Of note here is his reminder that the Germans, Poles, and Soviets all
undertook politically motivated purges of their militaries during the
1930s and that these purges had far-reaching consequences.

The book then provides a detailed story of the five-week war,
breaking it down into its major engagements region by region, and
opening with naval and air warfare but focusing primarily on the land
campaigns. Though military historians now begrudge the term, it is
therefore an examination of Nazi Germany's first stab at
_Blitzkrieg_. The heart of the book (chapters 5 and 6) is a campaign
history analyzing how the Polish Army and Wehrmacht maneuvered and
fought, how good their commanders' decisions were, and how well they
used the weapons they possessed. Forczyk is dismissive of Gerd von
Rundstedt and thinks Heinz Guderian competent if overpraised; he
considers the Polish commander in chief Edward Smigły-Rydz so
bad--"disastrous" and "disgraceful"--that his men were often better
off when he lost contact with them (pp. 255, 261). Chapter 7,
"Apotheosis," sandwiches a brief discussion of the Soviet invasion of
eastern Poland between a two-part discussion of the siege and defense
of Warsaw. Though the detail in these chapters will likely overwhelm
the nonspecialist, particular attention 

[Marxism] Can We Compare the George Floyd Protests to the Vietnam War Protests? Maybe, But the Analogy is Imperfect - CounterPunch.org

2020-07-07 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://www.counterpunch.org/2020/07/07/can-we-compare-the-george-floyd-protests-to-the-vietnam-war-protests-maybe-but-the-analogy-is-imperfect/#gsc.tab=0


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Andrew Stewart 
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[Marxism] Gore Vidal on Nixon

2020-07-06 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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In this year of our vainglorious buffoonish Lord Trump, it seems a quip
from the old girl about another old bastard might be apt

"In a book called Leaders, Nixon praises de Gaulle, from whom he learned
two lessons. First, power accrues to the ruler whose actions are
unpredictable. Although this tactic might work at a local level for the
leader of a minor country, such a system of unexpectedness on the part of
the emperor of the West could send what is known euphemistically as the
Wrong Signal to the emperor of the East, in which case there would never be
enough shovels to protect us from the subsequent nuclear rain... The
second—more practical—lesson was in de Gaulle’s view that nations are
nations, and while political systems come and go, national interests
continue for millennia. Like every good and bad American, Nixon knows
almost no history of any kind. But he was quick to pick up on the fact that
the Russians and the Chinese each have a world view that has nothing at all
to do with communism, or whatever happens to be the current official name
for Heaven’s Mandate... Nixon proceeded to do the unexpected. He buried the
hatchet with the Son of Heaven, Mao, by going to see him—as is proper for
the Barbarian from beyond the Four Seas if he wishes to enjoy the patronage
of the Lord of the Middle Kingdom. Then, from this position of strength,
Nixon paid a call on the Czar of all the Russians, whose mouth, to say the
least, was somewhat ajar at what Nixon had done in China."


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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Africa]: Burgess on Cynn, 'Prevention: Gender, Sexuality, HIV, and the Media in Côte d'Ivoire'

2020-07-06 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: July 6, 2020 at 2:11:58 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Africa]:  Burgess on Cynn,  'Prevention: Gender,  
> Sexuality, HIV, and the Media in Côte d'Ivoire'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Christine Cynn.  Prevention: Gender, Sexuality, HIV, and the Media in 
> Côte d'Ivoire.  Abnormalities: Queer/Gender/Embodiment Series. 
> Columbus  Ohio State University Press, 2018.  xi + 240 pp.  $29.95 
> (paper), ISBN 978-0-8142-5498-1; $99.95 (cloth), ISBN 
> 978-0-8142-1381-0.
> 
> Reviewed by Sarah S. Burgess (Camber Collective)
> Published on H-Africa (July, 2020)
> Commissioned by David D. Hurlbut
> 
> In Prevention: Gender, Sexuality, HIV and the Media in Côte 
> d'Ivoire, Christine Cynn argues that HIV prevention media in Côte 
> d'Ivoire has historically upheld ideals around neoliberalism, 
> national identity, hegemonic gender norms, and heterosexism. In deep, 
> insightful close readings, Cynn dissects various HIV/AIDS visual 
> media, including satirical newspaper columns, comedic television 
> sketches, and melodramas produced by nongovernmental organizations 
> (NGOs). Broadly speaking, these media are generally said to have one 
> key objective: promoting social and behavioral change to prevent 
> HIV/AIDS. Cynn's analysis argues that they also work to uphold 
> multiple (and at times, contradictory) social, economic, and 
> political agendas. 
> 
> In the introduction, Cynn provides background on her positionality 
> and methods, laying out how her work benefited from her own long-term 
> engagement in HIV prevention. She is also up-front about the 
> limitations of her research and analytical framework. Prior to 
> writing the book, Cynn worked as a community organizer and later as a 
> Fulbright researcher in Abidjan, the capital of Côte d'Ivoire, where 
> she worked closely with women living with HIV in Abidjan. Through 
> this experience, Cynn observed a "chasm" between the representation 
> of HIV prevention in the media and "the lived experiences of those 
> exposed to HIV prevention messages." While this observation is the 
> "point of departure" for this book, Cynn is up-front about the fact 
> that she does not attempt to, and does not, address this chasm (p. 
> 13). Nor does Cynn rely on the methods of social science or include 
> ethnographic data from the community of Ivorians with whom she worked 
> so closely. Rather, Cynn approaches HIV prevention media as a scholar 
> of literature and film, relying on close readings and asserting that 
> "humanities can make vital contributions to discussions that have 
> generally been limited to the purview of the sciences, and to a 
> lesser extent, the social sciences" (p. 12). The boundaries of Cynn's 
> lens lead to a unique, striking analysis but also suggest limits to 
> the extent to which a purely humanities lens can generate the 
> insights that Cynn calls for in her conclusion. 
> 
> Each chapter of _Prevention _looks at a different form of HIV 
> messaging. Cynn generally starts by examining the historical and 
> political context in which the media was produced and proceeds with a 
> close analytical reading of text, dialogue, and visual imagery, 
> dissecting how they work to produce multiple, often contradictory 
> meanings. Cynn examines a satirical column that pokes fun at, and 
> upholds, the single party state's response to the epidemic, and later 
> on dissects television programs from the 1980s and 1990s that 
> delivered HIV prevention messages through humor, while also 
> reproducing patriarchal gender norms. 
> 
> The most dynamic and original analysis appears in chapter 3, 
> "Regulating Female Reproductive Potential: Abortion and Family as HIV 
> Prevention." This is where the depth of Cynn's understanding of 
> historical Ivorian politics, the depth of her archival research, and 
> her analytical attention to detail shine most. Cynn begins this 
> chapter by looking at French colonial attempts to establish control 
> by promoting nuclear families. The chapter then draws on Jeane M. 
> Toungara's analysis, which posits that the state continued to promote 
> the nuclear family so as to encourage "capitalist economic 
> development" and maintenance of "a labor force" (p. 98). Then, Cynn 
> builds on this analysis and closely examines messaging and media at 
> the intersection of HIV/AIDS, reproduction, and abortion, following 
> how different 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Diplo]: Abra on Colley, 'Always at War: British Public Narratives of War'

2020-07-05 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Sun, Jul 5, 2020 at 9:10 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Diplo]: Abra on Colley, 'Always at War: British
Public Narratives of War'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Thomas Colley.  Always at War: British Public Narratives of War.  Ann
Arbor  University of Michigan Press, 2019.  x + 274 pp.  $75.00
(cloth), ISBN 978-0-472-13144-0.

Reviewed by Allison Abra (University of Southern Mississippi)
Published on H-Diplo (July, 2020)
Commissioned by Seth Offenbach

The wars that Britain has fought throughout its history, and the
ideas that surrounded them, have long been a fundamental element in
national identity construction. From the creation of "Britishness"
against a French Catholic enemy "other" after the 1707 Act of Union,
to the reconfiguration of ideas about citizenship around duty and
service during World War I, to the celebration of national unity,
equality of sacrifice, and a "people's war" during World War II,
scholars have shown that such questions as why the British fought,
who they fought against, and how the wars were waged militarily and
ideologically have been central to Britain's sense of itself as a
nation.[1] In _Always at War: British Public Narratives of War_,
Thomas Colley asks us to consider where the specific narratives about
British wars come from and how different conflicts are understood and
remembered by individuals and collectives. To assess these questions
about the creation of narratives and the views held about the
military past within the British public, Colley relies on interviews
he conducted with "a highly diverse sample" of sixty-seven Britons
between October 2014 and January 2015 (p. 14). The resulting analysis
should prove enlightening and thought-provoking for scholars and
influential with foreign and defense policy practitioners.

Colley has two primary and interwoven objectives in the book. The
first is to better understand and ultimately define what a
"narrative" actually is, while the second is to then illuminate and
test this hypothesis through the case study of British
interpretations of war. In probing the first question on the
definition of narrative, his analysis is impressively
interdisciplinary and draws on narrative theory scholarship in fields
ranging from international relations to literary criticism. Colley's
major contributions to this literature are to argue for the
importance of "emplotment" (the selection, ordering, and framing of
events) to defining narrative and to show how the ideas that
narratives construct--in this case about British national identity
and the collective memory of the country's past military
interventions--are produced and interpreted by ordinary people as
much as by policymakers and militaries. Or put another way, these
narratives are produced from the ground up as much as the top down.

The book's analysis here is nuanced and effective. One of Colley's
goals is to move beyond quantitative public opinion data regarding
the British people's interpretations of war and to provide a
qualitative study with an aim "not to determine the proportion of the
population that support or oppose war, but to illustrate how
similarly citizens explain their views using stories" (p. 12). While
Colley is careful to acknowledge the influence of political elites,
the military, and the media, or dominant cultures and ideologies more
broadly conceived, to shaping his interview subjects' ideas and
stories about Britain's military past and present, he also highlights
their agency and ability to shape strategic and national narratives.
He is attentive to the variety of factors that might influence
people's answers, such as age, political views, region, class,
gender, race, and ethnicity, observing where ideas aligned and
diverged across the interviews, and seeks "evidence of how far
British collective identity is unified or contested." In this way,
Colley is attuned to the complexities of his study's results, but
ultimately, and rather pithily, he concludes that "contestation does
not mean infinite variety" (p. 22).

In specific terms, Colley identifies two primary narratives about
British military history that recurred across his sample of
interviews, which he calls "Continuous War" and "Material Decline."
Regardless of their backgrounds or political views, Colley's
interview subjects largely agreed that Britain has been continuously
at war throughout its history but has also gradually lost the ability
to wage war as effectively because of its declining economic,
territorial, political, and military power, most often dated to the
end of World War II and associated with the end of 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]: Braskén on Valencia-García, 'Antiauthoritarian Youth Culture in Francoist Spain: Clashing with Fascism'

2020-07-05 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Sun, Jul 5, 2020 at 9:09 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]: Braskén on Valencia-García,
'Antiauthoritarian Youth Culture in Francoist Spain: Clashing with Fascism'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Louie Dean Valencia-García.  Antiauthoritarian Youth Culture in
Francoist Spain: Clashing with Fascism.  London  Bloomsbury Academic,
2018.  Illustrations. 272 pp.  $35.95 (e-book), ISBN
978-1-350-03849-3; $35.95 (pdf), ISBN 978-1-350-03848-6; $120.00
(cloth), ISBN 978-1-350-03847-9.

Reviewed by Kasper E. Braskén (Abo Akademi University)
Published on H-Socialisms (July, 2020)
Commissioned by Gary Roth

Youth Against Fascism

Louie Dean Valencia-García shows in his deeply engaging and
analytically eloquent monograph, _Antiauthoritarian Youth Culture in
Francoist Spain_,_ _that the study of dissent and protest cultures
remains an intellectually dynamic field of research. The book is
concerned with the Spanish turn from Francisco Franco's authoritarian
regime (1939-75) toward a pluralistic, modern democracy. However, as
Valencia-García demonstrates, the majority of Spaniards of the 1960s
were never engaged in resistance but desired peace in an effort to
avoid directly challenging the power structures of the dictatorship.
Although the regime's legitimacy was founded on the victory in the
Spanish Civil War (1936-39), Francoist Spain favored a sort of
general amnesia and self-censorship that suppressed the bitter
memories and shielded the people of Spain from the recurrence of
violence and bloodshed. Change was, however, incipient with the
arrival of a new generation born in Francoist Spain
that--crucially--had no personal experience of civil war (or the "War
of Liberation" as it euphemistically was named by the dictatorship).
They dared to imagine an alternative future and sought ways to
challenge the dominant authoritarian structures. This book is about
how acts of everyday opposition and dissent emerged within Spanish
youth, and investigates how inventive tactics were employed to
challenge the stagnated "national-catholic" Francoist system.

While previous research has focused on the Spanish transition to
democracy during the late 1970s and 1980s, Valencia-García
convincingly argues for the need to go back to the youth culture of
the 1950s and 1960s to understand Spaniard's push toward a more
pluralistic society. While many scholars have argued for a sharp
shift around Franco's death in 1975, Valencia-García maintains that
democracy in Spain could never have been successfully implemented
merely from above. Such perspectives overlook the agency of young
Spaniards who had been subverting the regime especially through their
everyday lives. Like most dictatorships, Francoist Spain was highly
sensitive to even the smallest forms of critique. This means that
scholars must also be extremely attentive to the smallest signs of
pluralistic countercultures that developed in the margins. These need
to be taken seriously, and although some of these subcultures might
seem insignificant in hindsight, Valencia-García invites us to
reconsider them as crucial societal developments that helped Spain in
its rapid transformation to democracy. Spanish youth managed to
create alternative spaces for cultural dissent, but to survive in
such hostile circumstances, it was of vital importance that they did
not pose a direct threat to the regime. The beauty of a pluralistic
youth culture was its ability to implicitly challenge authority. The
aim of the book is hence to study "Spanish youth culture and queer
culture during and after the dictatorship, with an emphasis on that
of Madrid and its role in the transition to the modern Spanish
democracy" (p. 2). Valencia-García defines this as an
"antiauthoritarian youth culture" that due to its implicit nature is
best studied through alternative sources that provide revelations
about agency, everyday life, and print culture, including the
production and copying of small newspapers, journals, music,
pamphlets, films, and comic books.

The focus on everyday acts of dissent thus analyzes how "even
seemingly apolitical young people" in fact challenged patriarchal,
conservative, and authoritarian norms. As Valencia-García states,
the _Movidad Madrileña_, or the "Madrid Scene," of the 1970s with
its carnivalesque character and partying in the streets managed to
create a counterpublic or a subculture that through its adherence to
plurality challenged Francoist normative notions of gender,
sexuality, and nationalism. Antiauthoritarianism could therefore be
articulated by basically nonpolitical acts, such as partying 

[Marxism] My Italian Great-Grandmother Spelled Her Name “De Pasquale” & I Want Nothing to Do With Christopher Columbus

2020-07-03 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://rimediacoop.org/2020/07/03/depasquale-stewart-columbus/

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Andrew Stewart
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[Marxism] NY TIMES: Climate Change Tied to Pregnancy Risks, Affecting Black Mothers Most

2020-07-02 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/18/climate/climate-change-pregnancy-study.html


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Andrew Stewart 
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Re: [Marxism] Manning Marable Was a Pioneering Black Marxist. His Work Speaks Directly to Our Moment | Paul Heideman | Jacobin

2020-07-02 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://www.counterpunch.org/2020/02/28/how-netflix-and-manning-marable-killed-malcolm-x-the-third-time/

-- 
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart

Message: 1
Date: Wed, 1 Jul 2020 13:27:01 -0500
From: Kevin Lindemann and Cathy Campo 
To: marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu
Subject: [Marxism] Manning Marable Was a Pioneering Black Marxist. His
Work Speaks Directly to Our Moment | Paul Heideman | Jacobin
Message-ID: <19ef48af-4642-49cc-9ea6-c31226e0f...@earthlink.net>
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?
https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/07/manning-marable-marxist-civil-rights-socialism


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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Environment]: Nuspl on Martini, 'Proving Grounds: Militarized Landscapes, Weapons Testing, and the Environmental Impact of U.S. Bases'

2020-07-02 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Andrew Stewart 
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Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
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Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: July 2, 2020 at 2:31:25 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Environment]:  Nuspl on Martini, 'Proving Grounds: 
> Militarized Landscapes, Weapons Testing, and the Environmental Impact of U.S. 
> Bases'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Edwin A. Martini, ed.  Proving Grounds: Militarized Landscapes, 
> Weapons Testing, and the Environmental Impact of U.S. Bases.  Donald 
> R. Ellegood International Publications Series. Seattle  University of 
> Washington Press, 2015.  320 pp.  $60.00 (cloth), ISBN 
> 978-0-295-99465-9.
> 
> Reviewed by Tony Nuspl (Rogers State University, Tulsa Peace 
> Fellowship)
> Published on H-Environment (July, 2020)
> Commissioned by Daniella McCahey
> 
> "The Mess That War Left Behind"
> 
> To be fair, "the demilitarization of landscapes" is a large topic, 
> and the nine essays within Edwin A. Martini's edited collection 
> Proving Grounds: Militarized Landscapes, Weapons Testing, and the 
> Environmental Impact of U.S. Bases provide a slice (introduction, by 
> Martini, p. 13). But the book is not a compelling read. Part of the 
> problem is the editor's preference for what he calls "the detached 
> perspective," which makes for some bloodless writing, in the policy 
> vein, as opposed to the "resistance school," writings that do not shy 
> away from value judgments about US militarism and imperialism (pp. 5, 
> 4-6). As a result, the latter is sorely underrepresented and instead, 
> overall, this collection seems to strive for what might be called a 
> veneer of objectivity, an academic tone of detachment that tends to 
> reinforce the status quo. Perhaps this even bleeds into providing 
> apologia for past US military mistakes, or the current refusal to own 
> up to environmental disasters caused, both at home and abroad, by US 
> military forces and/or "militarized landscapes" incidental to US 
> bases. Yet the introduction promises discussion of "charges of 
> ecocide" made against the US military (p. 14). Instead we get a 
> tendentious argument that the US military is capable of acknowledging 
> "nature's integral role" (p. 8). 
> 
> Aren't we better off just sticking to the term "landscapes of 
> contamination" rather than debating "the refuge effect" for the fauna 
> that happen to be guests of military-controlled lands (pp. 9, 249)? 
> Chapter 2, by Neil Oatsvall, opines that the military is capable of a 
> "deep sensitivity to the natural world" because of a nod in the 
> direction of protecting charismatic species --in this case, the sea 
> otter; also see chapter 8 on the red-cockaded woodpecker, the brown 
> pelican, the Hawaiian stilt, the manatee, the leatherback turtle, 
> etc. (introduction, p. 8). Chapter 3, by Leisl Carr Childers, 
> attempts to reconstruct people's reactions to nuclear testing and 
> their consciousness (or lack thereof) that bombs going off upwind 
> means that they--and their livestock--are in turn downwinders "under 
> the shadow of the fallout cloud" (p. 84; "downwind" pp. 81, 90). The 
> essay discusses the popular epidemiology used by non-experts outside 
> the military proper to understand the degree of risk from nuclear 
> bomb tests to which they or their livestock might be exposed. Using 
> inductive reasoning, the average citizen was capable of concluding 
> that "contact with radioactive fallout seemed the most likely 
> explanation" for some of the health problems being experienced (p. 
> 103). But in keeping with the detached perspective, it is impossible 
> to say what the author's views are about low-level radiation (LLR) 
> exposure from the testing regime that occurred in the continental US. 
> 
> Meanwhile, chapters 4 and 5 are concerned with how the biological and 
> chemical weapons used by the US military for aerial defoliation can 
> be the subject of "spin." Chapter 4, by Martini, argues that the 
> more-or-less responsible destruction of Agent Orange stocks in the 
> 1970s constitutes sufficient evidence for a wonted "military 
> environmentalism"--even if this involved using the Johnston Atoll in 
> the Pacific as a dumping ground (p. 113). But as the author explains, 
> if it was a responsible way to destroy the environmental hazard, also 
> known as "the mess that war left behind," the US military only did so 
> because it "was compelled to deal" with an increasingly complex set 
> of environmental laws and regulations (pp. 121, 113). The academic 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Environment]: Ockert on Buss, 'Willy Ley: Prophet of the Space Age'

2020-07-01 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Wed, Jul 1, 2020 at 12:05 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Environment]: Ockert on Buss, 'Willy Ley: Prophet
of the Space Age'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Jared S. Buss.  Willy Ley: Prophet of the Space Age.  Gainesville
University Press of Florida, 2017.  Illustrations. xiii + 321 pp.
$34.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8130-5443-8.

Reviewed by Ingrid Ockert (Science History Institute)
Published on H-Environment (July, 2020)
Commissioned by Daniella McCahey

If you peruse a used bookstore, you will likely stumble upon the name
Willy Ley. The German-born writer was prolific and his books on
fossils, space, and history fill the nooks and crannies of many
bookshops. My first Ley book was a gorgeous Technicolor book about
rockets, published in the late 1950s. As a teenager, I assumed that
Ley was the pen name of a scientist who moonlighted as a science
consultant for films that I adored (like Frau im Mond [1929]) and
television programs (like Disney's _Disneyland _space films). But
then I stumbled upon his short stories in pulp science fiction
magazines and a factual column in back issues of Galaxy magazine.
"Who was Willy Ley?" I always found myself wondering.

Thankfully for me, Jared S. Buss's stellar biography _Willy Ley:
Prophet of the Space Age_ answers all of my questions about this
quiet, modest pioneer of the Space Age. Even more important, Buss
successfully argues for Ley's inclusion as an important link between
the two cosmos: Alexander von Humboldt's and Carl Sagan's romantic
naturalism. Ley, Buss shows, was spellbound by the work of German
romantic naturalists in the 1920s. When he immigrated to the United
States and started writing for popular magazines, he brought with him
a rich style of science writing that emphasized an enchantment with
the universe. Helpfully, Buss grounds us in the ways that Ley learned
about science while he was a young man. His descriptions of Ley's
reading habitats, museum visits, and lecture attendance are
themselves astounding. Not since James A. Secord's _Victorian
Sensation: The Extraordinary Publication, Reception, and Secret
Authorship of Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation _(2001) has
a historian given us such a close account of how an individual
interacted with science in their daily life. By focusing so closely
on Ley's interests, Buss offers a valuable window into the influences
on an influencer.

Buss's second argument concerns Ley's shifting identity as a writer.
As he notes in the introduction to the text, there is a surprising
lack of current literature about the people who shaped the public
understanding of science in the United States. Most of this
literature has been focused on antagonism between scientists and
media producers. Yet the story is a bit more complicated than that.
There were a number of positive collaborations between scientists and
cultural producers in the 1950s and 1960s, as David A. Kirby (_Lab
Coats in Hollywood: Science, Scientists, and Cinema _[2011]) has
shown. Indeed, as Buss points out, some individuals became expert
facilitators between scientists and media titans--and Ley was one of
these. While he lacked formal credentials, he was a skillful
storyteller and a gracious promoter, who worked to boost colleagues
like Wernher von Braun. By the time that Ley made it "big," he had
spent twenty years networking among public relations and publishing
teams. He achieved success because of his hard, tireless work
convincing his peers of his expertise as a science communicator.

Buss's third argument focuses on Ley's contribution to a genre of
science popularization in the 1950s and 1960s: books that promoted
science as a form of democratic expression. As Buss points out,
although this historiographical outlook makes historians cringe, many
science writers wrote books that intertwined scientific research and
democratic principles. At the same time, Buss tracks how popular
science writers like Ley eagerly wrote about the history of
science--until their optimistic texts eventually fell out of favor
with the general public and historians of science.

So, who was Ley? He wasn't a scientist or an engineer (per se) but a
starry-eyed romantic who helped a generation of baby boomers dream
about the stars. Ley was one of a group of movers and shakers who,
behind the scenes, created the visual metaphors of the Space Age. I
am grateful that Buss has written such a complete, detailed
biography. His nuanced perspective on Ley's role in the larger
science communication scene helps us understand how non-scientists
served important roles as communicators in the 1950s and 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Asia]: Gadkar-Wilcox on Tran, 'Familial Properties: Gender, State, and Society in Early Modern Vietnam, 1463-1778'

2020-06-30 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: June 30, 2020 at 8:56:25 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Asia]:  Gadkar-Wilcox on Tran, 'Familial Properties: 
> Gender, State, and Society in Early Modern Vietnam, 1463-1778'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Nhung Tuyet Tran.  Familial Properties: Gender, State, and Society in 
> Early Modern Vietnam, 1463-1778.  Honolulu  University of Hawaii 
> Press, 2018.  280 pp.  $68.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8248-7482-7.
> 
> Reviewed by Wynn Gadkar-Wilcox (Western Connecticut State University)
> Published on H-Asia (June, 2020)
> Commissioned by Bradley C. Davis
> 
> In _Familial Properties, _Nhung Tuyet Tran presents us with the story 
> of gender relations in early modern Vietnam during the Lê, Mạc, 
> and Trịnh/Nguyễn periods (1428-1789). Tran is particularly 
> interested in revising the notion that Vietnamese laws afforded women 
> greater status than other East Asian societies. In her book, Tran 
> tries to recover the agency of local women through an examination of 
> marriage customs, lineage, and inheritance. She argues, most 
> centrally, that the state attempted to impose neo-Confucian orthodoxy 
> through law in order to protect individual patrilines and maintain 
> political order. Therefore, law codes in early modern Vietnam were 
> not egalitarian, and women were able to claim rights in spite of, 
> rather than because of, the dictates of Vietnamese property law. This 
> view significantly revises the standard view of women's property 
> rights, found in the work of scholars such as Tạ Văn Tài and 
> Insun Yu, who have argued that the Lê code was a manifestation and 
> expression of primordial tendencies in Vietnamese culture toward 
> women's equality.  
> 
> Tran demonstrates these claims through an examination of dynastic 
> histories, legal sources such as the Lê Code and the Mạc era 
> compilation of judicial precedents, which she translates as the _Book 
> of Good Government_, and lexical sources such as the Chỉ Nam 
> dictionary. She uses these sources to establish and articulate a 
> "gender system" that she says the state was attempting to produce and 
> impose. She then examines popular folklore, stele inscriptions, and 
> reports from foreign and indigenous witnesses to demonstrate how 
> women--who were increasingly responsible for the economic functioning 
> of local communities in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries due 
> to men's being conscripted for war or forced to do _corvée 
> _labor--used informal mechanisms in their communities to secure their 
> own property and ensure their spirits and those of their ancestors 
> would continue to be venerated after their deaths. It is this 
> fascinating investigation into local practices, through the use of 
> diverse sources in a number of different languages, that is the most 
> valuable part of this book. 
> 
> After a brief introduction that lays out her arguments and provides a 
> basic framework for the political events of the sixteenth through 
> eighteenth centuries, Tran proceeds to a description of the "gender 
> system" in chapter 1. This chapter recounts the morality manuals that 
> described how women could make themselves dutiful, industrious, 
> chaste, and subservient, as well as the historical circumstances 
> under which, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, women were 
> often forced to face "the triple burden of agricultural labor, 
> household maintenance, and marketing alone" (p. 36). In chapter 2, 
> Tran focuses on marriage, explaining the function of marriage in 
> sustaining the patriline. Two particularly interesting elements of 
> this chapter are its description of uxorilocal marriage customs, in 
> which a marriage is carried on for a trial period, and its analysis 
> of all-female Catholic religious houses as a means to avoid marriage. 
> Chapter 3 focuses on sexual activity and the maintenance of social 
> order. Tran points out that the overarching concern of laws about sex 
> was the maintenance of a clear patriline. Because of this, the 
> infidelity of married women was subject to strict punishment, while 
> in general unfaithful men were treated more leniently. 
> 
> Chapter 4 is perhaps the most significant of the book, as it presents 
> the cornerstone of Tran's arguments on property rights and 
> inheritance. Challenging the notion that "daughters enjoyed the same 
> rights as sons in the inheritance of property" 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-TGS]: Astor on Garrison, 'German Americans on the Middle Border: From Antislavery to Reconciliation, 1830-1877'

2020-06-29 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Mon, Jun 29, 2020 at 2:29 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-TGS]: Astor on Garrison, 'German Americans on the
Middle Border: From Antislavery to Reconciliation, 1830-1877'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Zachary Stuart Garrison.  German Americans on the Middle Border: From
Antislavery to Reconciliation, 1830-1877.  Carbondale  Southern
Illinois University Press, 2019.  232 pp.  $30.00 (paper), ISBN
978-0-8093-3755-2.

Reviewed by Aaron Astor (Maryville College)
Published on H-TGS (June, 2020)
Commissioned by Alison C. Efford

Untitled[German Americans on the Middle Border: From Antislavery to
Reconciliation, 1830-1877 by Zachary Garrison]

The literature on nineteenth-century German immigration to the United
States and participation in the American Civil War continues to
develop. Historians like Bruce Levine, Walter Kamphoefner, Alison
Efford, Mischa Honeck, Andre Fleche, and Kristen Layne Anderson have
offered robust and nuanced explanations of German immigrants'
distinctive role in the political, cultural, and ethno-racial
transformations shaping mid-nineteenth-century America.[1] Zachary
Garrison's _German Americans on the Middle Border: From Antislavery
to Reconciliation, 1830-1877_ adds to this growing body of
literature. Like most other books in this vein, Garrison focuses on
the "midwestern" United States primarily, leaving aside sizable
German communities in places such as New York, New Orleans, Texas, or
Pennsylvania. But his interpretation stands apart by altering the
chronological framework and reassessing the ideological principles
animating many German American communities.

Garrison's book examines the mid-nineteenth-century "Middle Border,"
a region defined by many American "Border States" historians to
include both free and slave states. Specifically, the "Middle Border"
incorporates southern Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, the Ohio River
portion of Kentucky, and the state of Missouri. At the heart of the
Middle Border were the cities of St. Louis, Louisville, Evansville,
and Cincinnati, though smaller towns like Cape Girardeau and Hermann,
Missouri, and Belleville, Illinois, are also included. In this
heartland area of the United States, Germans arrived in large numbers
beginning in the 1830s, and they immediately altered the political
landscape of an already divided region. By 1860, they had become a
decidedly antislavery element, regardless of their residence in free
or slave states. In fact, as Garrison points out, Germans living in
proximity to slavery were more antislavery than those living further
north in cities like Milwaukee. These German immigrants volunteered
early for the Union cause and vigorously supported emancipation,
often before other Union soldiers. After the war, their politics
started to shift away from Radical Republicanism and toward the new
Liberal Republican movement that downplayed matters of Reconstruction
in favor of economic development and national "reconciliation."

How, why, and when Germans contributed to this story is the point of
departure for historians. Garrison offers four new interpretative
points. First, he begins his discussion long before 1848 with the
so-called Dreissigers, who settled in the Ohio and Mississippi
Valleys in the 1830s. From the beginning, German Lutherans,
Catholics, Jews, and freethinkers settled in geographically disparate
American communities while attempting to forge a German American
identity. By starting as early as the 1830s, Garrison assesses the
extent to which the 1848ers actually changed--or solidified--existing
German American political values. Dreissigers invited a whole range
of Germans to settle in the region, some of them religious exiles
like the Saxon Lutherans who rejected the Prussian Union (and formed
the Missouri Synod) and Catholics from Westphalia and Bavaria. Others
were secular liberal nationalists chafing under the Metternich
system. But most were economic migrants dislocated by land-hungry
Junkers and early industrialization. They established newspapers that
welcomed new immigrants to cities and "colonies" in the American
West.

Garrison's second interpretative point is the emphasis on _Bildung
_as an ideological driver of German political identification in
America. _Bildung _referred to intellectual and physical
self-improvement through a combination of education, moral
improvement, community engagement, and gymnastics. Anything standing
in the way of _Bildung_ was to be opposed, whether it be
authoritarian rule, self-righteous temperance and anti-immigrant
reformers, or slaveholding aristocrats. Garrison notes the congruence
of 

[Marxism] Is Russia Financing Taliban Bounty Hunters to Slaughter American Troops? Seriously? | Washington Babylon

2020-06-29 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://washingtonbabylon.com/russia-taliban-bounty-hunters-joke/


Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
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Re: [Marxism] GONE WITH THE WIND

2020-06-26 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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What we are witnessing now, both here on this ListServ with respondents to the 
original message and in the wider public discourse, is demonstrative of a 
larger issue, our nationwide refusal to engage with a serious media literacy 
that is commonplace worldwide. I don’t want to say this to sound like a 
self-righteous pedantic ass but it really is a serious issue. When even people 
with college education talk about cinema, we post movie reviews from pedestrian 
hacks like James Agee and Roger Ebert. If you were to contrast what the French 
said about a particular film from the Classical Hollywood Cinema era with a 
contemporaneous review from the States, you’d be embarrassed. We don’t discuss 
serious issues in our critique of cinema, we engage in shallow gossip. I have a 
BA in Film Studies (want fries with that?) and it’s an all-encompassing vacuum 
of nonsense impersonating journalism in the mainstream. 

GONE WITH THE WIND, BIRTH OF A NATION, and TRIUMPH OF THE WILL are tremendously 
important texts for both their craftsmanship and because, perhaps more 
importantly, they succeeded in pushing the viewing public to embrace a 
genocidal politics. To shove them down the memory hole in the name of a 
nihilistic impulse is to actually engage with the maintenance of those hateful 
ideologies  

-precisely- 

because it prevents the public from seeing demonstrations of that which we 
otherwise have enough critical distance from in order to recognize their 
hatefulness. The success of the genocide is predicated upon hiding from public 
view that which is unpalatable. 

Look at the current uprising against police brutality for such an example. It’s 
not that the police started being maniacs just in the past decade, it was 
because everyone has a powerful video camera and internet platform in their 
pocket that the broad public was awakened from its ignorance and forced to see 
that Rodney King-like events were not the exception but rather the rule. 

So I agree with the preservation of cinema that is socially grounded in mature 
politics and historical exegesis. Is TCM up to the challenge? I honestly cannot 
comment, I have never been a subscriber and I have been tuned out of cable for 
years. I like what the Criterion Channel does, which actually is mature and 
coherent film scholarship.

Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/
Message: 1
Date: Fri, 26 Jun 2020 12:12:42 -0700
From: John A Imani 
To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition
   
Subject: [Marxism] Gone With the Wind
Message-ID:
   
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="UTF-8"

Comrades,

I am black.  72 years old.  An anarcho-Marxian.  And, as an adult, have
logged 50+ years of participation in many many movements always to be found
in the same place: on the front line.  I make those statements because I
have never sought nor accepted the privileges of race, age, my grasp of
politico-economics and/or the braggadocio resulting from  "Jaws"-like
comparisons of battle scars.

And because of these experiences and this disposition I invite criticism as
I have never feared being wrong only of being incorrect.  And, on this,
especially at this special time.

"GWTW" is beautifully filmed, finely acted, magnificently scored, if
historically inaccurate, depiction of the ante-, inter- and post-bellum
South.  It is a work of art even if also an agent of racism.  It--like
statues and monuments klan outfittings and speeches--belongs with those
brethren in a museum.  And alongside these mementos explanations and
criticisms giving these their proper contexts.  In this case that museum's
name is TCM.

I recently saw for the first time Hattie McDaniels' acceptance speech
 for winning the Acad Award
for Best Supporting Actor.  It was as magnificent as it was short,
emotional and uplifting.  It was as grand as her portrayal of 'Mammy' in
the film wherein I have never seen an actor so embody the conscious as well
as the subconsciousness of the character portrayed.  Do we burn that film
as some have burned books?

JAI


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Re: [Marxism] Keynes returns from the dead?

2020-06-24 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Didn't Keyenes return 10 years ago? Skidelsky made the rounds in the media
with the tagline "Return of the Master."

It's almost like the bourgeoisie habitually tosses kibble with their left
hand outwards to pacify the public when these economic downturns happen or
something...

Returning to Keynesianism would be an ecological catastrophe. The dollar
would either remain a) pegged to the daily price of the Saudi oil barrel
(the petro-dollar), which depends upon further burning of fossil fuel, or
b) return to some sort of metallic standard, which is dependent upon
extractive activities that are terribly polluting.

The ecological crisis is catalyzed by the perpetual growth model of
economics we operate upon in the totality of the industrialized world. The
problem goes even deeper because the renewable energy sector has yet to
surmount the polluting impacts brought about by the production of renewable
energy implements like solar panels. We really are in a quandary and have
substantial challenges to confront.

-- 
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart

Message: 1
Date: Tue, 23 Jun 2020 13:26:16 -0700
From: John Reimann <1999wild...@gmail.com>
To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition

Subject: [Marxism] Keynes returns from the dead?
Message-ID:

Content-Type: text/plain; charset="UTF-8"

Those of the younger generations will not remember, and maybe many won't be
familiar with Keynes. He was the architect of the economic strategy post WW
II. That was the strategy that advocated deficit spending as a means of
preventing new economic disasters like the 1930s Depression. His theories
lost capitalist support in the fact of the threat of runaway inflation in
the US in the late 1970s. Now, it seems, in the face of renewed crises,
they may be making a comeback. For those who can't open the article, here
it is:

"
If, like me, you feel like our nation is going through hell right now, then
you might also agree that it?s a good time to recall the admonition, ?When
you?re going through hell, keep going.? But where are we to go? What is the
best path out of our intersecting crises: pandemic, recession and violent,
structural racism?

For that, I recommend turning to the renowned British economist John
Maynard Keynes. I?ve been reading Zachary D. Carter?s excellent new
biography of Keynes, finding the book and Keynes?s ideas remarkably timely.
Keynes?s towering body of work points toward a more inclusive economy and
society, one that throws off the yoke of dominant assumptions that, 74
years after Keynes?s death, still repress functional, representative
democracy.

Most people associate Keynesian economics with governments spending their
way out of recessions, a policy playing out in real time across the globe.
That?s certainly core to the Keynesian revolution in political economics,
but to stop there fails to capture the scope of insights Keynes developed
long before he was pushing Roosevelt to spend expansively on the New Deal
during the Great Depression of the 1930s.

Through the First World War and especially during its aftermath, when his
sage guidance was ignored, Keynes struggled to reconcile the tragic
occurrences he saw unfolding with the classical assumptions that markets,
and thus the societies they support, would always naturally settle into
optimal conditions.

Keynes correctly predicted that imposing severe reparations on post-World
War I Germany would plant the seeds for the next world war. He saw,
contrary to the classical model in which he?d been trained, endless cycles
of booms and busts born of assumptions about money, wages and work that
relentlessly delivered high unemployment and stagnant earnings for workers
amid huge returns for ?rentiers? (those whose incomes derived from
compounding wealth, not work).

He witnessed the political discontent that grew out of these dynamics and
understood how the failure of the capitalism of the day ? underwritten by
untethered, often corrupt financial markets ? provided powerful fuel for
communism. Keynes rejected Marxism, believing instead, as Carter notes,
that ?it was time for capitalism not to be overthrown but to be ?wisely
managed.? ? But Keynes understood and feared the political outcomes of an
economic system that failed to deliver consistent security, if not
prosperity, to most people.

Why did capitalism need management?

Because, contrary to assumption, it didn?t manage itself. Keynes observed,
for example, that individual people often saved more than businesses
invested (again, contrary to assumption). To this day, economics students
are taught that savings equals investment, and that the way to boost
investment is to save 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Environment]: Hyser on Lees, 'Planting Empire, Cultivating Subjects: British Malaya, 1786-1941'

2020-06-23 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Tue, Jun 23, 2020 at 5:38 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Environment]: Hyser on Lees, 'Planting Empire,
Cultivating Subjects: British Malaya, 1786-1941'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Lynn Hollen Lees.  Planting Empire, Cultivating Subjects: British
Malaya, 1786-1941.  Cambridge  Cambridge University Press, 2017.  374
pp.  $120.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-107-03840-0.

Reviewed by Raymond Hyser (University of Texas at Austin)
Published on H-Environment (June, 2020)
Commissioned by Daniella McCahey

Unlike Britain's expansion into other parts of South and Southeast
Asia, Britain's movement into Malaya was not by conquest but rather
by "invitation shadowed by intimidation" (p. 116). Starting her study
in 1786 with Britain's acquisition of Penang, Lynn Hollen Lees, a
noted scholar of European social history, traces the spread of
British colonialism across the Malay Peninsula until the Japanese
occupation in 1941 in her book _Planting Empire, Cultivating
Subjects_. Lees's monograph provides a fresh perspective on British
colonialism in Malaya, and the British Empire more generally, by
firmly rooting the colonial project within a network of transnational
movements that highlights the construction of "a multi-cultural
society under the umbrella of British overlords" (p. 1). Her book
explores how these transnational movements shaped British Malaya
through an analysis of the social history of the parallel
developments of plantations and towns across the peninsula. Through
this exploration, she interrogates the nature of British colonial
governance in Malaya by critiquing such "simple, inflexible
categories" as settler colony and directly ruled possession that
often dominate the study of empires (p. 6). Lees argues that the
British in Malaya "ruled in an environment of layered and shared
sovereignty" that created a political landscape that was as complex
as it was conflicted (p. 4). Couching her argument in the study of
the individual in rural and urban spaces, Lees investigates how the
multi-ethnic populace of British Malaya experienced and adapted to
"empire" as they navigated this political landscape. She aims to show
how imperial Britain "planted a colony in Malaya and cultivated its
inhabitants as British subjects" (p. 16).

Progressing in a largely chronological fashion, the book is divided
into two parts. The first section concentrates on the nineteenth
century where the author describes the expansion of British colonial
rule throughout the Malay Peninsula and the various manifestations of
governance exercised by the colonial state. She traces the
corresponding growth of plantation colonialism, focusing on sugar
cultivation, and the development of urban centers across Malaya. Lees
looks at the contrasting styles of British colonial rule that
developed within plantations and towns. Grounding her discussion in
the papers of the Penang Sugar Estates Company, she explores the
"coercive regime" of plantation colonialism that "depended upon
physical violence and cultural caricatures to sustain a rigid
hierarchy of power and inequality" (p. 99). Built on ideas developed
on Caribbean plantations and slavery, plantation colonialism in
Malaya was an arena of heavy discipline, low pay, and racial
segregation. In contrast, urban populations enjoyed significantly
less direct interaction with the colonial state. Rather than the
rigid, racial hierarchies of plantations, towns enjoyed an
overlapping of social and cultural worlds as their multi-ethnic
inhabitants engaged with one another through marketplace interactions
and urban civil society. In towns, the British colonial state opted
for a mode of governance Lees calls "layered sovereignty" where
colonial officials relegated informal control of the various ethnic
groups to their community leaders (p. 119). Despite the seemingly
insular environments of plantations and towns, the boundaries between
them were relatively open and porous. This allowed for the mobile
society of British Malaya to move across both the physical and
political landscape to experience "multiple layers of imperial rule"
(p. 16).

The second section of the book focuses on the first four decades of
the twentieth century when British control continued to expand across
the Malay Peninsula. The twentieth century saw the rate of
urbanization increase, as well as the dramatic transformation of the
Malayan economy wrought by the widespread adoption of rubber
cultivation. Colonial officials continued their policy of layered
sovereignty but found the status quo increasingly difficult to
maintain as transnational pressures mounted 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Africa]: Hoppe on Webel, 'The Politics of Disease Control: Sleeping Sickness in Eastern Africa, 1890-1920'

2020-06-22 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Tue, Jun 23, 2020 at 12:18 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Africa]: Hoppe on Webel, 'The Politics of Disease
Control: Sleeping Sickness in Eastern Africa, 1890-1920'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Mari K. Webel.  The Politics of Disease Control: Sleeping Sickness in
Eastern Africa, 1890-1920.  Athens  Ohio University Press, 2019.  272
pp.  $80.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8214-2399-8.

Reviewed by Kirk A. Hoppe (University of Illinois at Chicago)
Published on H-Africa (June, 2020)
Commissioned by David D. Hurlbut

Reading Mari Webel's history of sleeping sickness control in German
colonial East Africa in a time of global pandemic feels disturbingly
relevant. _The Politics of Disease Control_ is part of a larger body
of work that has emerged over the last two decades seeking to center
local people in our analysis of the impact and meanings of disease
and disease control. This author's objective is to locate African
responses to the East African epidemic in the context of local
peoples' histories with previous sicknesses, their broader and
ongoing biomedical experiences, and local and regional African
economic, political and environmental contexts of disease and disease
control. In the early twentieth century, this came to include limited
German colonial biomedical interventions. The meanings, shapes, and
impacts of German sleeping sickness research, treatment, and control
in particular African Great Lakes sites, beginning in 1906, were
delimited by these African historical contexts.

The monograph is divided into three case studies, each of an
interesting, relatively remote, location in East Africa. The first
primary case study is the Ssese Island group in northwestern Lake
Victoria in the political orbit of the Buganda empire. These islands
became part of British Uganda in 1900, but the renowned German
epidemiologist Robert Koch worked there from 1906 to 1907. The second
case study focuses on the Kiziba coast of western Lake Victoria, in
what became German East Africa just south of its border with Uganda.
The third and shorter case study is of what the author calls the
Southern Imbo--the northeastern coast of Lake Tanganyika in what is
now Burundi. This is not a comparative study. Webel uses each
location to explore different historical articulations of her central
theoretical argument.

Robert Koch's Bugalla camp in the Ssese Islands initially witnessed a
rush of (hundreds of) African people from the northern lake region
voluntarily seeking treatment. Webel argues that the short-lived
success of the camp was a result of German medical practices as they
dovetailed with extant local understandings of disease and treatment
in this particular site. The Ssese Islands were a precolonial
spiritual and religious center for healing. People already went to
these precolonial islands for therapeutic reasons. Furthermore, local
people's experiences with and understandings of disease treatments,
most recently probably for nineteenth-century combinations of plague,
cholera, and smallpox, meant they recognized German puncture
practices, oral medicines, and regular temperature taking as
legitimate treatment types. These actions fit within local
therapeutic experiential worldviews. Patients tolerated Koch's more
experimental, and toxic, regimes of atoxyl injections, but not
without reservations. At Bugalla camp, Koch and German medical staff
unknowingly happened upon overlapping fortuitous circumstances. And
as a last added advantage, the medical hospital was located near a
White Father's mission that had been offering sick people food and
shelter for years before Koch's arrival.

Likewise, local people willingly sought treatment at the medical camp
at Kigarama in the Kiziba Kingdom based on a combination of
political, economic, and spiritual opportunities that the location
presented to sick people and their families. Royal authority supplied
the Germans with clearing and building labor, with medical
auxiliaries, and with patients. But Mukama (a term somewhat similar
to "king") Mutahangarwa supported the camp, "on terms he could claim
to set and on grounds he defined" (p. 145). Again, local people
accepted German examinations, treatments, and labor demands within
their own biomedical, political, and cultural parameters. They
rejected German requests for bodies to autopsy during a plague
outbreak in 1897, for example, as this was outside the bounds of
local practices and understandings of death and burial. Once again,
Webel makes the point here that German staff did not understand
issues of political power, land, resource use, and labor swirling

[Marxism] World Socialist Website screaming at sky over Hawkins

2020-06-22 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2020/05/29/gree-m29.html

Strange assed nonsense 

Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Environment]: Klee on Salinas, 'Managed Migrations: Growers, Farmworkers, and Border Enforcement in the Twentieth Century'

2020-06-22 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Mon, Jun 22, 2020 at 6:28 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Environment]: Klee on Salinas, 'Managed
Migrations: Growers, Farmworkers, and Border Enforcement in the Twentieth
Century'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Cristina Salinas.  Managed Migrations: Growers, Farmworkers, and
Border Enforcement in the Twentieth Century.  Historia USA Series.
Austin  University of Texas Press, 2018.  xii + 272 pp.  $45.00
(cloth), ISBN 978-1-4773-1614-6.

Reviewed by Samuel Klee (Saint Louis University)
Published on H-Environment (June, 2020)
Commissioned by Daniella McCahey

Cristina Salinas's Managed Migrations: Growers, Farmworkers, and
Border Enforcement in the Twentieth Century is a splendid analysis of
farmworker mobility in the US-Mexico borderlands, focused largely on
Texas during the decades between 1920 and 1960. Salinas combines
booster literature, Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) and
Border Patrol records, diplomatic documents, and oral histories to
tell a lively narrative of movement and restriction. As lucid,
interdisciplinary work, Managed Migrations should be prized by
scholars of migrations, environments, and the carceral state.

Environmental historians will read three familiar threads through
Salinas's work. First, by showing that agriculture directed the
timing of labor migrations and growers' demands for laborers with
cyclical planting and off seasons, this book consistently features
nature as a character with agency. Sociopolitical relationships
between planters and growers only make sense through their mutual
ties to soil and plant timetables, and so Salinas echoes
environmental historians' call "to listen to people listening to
nature."[1] Second, Salinas engages environmental historians' concern
for textually and visually represented nature by foregrounding
depictions of landscapes and laborers in booster literature, grower
memoirs, and legal proceedings. Growers and borderland authorities
animalized Mexican migrants, controlled their movements, and
dominated their bodies through nature discourses and imagery. Third,
Salinas's attention to the multivalence of material structures
facilitates her argument that farmworkers reoriented infrastructure,
created for their suppression, to support their own financial and
community goals. Farmers used deliberately poor housing to remove
migrants at the ends of seasons, but migrants repurposed these
buildings, as well as American transportation infrastructure, to
achieve their own vision of mobility. _Managed Migrations_ thus
masterfully centers nature within the vast "web of labor controls"
encircling twentieth-century Mexican migrants (David Montejano,
quoted on p. 119).

Salinas's book is divided into six chapters, with an introduction and
epilogue. After outlining her argument and intervention in the
introduction, chapter 1 analyzes boosterism in the US-Mexico
borderlands. This chapter thrives on portrayals of nature. Salinas
demonstrates that, in the 1920s, land boosters positioned laborers as
part of the nature of the place, whose bodies and movements could be
purchased, manipulated, and cultivated with the landscape. Salinas's
vivid description of prospective land buyers' curated train journeys
is most fascinating. There, boosters manipulated passengers'
socio-material experience both in transit and on-site in the
borderlands, representing nonwhite bodies as commodities specific to
the borderlands in order to achieve buy-in. Ultimately, Salinas
argues that this discursive act about landscapes helped push plants
past livestock as the border region's primary export.

Chapter 2 moves from portrayals created for outsiders to
interpersonal borderland relationships between growers and laborers.
Here, Salinas demonstrates that growers and farmworkers used paternal
kinship language to negotiate mobility; both parties claimed growers'
protective and providential roles to achieve their respective
expectations and goals. Key for environmental historians, however,
Salinas foregrounds the built environment and its role in managing
worker mobility. Barracks, tents, and the lack thereof reflected and
enforced growers' relationship with farmworkers; growers sustained
their workers in season and pushed workers to leave afterward by only
providing farmworkers with bare structural necessities.

Chapter 3 then integrates the role of law, the Border Patrol, and the
INS into farmworker mobility. This chapter covers familiar ground in
immigration historiography--landmark federal acts like those of 1917
and 1924 receive treatment akin to Torrie Hester's _Deportation: The
Origins of US 

Re: [Marxism] fascism in the US?

2020-06-22 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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I'll say from the outset that admittedly this conversation can rather
quickly devolve into a kind of 'gotcha' game of Leftist posturing and
holier-than-thou virtue signalling (or at least that is how it leads me to
behave sometimes). So even if we disagree here I don't intend this to be
some kind of oppositional or insulting project. Healthy debate is certainly
merited here.

I'll state my case plainly:

a-There's been a few really great monographs in the past decade about the
connection between Nazism and America. Basically the scholarship now shows
that Nazi legal theorists studied in America and did a lot of deep reading
of the so-called Indian Laws (particularly the one-drop rule) as well as
Jim Crow. They took that scholarship back to the German drawing boards as
they drafted the Nuremberg race laws (cf. James Whitman, HITLER'S AMERICAN
MODEL). Gerald Horne has been likewise writing a subtle polemic in his
recent books about colonial American history about how all historiography,
including radicals and progressives like Zinn and Foner, just dropped the
ball ingloriously by placing so much positive emphasis on the "bourgeois
democratic revolutions" of the 17th-20th centuries. In one interview he
flat-out said to me the following <
https://washingtonbabylon.com/six-questions-dr-gerald-horne-p1/>:

"I think it is well past time for progressive people, particularly those
who consider themselves to be radical, to take a critical eye to the tragic
events that unfolded when the European invasion commenced post-1492 and the
genocide that befell the indigenous population and the mass enslavement
that ensnared the Africans. I think that failure to look more critically at
that process and seeking to rationalize it, saying ‘Well, at the end of the
day, post-1776 this republic emerged which was a great leap forward for
humanity’, in some ways serves to rationalize and justify genocide and
mass-enslavement... it seems to me that you can call these events a
‘bourgeois democratic revolution’ as long as you have a major caveat, which
is that, if this was a ‘bourgeois democratic revolution’, let’s not have
any more! Let that be the last one! If you are going to use that term then
critique that term. And I would say that is particularly true in the United
States, which is the seed bed of critiques of revolutions that have
happened worldwide since 1776. There’s an entire industry with people
making good livings criticizing every revolution since 1776, sometimes in a
one-sided manner, be it the French revolution, the Cuban revolution, the
Russian revolution, etc. That shows me folks in the United States are
capable of doing a multi-sided critique of revolutions except 1776, where
they come to this absurd conclusion that ‘Oh, it went well, except, you
know, the genocide and mass enslavement.’ It reminds me of the MOVE bombing
in Philadelphia when the mayor said afterwards “Well, everything went fine
except we destroyed the neighborhood.” What kind of thinking is that?...
Now obviously it doesn’t speak well for those that did have access to the
archives that they could not come to this conclusion because, as I’ve been
saying for some years, this is not a difficult case to make. This was not
rocket science coming to these conclusions! What was created was an
apartheid state... Basically that’s what has happened in North America, the
ability of the 1776 regime to take land from Native Americans and
redistribute it to European migrants and lift them out of poverty..."

b-John Reimann, you justifiably point to the Populist Party at the end of
the 19th century. A few matters that go into the weeds but merit
consideration herein. First, as is the case with today and the way the
bourgeoisie has produced state-sanctioned "socialists" aligned with the
Democrats in response to the popular upsurges around the anti-globalization
movement, the Greens, Occupy, and Black Lives Matter in the past 20 years,
so was the case 130 years ago with how bipartisan Progressivism (Teddy
Roosevelt, William Jennings Bryant, Woodrow Wilson, et al) emerged in
response to first Populism and then the Debs-era Socialists. Progressivism
in the form of this bipartisan response was a blatantly racialized and
cis-hetero-patriarchal matrix of ideology. Many former Populists (Tom
Watson being the most notable) allowed themselves to be absorbed into the
Progressive project and became shameless white nationalists, instituting
the hardest elements of the Jim Crow regime in this period. Wilson, as just
one example, was a shameless proponent of the pro-Confederate Lost Cause
narrative in his history books, endorsed the rebirth of the Klan by
screening 

Re: [Marxism] fascism in the US?

2020-06-22 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Considering that Robert Paxton points to the Klan as a fascist organization 
decades before Mussolini came to power I have to agree with that point 

Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
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https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Message: 1
Date: Mon, 22 Jun 2020 10:04:56 -0700
From: John Reimann <1999wild...@gmail.com>
To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition
   
Subject: [Marxism] fascism in the US?
Message-ID:
   
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="UTF-8"

Here is an article that argues that the US was ruled by fascism in the
South for an extended period of time. It also argues that fascism in the US
has had a greater influence at the national level that we often recognize.
I think their argument is quite serious.

https://www.nybooks.com/daily/2020/06/22/american-fascism-it-has-happened-here/?fbclid=IwAR3QiVgCGTORPziQv04LceN9VI-iQ9hjlgBNVf3txsaMGgU3qOVWXiQzefM

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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Asia]: Sheikh on Prange, 'Monsoon Islam: Trade and Faith on the Medieval Malabar Coast'

2020-06-20 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Sat, Jun 20, 2020 at 5:00 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Asia]: Sheikh on Prange, 'Monsoon Islam: Trade and
Faith on the Medieval Malabar Coast'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Sebastian R. Prange.  Monsoon Islam: Trade and Faith on the Medieval
Malabar Coast.  Cambridge  Cambridge University Press, 2018.  358 pp.
 $120.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-108-42438-7.

Reviewed by Samira Sheikh (Vanderbilt University)
Published on H-Asia (June, 2020)
Commissioned by Sumit Guha

Sheikh on Prange, _Monsoon Islam_

The apparently peaceful arrival of Islam in Kerala, brought by
merchants, not marauders, is often compared favorably to that in
north India, but there has been inadequate thought given to how Islam
came to be transferred. In Malabar, modern Kerala, there is a
powerful story about the first Indian Muslim, the seventh-century
Cheraman Perumal, who, after seeing the moon split into two before
reuniting, came to understand that the miracle he had witnessed had
been performed by a man named Muhammad. Later, the king voyaged to
Arabia in the company of a group of Muslim pilgrims, where the
Prophet Muhammad converted him to Islam. Cheraman Perumal never
returned to his homeland but Islam was taken to Malabar by a group of
his Arab associates. While this early conversion narrative might be
legend, Sebastian Prange argues that its "story-world" (pp. 2, 7,
107) is reflective of prevailing patterns of religion, trade, and
rule in the Indian Ocean world, one that he calls "Monsoon Islam."
Islam in this zone did not transfer fully formed from a hypothetical
Arabian origin. It evolved, he argues, out of "the tension between
the global and the local, between competing impulses and imperatives
of severalty and syncretism" (p. 23). Prange's book is an attempt to
understand the creative engagements, facilitated by politics and
trading contacts, that went into "realizing" Kerala's characteristic
versions of Islam (p. 4). While the book's subject is Kerala, its
implications go further: it encapsulates and develops much recent
thinking about Islam and its transmission, emphasizing its local,
vernacular, and contested histories as shaping and forming the
broader Islamic world.

_Monsoon Islam _is arranged around spaces--port, mosque, palace,
sea--which are the rubrics for its four chapters. Its locale is the
Malabar coast between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries when local
production of pepper and other spices made it a coveted trade
destination. As traders, and not rulers, are the main actors in the
tale, Prange did not find epigraphic and courtly sources particularly
helpful, nor the few Malayalam historical records that have survived,
most of which are primarily concerned with temples or royal
households. The book's key records include Arabic texts and epigraphs
from India and Yemen, travel writings, the Cairo Geniza records in
Judeo-Arabic, a handful of Malayalam sources, and sixteenth-century
European accounts. Prange's profuse notes do not merely name-check
lists of references; they reflect a generous and serious
acknowledgement of previous scholarship in multiple languages. The
book is carefully produced with a list of thirty-six pages of primary
and secondary sources and a useful table with English, Malayalam, and
Arabic transliterations of place names. Closely argued and densely
packed with detail, this volume should be of equal interest to the
specialist and the general reader.

The first chapter sets up Kerala's sea-facing economy, where
multiethnic merchant communities generated institutional and legal
mechanisms to establish the networks of trust required for business.
Kerala's pepper made it a destination for far-flung trade from an
early period and in its ports could be found Tamils, Christians,
Jews, Gujaratis, Chinese, Zoroastrians, and Muslims from a variety of
ethnic and geographical origins. Interestingly, local Malabar
merchants did not participate directly in maritime commerce; it was
left largely to settlers. From the thirteenth century, Muslims
started to dominate the sea trade and Islamic law became the shared
legal system (even "legal _mentalité,_" p. 63) for setting up trade
arrangements--including partnerships and risk-spreading systems--and
resolving disputes. Prange rounds up recent research that shows the
preponderance of Islamic law in the western Indian Ocean, a
circumstance that necessitated the presence of Muslim _qadi_s, or
judges, in all ports.

The second chapter (titled "Mosque") is perhaps the most fascinating
of the book, offering a close look at the central legend that has
come to characterize Islam in 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Africa]: Spears on Copnall, 'A Poisonous Thorn In Our Hearts: Sudan and South Sudan's Bitter and Incomplete Divorce'

2020-06-19 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Fri, Jun 19, 2020 at 12:53 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Africa]: Spears on Copnall, 'A Poisonous Thorn In
Our Hearts: Sudan and South Sudan's Bitter and Incomplete Divorce'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


James Copnall.  A Poisonous Thorn In Our Hearts: Sudan and South
Sudan's Bitter and Incomplete Divorce.  Updated edition. London
Hurst, 2017.  Maps. xxix + 317 pp.  $27.50 (paper), ISBN
978-1-84904-830-9.

Reviewed by Ian Spears (University of Guelph)
Published on H-Africa (June, 2020)
Commissioned by David D. Hurlbut

If I were a diplomat about to be posted in Khartoum or Juba, it would
be difficult to imagine a more useful book than James Copnall's _A
Poisonous Thorn in Our Hearts: Sudan and South Sudan's Bitter and
Incomplete Divorce_. Copnall has a broad understanding of Africa,
having served as the BBC Africa editor and the BBC Sudan
correspondent from 2009 to 2012. In this book, he presents the views
of politicians, scholars, artists, journalists, and other experts. He
also offers creative ways to inform his reader of all aspects of
Sudanese life and politics. In the second chapter, "People and
Identity," for instance, he introduces short vignettes from ordinary
Sudanese. For anyone who wants a more "serious" understanding of the
country, these vignettes allow Sudanese to tell their own stories
only lightly mediated by an outsider.

As a united state, Sudan was a large and complicated country. Experts
lamented the tendency to reduce its central narrative to that of a
conflict between an Arab north and Christian south. Given the
country's bewildering complexity such a short-hand was
understandable. Copnall's book, however, provides a welcome and
accessible introduction to these complexities. In this comprehensive
examination of Sudan and South Sudan, both countries are given equal
treatment in chapters titled "People and Identity," "Politics,"
"Economy," "Development," and "Insecurity." Two additional chapters
consider the countries' relationship with the outside world ("The
Sudans and the World") and the challenges of their now-separate
existence ("The Sudans"). In the most recent edition of Copnall's
book (first edition was published in 2004), a new preface and
afterword have been added to the text.

Sudan _was_ once Africa's largest country in terms of territory, but
the country was fractured along many ethnic, political, and religious
lines. Prior to its independence from Great Britain in 1956, Sudan
experienced long periods of violence and war. The 2005 signing of the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the Sudanese People's
Liberation Movement (SPLM) in the South and the military (and
sometimes Islamist) regime in Khartoum promised an end to the
conflict. Following a referendum and a declaration of independence in
July 2011, South Sudan seceded from the North in one of the
continent's rare instances of border change. But as Copnall says,
"splitting Sudan in two did not resolve its many problems" (p. 245).

Copnall observes that the war in South Sudan "mutated into a dizzying
array" of local conflicts and power struggles (p. xxvi). Meanwhile,
the rump state of Sudan looked ever more vulnerable, denuded as it
was of substantial oil revenues and having presided over the
country's dismantling. Even this "updated edition" does not include
the events that led to the coup that deposed President Omar al-Bashir
in April 2019. But the author correctly anticipates Bashir's imminent
demise. Copnall successfully and convincingly navigates Sudan's many
challenges, from identity (specifically both countries' ethnic and
religious diversity) to economic matters (and most specifically the
conundrum of resource exploitation). Sudan demonstrates that oil is a
curse, a frustratingly irresistible source of patronage, and perhaps
a route to development--if only the countries' leaders would make the
right choices.

Indeed, it is difficult not to wish for better leadership in both
Sudans. On two separate occasions at both ends of the book, Copnall
observes that there was not a single day of peace while President
Bashir was in office in Khartoum. He also documents the irony of how,
having participated in South Sudan's liberation from Khartoum,
members of South Sudan's opposition now "fear for [their] life" from
the regime in Juba and seek refuge in Khartoum (p. 62).

On the other hand, it seems unlikely that any single individual--no
matter how virtuous--can be counted on to bring peace to such
complicated countries. It is easier to point to individuals (and
their respective regimes) as the source of violence and instability

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Environment]: Heslop on Beaven and Bell and James, 'Port Towns and Urban Cultures: International Histories of the Waterfront, c.1700-2000'

2020-06-18 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Thu, Jun 18, 2020 at 5:09 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Environment]: Heslop on Beaven and Bell and James,
'Port Towns and Urban Cultures: International Histories of the Waterfront,
c.1700-2000'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Brad Beaven, Karl Bell, Robert James, eds.  Port Towns and Urban
Cultures: International Histories of the Waterfront, c.1700-2000.
London  Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.  289 pp.  $74.99 (e-book), ISBN
978-1-137-48316-4; $119.99 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-137-48315-7.

Reviewed by Madison Heslop (University of Washington)
Published on H-Environment (June, 2020)
Commissioned by Daniella McCahey

Histories of ports have focused overmuch on mercantile perspectives,
write editors Brad Beaven, Karl Bell, and Robert James in the
introduction to _Port Towns and Urban Cultures_. In this collected
volume, they instead present a series of cultural histories of
port-city relationships that explore "the contrasts and connections
between maritime communities and their urban hinterlands" (p. 4). As
a whole, the contributors argue that port towns have been hosts to
distinctive cultural entities that formed in relation to their
specific geographies and cultural plurality.

_Port Towns and Urban Culture_s is, as the subtitle claims, an
international history, but it is an international history that
remains decidedly Eurocentric. The chapters barely glance at the
Pacific, John Griffiths's chapter on Australia and New Zealand port
cities excepted, and none touch the Indian Ocean--two areas of robust
scholarship in recent decades. This lack of geographic diversity is
likely due to the book's origin within the University of Portsmouth's
Port Towns and Urban Cultures research group, in which scholars of
Europe predominate.

The book has been sorted into two thematic sections, each ordered
chronologically. "Urban-Maritime Cultures," the first section,
"explores the nature and character of land-based maritime culture"
(p. 4). This section interrogates the persistent "otherness" of
portside neighborhoods; tensions between cities and their sailor
towns; and the fluid identities of the sailors, soldiers, and others
who spanned the urban-maritime threshold. The second section,
"Representations and Identities," offers analyses of depictions of
port towns, their inhabitants and visitors, the ways sailors
identified themselves, and mechanisms of authority and control in the
urban-maritime setting. The two sections have significant thematic
overlaps. The examination of identity is a strong through line across
_Port Towns and Urban Cultures_--fitting for a book focused on
culture.

One manifestation of the authors' interest in identity is the
recurring argument that community identities can coalesce from
intimate relationships with local environments, usually a sea or
river in these cases. This notion that groups might build personal or
collective identities around environments or extractive industries
should strike a chord with environmental historians who have explored
other iterations of this theme in mining or logging towns.[1] In
chapter 3, Paul Gilchrist argues that his great-great-great
grandfather, Newcastle poet, songwriter, and sailmaker Robert
Gilchrist's songs and sonnets celebrated connections with the sea and
contributed a sense of place based on a port town identity. Tytti
Steel's chapter observes how oral history interviewees used ports to
construct local, professional, and personal identities, connecting
"otherness" to "identity work" in 1950s Finnish port towns. In each
of these chapters, however, and across the majority of the volume,
environments function as a setting, not a method of analysis.

Contributors' peripheral treatment of environmental factors
illuminates potential avenues for future research. The seasonal
nature of maritime work in the age of sail, for example, is an
established fact with wide-ranging implications for urban-maritime
cultures. As Nigel Worden argues in the second chapter, local
dynamics in mid-eighteenth-century Cape Town hinged on the seasonal
nature of sailors' presence in the city. Climate and seasons,
nevertheless, are subjects left for other scholars to explore.

A few chapters shed light on built environments. Others offer mere
tantalizing glimpses. Jo Byrne's contribution, "Hull, Fishing and the
Life and Death of Trawlertown: Living the Spaces of a Trawling
Port-City," especially stands out in this respect. Byrne applies Tim
Ingold's "taskscape" concept to oral history testimonies in order to
analyze the specific character of the port-city relationship in Hull,
England, in the late twentieth 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-War]: Nordlund on Shevin-Coetzee and Coetzee, 'Commitment and Sacrifice: Personal Diaries of the Great War'

2020-06-18 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Thu, Jun 18, 2020 at 9:39 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-War]: Nordlund on Shevin-Coetzee and Coetzee,
'Commitment and Sacrifice: Personal Diaries of the Great War'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Marilyn Shevin-Coetzee, Frans Coetzee.  Commitment and Sacrifice:
Personal Diaries of the Great War.  Oxford  Oxford University Press,
2015.  Illustrations. 352 pp.  $36.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-19-933607-4.

Reviewed by Alex Nordlund (University of Georgia)
Published on H-War (June, 2020)
Commissioned by Margaret Sankey

The diaries of soldiers who fought in the First World War remain a
major avenue for understanding the everyday experience of war and
soldiering. In many ways more unfiltered, less literary, and far more
reactive to immediate events and circumstances surrounding the
writers than letters home or postwar testimonies, diaries offer the
imagery of war experience "as it happened" to the ongoing historical
narrative placing soldiers as the ultimate "witnesses" to the horrors
of war. Despite attempts by military authorities to discourage--if
not outright ban--these sources, soldiers nonetheless persisted in
cataloging their wartime experiences and general happenings in these
pocket diaries, showing a complicated view of war mixed with not just
horror and trauma but also, joy, fun, and even boredom.

In _Commitment and Sacrifice_, Marilyn Shevin-Coetzee and Frans
Coetzee have compiled a collection of diaries from men of varying
armies, nationalities, and wartime circumstances during the First
World War. Offering an overview of the ways that soldiers' private
writing have shaped the history of the conflict, the editors propose
that these diaries collectively tell a story of the "education of
young men" akin to a coming of age, the "acquisition of the requisite
skills" for surviving their education (war), and the "endurance" of
these men confronted with such an ordeal over time (pp. 6, 7, 9).
Essentially, the primary objective the editors wish to convey using
these diaries revolves around the ways men of various origins and
circumstances survived the novel hardships, suffering, and trauma
provoked by the First World War, making the experience analogous to
an "education," where soldiers, internees, and prisoners had to find
ways to cope with or overcome hardships to survive.

In terms of the content of the diaries chosen and edited,
Shevin-Coetzee and Coetzee do a remarkable job of ensuring a
multifaceted approach to wartime diaries. Of particular interest are
the diaries written by Willy Wolff, a German internee in Britain, and
Felix Kaufmann, a German prisoner of war in France. The diary of
American ambulance driver Philip Cate also provides a unique look
into the internal motivations of neutrals volunteering for foreign
service, and Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) soldier
James Hutchinson offers several allusions to the global dimensions of
the war. To readers familiar with the history of the conflict, the
other diaries will offer further insight into the individual
experiences of soldiers on the western front--sadly, with the
exception of Hutchinson at Gallipoli, Salonika, the Middle East, and
other fronts do not feature here. Diaries from civilians on the home
front beyond the internee experience of Wolff would have added
further diversity to this collection, but they do not necessarily fit
into the more "direct" experience with the hardships of war sought by
the editors.

While all of these diary excerpts provide vivid, private accounts of
war from the perspective of "the man who was there," it nonetheless
remains debatable whether these diaries are representative of the
"average" soldier's experience and written reflections. Despite
Shevin-Coetzee and Coetzee insisting that diaries were not
"censored," were discouraged by authorities, and are a richer source
than letters and other records, diaries themselves are often fraught
with self-censorship, which is even found in one of the diaries
within this collection. Additionally, there is often avoidance and,
more generally, a lack of detail and internalization commonly
observed in diaries, as not every man could find poetic inspiration
from war like Hutchinson. Indeed, in many diaries beyond these
samples, daily entries often appear as little more than weather
reports. While the sheer amount of self-reflection and description in
these diaries beyond these "weather reports" is fascinating, they are
surely not representative of the wider whole. In their overview of
common features within these sources, the editors do stress the
ongoing importance of other written 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-War]: Montesclaros on Stahel, 'Retreat from Moscow: A New History of Germany's Winter Campaign, 1941-1942'

2020-06-18 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Thu, Jun 18, 2020 at 9:44 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-War]: Montesclaros on Stahel, 'Retreat from
Moscow: A New History of Germany's Winter Campaign, 1941-1942'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


David Stahel.  Retreat from Moscow: A New History of Germany's Winter
Campaign, 1941-1942.  New York  Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2019.  560
pp.  $35.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-374-24952-6.

Reviewed by Mark Montesclaros (US Army Command and General Staff
College, Fort Gordon Satellite Campus)
Published on H-War (June, 2020)
Commissioned by Margaret Sankey

The eastern front of World War II's European theater continues to
garner significant academic interest, and with _Retreat from Moscow_
author David Stahel sheds new light on multiple aspects of the
Soviet-German War's winter campaign of 1941. This effort helps to
partially correct a situation that renowned historian David M. Glantz
noted in his seminal trilogy on the Red Army at war--that a number of
battles were either forgotten or neglected during the campaign, among
them the Soviet offensive to retake the key German lines of
communication at Rzhev and Viazma, which spanned February 15 to March
1, 1942.[1] And while Stahel's focus is from the German perspective
of the Army Group Center, he masterfully covers this part of the
Soviet counteroffensive as well. Additionally, the author provides
much more than just a description of the military operations that
ensued, effectively integrating first-person narratives that capture
the essence of this war of annihilation in the East.

Stahel arranges _Retreat for Moscow _into twenty-one chapters of
uniform length, accompanied by an excellent introduction that sets
the context and an effective conclusion that emphasizes the main
points of his discourse. As with most works describing the
complexities of combat on World War II's eastern front, the book
includes a number of graphics to help the reader navigate the myriad
military units and actions within Germany's winter campaign, as well
as extensive notes accompanying each chapter that provide areas for
further research and exploration.

The author thrives on challenging some long-held views of the
Soviet-German conflict, arguing that the decisive point for the war
occurred not during seminal engagements, such as in Moscow,
Stalingrad, or Kursk, as have been posed by historians earlier.
Stahel takes a broader view, contending that the turning point in the
East had already taken place once Operation Barbarossa, Germany's
opening move in Russia, failed to achieve its strategic objective of
rapidly defeating the Red Army in the summer of 1941. And while this
may call into question the merit of scrutinizing the winter campaign
that followed, the author again challenges the common wisdom by
taking a wider, more strategic view. Stahel sees it not as Germany's
first defeat as do many of his colleagues but as a victory. How he
arrives at this surprising conclusion is at the heart of the author's
titular "new history" of the Third Reich's winter campaign.

The focal point of _Retreat from Moscow_ concerns Army Group Center,
the Wehrmacht's friendly center of gravity in its drive toward the
Russian capital. While its counterpart army groups to the north and
south targeted Leningrad and Ukraine, respectively, it was Army Group
Center that bore the brunt of the Soviet counteroffensive, which
began in earnest on December 6, 1941. Following its lightning-quick
initial victories over Soviet forces during the early stages of
Operation Barbarossa, Army Group Center's momentum eventually stalled
during the autumn rains and ensuing quagmire. Within sight of Moscow,
German forces finally culminated in the attack, hampered by stiff
enemy resistance, the onset of winter, lack of fuel and critical
supplies, and questionable decision-making by Adolf Hitler. Against
the advice of his subordinate commanders in Army Group Center, the
führer had on multiple occasions siphoned off critical armored
forces to the other groups, never considering Moscow a strategic
priority. The result of all this was that Army Group Center was
highly vulnerable once Soviet forces began their onslaught in early
December.

Stahel is masterful at portraying and simplifying the complex details
of Army Group Center's multiple operations against Soviet forces as
it went on the defensive. While too numerous to enumerate given the
scope of this review, several broad themes are worthy of mention.
Perhaps foremost is the tension between Hitler, his key advisors, and
commanders in the field as Army Group Center faced it first major
setback in the East. 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Early-America]: Francavilla on Smyth, 'A Rape in the Early Republic: Gender and Legal Culture in an 1806 Virginia Trial'

2020-06-18 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Thu, Jun 18, 2020 at 12:40 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Early-America]: Francavilla on Smyth, 'A Rape in
the Early Republic: Gender and Legal Culture in an 1806 Virginia Trial'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Alexander Smyth.  A Rape in the Early Republic: Gender and Legal
Culture in an 1806 Virginia Trial.  Edited by Randall L. Hall. New
Directions In Southern History Series. Lexington  University Press of
Kentucky, 2017.  136 pp.  $25.00 (paper), ISBN 978-0-8131-6952-1.

Reviewed by Lisa A. Francavilla (The Papers of Thomas Jefferson:
Retirement Series and Jefferson Quotes  Family Letters)
Published on H-Early-America (June, 2020)
Commissioned by Kelly K. Sharp

In mid-January 1806, Sidney Major Hanson left her home in the
mountainous region of Tazewell County, Virginia, to consult the local
justice of the peace, Hezekiah Whitt, at his home roughly one mile
away. Carrying her absent husband's copy of _The New Virginia
Justice_ and accompanied by their trusted neighbor, John Deskins,
Hanson intended to use the law to hold another man responsible for
slandering her. Along the way, lewd talk and an attempted kiss from
Deskins prompted Hanson to jump from the horse they both rode. When
she tried to run, Deskins caught her, threw her to the ground,
threatened to kill her, and, holding her wrists in one hand and
silencing her screams with the other, raped her. But if Deskins
thought that his threats against the "diminutive" Hanson would secure
her silence, he soon learned how wrong he was (p. 87). Within minutes
of arriving at the Whitt home, Hanson first informed Mrs. Whitt and
then her husband, the justice, that Deskins had "sorely abused her"
and she was prepared to "swear the rape" against him (p. 38).

Details of the subsequent trial of Deskins, first published by
prosecuting attorney Alexander Smyth in 1811, are presented now as _A
Rape in the Early Republic: Gender and Legal Culture in an 1806
Virginia Trial_, skillfully edited by Randal L. Hall. Such a thorough
record of a rape trial for this early period is a rarity, as Hall
points out, and historians are generally forced to rely on the
watered-down clerical notations in court order books. But, as Hall
explains, Smyth was an ambitious man who relished opportunities for
self-promotion, and when prominent men requested that he "favor the
public with a report of his [Deskins's] case," Smyth was only too
willing to gratify them (p. 29). Smyth's subsequent account of the
trial was drawn from his transcript of the testimony of witnesses
gathered by Hanson and Deskins, arguments made by the panel of six
attorneys set to defend Deskins, and Smyth's own closing arguments.

Hall rightly recognized that Smyth's unique account offers readers
several topics for exploration and discussion. Some of these will be
all too familiar, particularly that once Deskins confessed to having
had intercourse with Hanson, the focus of the trial turned almost
entirely to examining Hanson's character. Witnesses were called to
prove or disprove her morality, veracity, piety, and chastity as well
as to support or refute suggestions that her behavior and choices led
Deskins to rape her, or that she was lying about having given her
consent. In arguments challenging the reliability of these witnesses,
lawyers on both sides argued that old grudges based in economic class
conflict might have motivated some to step forward. _A Rape in the
Early Republic_ also invites discussion of race and law, for example,
when Smyth argued that the testimony of some of the witnesses for the
defense should be discredited because "the general reputation of the
country" was that they were "mulattoes." Smyth subsequently recorded
in his notes that "that was refused to be admitted by the court" (p.
48). Other details in Smyth's account of the trial provide similarly
intriguing topics, like social mobility, ambition, and aspiration;
the place of cultural traditions in the evolution of formal legal
processes; arguments about whether women were to receive equal
protection under the law; the role of elite white men in the shaping
of community morality; the articulation of gendered behavior; alcohol
and the recreational activities of men and women; print and the
dissemination of information; and hints of the interactions between
free whites and enslaved blacks. Lastly, this edited work also
contributes to larger debates about the evaluation of primary source
material.

Hall offers Smyth's materials thoughtfully, avoiding imposing much of
his own interpretation of them but rather wrapping them in just
enough information to make the 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Japan]: Damian on Smits, 'Maritime Ryukyu, 1050-1650'

2020-06-17 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Wed, Jun 17, 2020 at 10:23 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Japan]: Damian on Smits, 'Maritime Ryukyu,
1050-1650'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Gregory Smits.  Maritime Ryukyu, 1050-1650.  Honolulu  University of
Hawaii Press, 2018.  Maps. 318 pp.  $68.00 (cloth), ISBN
978-0-8248-7337-0.

Reviewed by Michelle Damian (Monmouth College)
Published on H-Japan (June, 2020)
Commissioned by Martha Chaiklin

"This book is an interdisciplinary, revisionist history of the Ryukyu
islands": from his opening sentence, Gregory Smits unabashedly
challenges the widely accepted narrative of the islands (p. 1). For
most who study Japanese history, the Ryukyu islands are often largely
absent from our general studies, usually being relegated to a brief
nod in their role for facilitating trade in the premodern era and
then taking on a greater prominence in the modern imperial and
postwar eras. Smits notes that many of the modern views on Okinawa
come from George Kerr's _Okinawa: A History of an Island People_
(1958) and that there has been no substantial reconsideration of
Ryukyuan history since. This volume effectively encourages the reader
to rethink our perception of the Ryukyu islands.

Smits's work makes a number of valuable points, but I would like to
highlight three here. First, a primary takeaway from this volume is
the importance of marginalized places--in this case, the Ryukyu
islands. Smits highlights not just the significance of the islands
but also what they mean to the even more important control of the
seas. This concept tends to be overlooked in favor of the main
narrative of history in Japan (and elsewhere), which often focuses on
control of the land: who owns how much land, who inherits the land,
and how the land is overseen. Here, however, as the book's title
itself states, it is maritime Ryukyu that matters; the sea is an
active character. In Smits's analysis, the Ryukyu islands therefore
were more than an afterthought in the discussion of a historical
trajectory. They were instead a coveted archipelago, and control not
just of the islands but of the seaways shaped that trajectory.

The second point of note is the methodologies Smits uses to arrive at
his conclusions. As he states, this is an interdisciplinary approach.
He accesses sources in Japanese, Chinese, and Korean (albeit
sometimes translated into Japanese). While he begins with the
official histories describing the Ryukyu islands and incorporates
other sources traditionally used by historians, such as military
chronicles and household records, Smits also brings in less
"standard" sources, such as monument and temple bell inscriptions,
archaeological and landscape analyses, and even a collection of over
1,500 songs and chants (_Omoro sōshi_). I believe that this type of
multifaceted approach to historical studies is of critical importance
to the wider field, as it is through these nontraditional sources
that we are able to better glean an understanding of those who do not
feature in the "official" histories. Indeed, it is the use of the
songs especially that allows Smits to flesh out his revisionist
history of the archipelago, as he points out such instances as when
the official recorded histories portrayed a ruler as evil, but the
songs created and sung by the local residents praised him as a
king.[1]

Smits's willingness to reinterpret traditional histories allows him
to reconsider the role of _wakō_ as well, which is the third point
to consider. Often translated as pirates, this term immediately calls
to mind a particular preconceived image. Smits uses a phrase that I
particularly like for wakō, referring to them as "seafarers on the
margins" (p. 39). Note that this does not mean they were
marginalized; they were simply operating away from the traditional
centers of power. In doing so, he allows the wakō to take on a
different kind of agency, showing them as influential intermediaries
connecting Japan, Korea, China, and the Ryukyu islands. They became
proxy warriors in the struggle between Japan's Northern and Southern
Courts in the fourteenth century and facilitated trade with the Ming
court. Wakō were the ancestors of kings and influential lineages
throughout the Ryukyu archipelago and, again, were critical figures
in shaping the control of the islands and the seas around them. They
also were cultural carriers, bringing rituals and legends from the
Japanese mainland with them to the Ryukyu islands. By focusing on the
margins, Smits moves the wakō to the center of the story. In
conjunction with prioritizing the maritime nature of the Ryukyu
islands, he highlights 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Africa]: Mohr on Prichard, 'Sisters in Spirit: Christianity, Affect, and Community Building in East Africa, 1860-1970'

2020-06-13 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: June 13, 2020 at 6:18:25 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Africa]:  Mohr on Prichard, 'Sisters in Spirit: 
> Christianity, Affect, and Community Building in East Africa, 1860-1970'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Andreana C. Prichard.  Sisters in Spirit: Christianity, Affect, and 
> Community Building in East Africa, 1860-1970.  African History and 
> Culture Series. East Lansing  Michigan State University Press, 2017.  
> 360 pp.  $39.95 (paper), ISBN 978-1-61186-240-9.
> 
> Reviewed by Adam H. Mohr (University of Pennsylvania)
> Published on H-Africa (June, 2020)
> Commissioned by David D. Hurlbut
> 
> In one of the most incisive gendered histories of African 
> Christianity, Andreana C. Prichard, with her incredibly engaging 
> prose, takes her readers on a journey--by relying on narratives 
> especially--of the female evangelists in the Universities' Mission to 
> Central Africa (UMCA) mission across East Africa over the span of one 
> hundred years. While most women are frequently excluded from the very 
> male-centered histories of African missions--mostly due to a lack of 
> primary sources written by and written about them--Prichard has found 
> significant materials outside of the standard archives in "shadow 
> archives" and has conducted oral histories to produce this fantastic 
> monograph. In this book, Prichard explains the creation of what she 
> deems an "affective spiritual community" of women within the mission 
> composed of a diverse, multigenerational network of African UMCA 
> congregants that spread from Zanzibar to mainland Tanzania and Malawi 
> between 1860 and 1970. This community of unofficial female 
> evangelists was produced and sustained by a circuit of emotional 
> feeling and spiritual connection. 
> 
> Chapter 1 details the beginning of the UMCA missions in Britain and 
> its Tractarian theology, which emphasized an embodied, emotional 
> spirituality and focus on building a native church. Furthermore, this 
> chapter documents the initial failure of the UMCA mission in 
> modern-day Malawi, followed by its reestablishment, under new 
> leadership, in Zanzibar. Chapter 2 focuses on the UMCA rescue of 
> young female slaves to build its mission and the ways these young 
> women were refashioned by the mission into "Christian mothers." 
> Single, female British missionaries worked with these young women 
> creating affective fictive kinship relationships and created a sense 
> of fellow feeling among members of the congregation. Chapter 3 
> details the early years of the central missionary institution called 
> the Mbweni Girls' School, which trained former slave girls to become 
> either teachers or domestics, with two tracts: one for "school girls" 
> and one for "industrials." Interestingly, we learn in this chapter 
> that the industrial tract provided much of the daily labor that kept 
> the schoolhouse running and the school girls free for more 
> intellectual pursuits. Chapter 4 examines the first generation of 
> female evangelists trained at Mbweni and sent to the mainland from 
> Zanzibar as well as their networks of affective spirituality created 
> via networks of professional guilds as well as intergenerational 
> fosterage and friendship. Chapter 5 interrogates how women in the 
> UMCA community controlled their own reproduction--in the context of a 
> patriarchal mission--via securing means to abortion and brokering 
> marriages while relying on their affective relationships during the 
> interwar period. Chapter 6 examines the creation and maintenance of a 
> celibate religious order among African women in the UMCA, which 
> offered a viable and respected alternative to marriage and an 
> alternative path toward adult womanhood. Finally, chapter 7 analyzes 
> an archive of personal letters exchanged between two lovers within 
> the UMCA between 1960 and 1970, to demonstrate how community building 
> via marriage was constructed in newly independent Tanzania. 
> 
> What struck me most while reading this monograph is the excellent 
> writing and incorporation of intimate personal narratives of African 
> women, which really bring Prichard's book to life. Unique among 
> histories of African Christianity, these case studies read more like 
> ethnography in their detail, which make for an incredibly engaging 
> read, particularly chapter 7. Beyond the use of narrative, Prichard 
> 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Diplo]: Oltman on Aleinikoff and Zamore, 'The Arc of Protection: Reforming the International Refugee Regime'

2020-06-13 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: June 13, 2020 at 10:41:09 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Diplo]:  Oltman on Aleinikoff and  Zamore, 'The Arc 
> of Protection: Reforming the International Refugee Regime'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> T. Alexander Aleinikoff, Leah Zamore.  The Arc of Protection: 
> Reforming the International Refugee Regime.  Stanford  Stanford 
> University Press, 2019.  viii + 169 pp.  $14.00 (paper), ISBN 
> 978-1-5036-1141-2.
> 
> Reviewed by Anna R. Oltman (University of Wisconsin-Madison)
> Published on H-Diplo (June, 2020)
> Commissioned by Seth Offenbach
> 
> In _The Arc of Protection,_ T. Alexander Aleinikoff and Leah Zamore 
> take up the dual perennial questions of refugee studies: what should 
> refugee protection consist of, and for whom? The term "arc" of 
> protection refers to the trajectory of refugee protection since the 
> mid-twentieth century, during which time there has been an expansion 
> of the range of actors who provide protection to refugees, the 
> content of that protection, and the categories of people who receive 
> protection. Though the authors are not overly sanguine about the 
> present state of the international refugee regime, they present this 
> historical arc as a progressive one that has moved beyond the overly 
> specific persecution-based regime imagined in the 1951 Refugee 
> Convention. The problem for today's refugee regime is that as our 
> understanding of who counts as a refugee and how the international 
> community ought to treat them has expanded, powerful states have 
> pushed back with ever more vigorous assertions of sovereignty. 
> 
> The book begins in chapter 1, "The Inconvenient Refugee," by 
> examining the idea of refugee protection contained in the 1951 
> Refugee Convention and its evolution over time, culminating in the 
> 2016 Global Compact on Refugees. Whereas in the early years of the 
> post-World War II era the imperative for the international community 
> was to guarantee the rights of those who no longer had the protection 
> of a sovereign state, over time it has become increasingly focused on 
> humanitarian assistance for displaced people and the countries that 
> host them, primarily in the global South. This shift from rights to 
> rescue in the mission of the United Nations High Commissioner for 
> Refugees (UNHCR) and refugee advocacy groups has been well documented 
> in the literature, but the authors shed new light on the uneasy 
> relationship between state interests and individual rights that has 
> been its driving force. The Convention itself, they point out, was 
> not written to provide a framework for solving mass displacement but 
> rather to establish a pathway for individuals outside of the system 
> of sovereign nation-states to escape the condition of 
> "rightslessness." Yet this system was premised on the idea that most 
> displaced people would soon return to their country of origin or 
> integrate seamlessly into a country of first asylum, so that Western 
> states (as the drafters of the Refugee Convention) would only be 
> expected to absorb the relatively small number of individuals who 
> could do neither. The Convention makes no requirement that states 
> resettle refugees to their territory or support one another in their 
> local protection efforts. As the authors note, this leaves the legal 
> protection of refugee rights contingent on admittance to a state, 
> while also preserving the right of states to regulate entry and stay 
> on their territory. This is a system that privileges state 
> sovereignty over cooperation, though it is worth noting that with the 
> vast majority of displaced people today living either within their 
> country of origin or in neighboring states in the global South, it is 
> primarily the states of the global North that benefit from this 
> arrangement.   
> 
> Chapter 2, "The International Protection Regime," illustrates how 
> this system reflects a contested and historically contingent 
> understanding of refugee protection. The legal and conceptual 
> foundations of the regime regard the treatment of refugees by host 
> societies as a stand-in for the protection that should be offered by 
> their countries of origin. Displaced people seeking asylum, 
> particularly in Western countries, must demonstrate that their origin 
> country has failed to protect them from political persecution, which 
> combined 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Black-Europe]: Gallagher on Hund, 'Wie die Deutschen weiß wurden: Kleine (Heimat) Geschichte des Rassismus'

2020-06-12 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Fri, Jun 12, 2020 at 6:28 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Black-Europe]: Gallagher on Hund, 'Wie die
Deutschen weiß wurden: Kleine (Heimat) Geschichte des Rassismus'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Wulf D. Hund.  Wie die Deutschen weiß wurden: Kleine (Heimat)
Geschichte des Rassismus.  Stuttgart  J. B. Metzler, 2017.  212 pp.
Ill.  EUR 19,99 (cloth), ISBN 978-3-476-04499-0.

Reviewed by Maureen Gallagher (Australian National University)
Published on H-Black-Europe (June, 2020)
Commissioned by Vanessa Plumly

With his 2017 _Wie die Deutschen weiß wurden_, Wulf D. Hund, an
emeritus professor of sociology at the University of Hamburg, offers
a clear, concise, historical account of the centrality of race to
German history and intellectual discourse. As the title indicates,
the book is concerned with how German whiteness is constructed, not
as a consistent or monolithic whole but rather as a gradual,
fragmented, and contested exclusionary process that intersects with
and is complicated by other forms of difference like ethnicity,
class, or religion.

The book's subtitle provocatively dubs it a _(Heimat) Geschichte _of
racism, clearly spelling out one of Hund's central arguments and
pointing to one of the book's great strengths: it firmly centers its
discussion of race, racism, whiteness, and white supremacy within
German-speaking contexts as homegrown phenomena. Hund thus chooses
not to avoid taboo words like "Rasse";[1] in this he deviates from
the norm among German-speaking race scholars, but the choice not to
avoid, anglicize, or put scare quotes around the word is clearly an
attempt to underscore his point that race does not enter Germany
through the Anglophone world or otherwise come from outside. Instead,
he shows that German whiteness "hatte in einem langwierigen und
komplizierten Prozess allererst erzeugt werden müssen. Denn von
Natur aus gibt es weder Rassen noch Weiße. Die sind ideologische
Kopfgeburten der europäischen Expansion und mit Hilfe kolonialer
Gewalt zur Welt gekommen, ehe sie im 18. Jahrhundert von der
Aufklärung systematisiert und zu wissenschaftlichen Kategorien
gemacht wurden" (p. 6).

Roughly half the book is devoted to what might be called the
prehistory of modern notions of race, the divisions and exclusions
that fall short of the kind of systematic social, cultural, and
biological approach that crystallizes in the eighteenth century. This
section of the book contains chapters devoted to the figure of the
"Kammermohr" in seventeenth-century court culture, which shows skin
color as a marker of social difference more than biological
difference and the growing connection between whiteness and wisdom
(_Weißheit_ and _Weisheit_); religious racism and its symbolic
"Farbenlehre," where dark and light are markers of good and bad--of
Christian and heathen--that don't always map neatly onto modern
notions of race or ethnicity; a history of anti-Semitism that spans
centuries, with Jews continually marked as other, though not always
in physical, biological, or racial terms; and the representation of
the Sinti and Roma peoples, which swings between the poles of
racialized perception of them as foreign and criminal and as a
romanticized illustration of a carefree existence.

The second half of the book tackles modern racism from the eighteenth
century to the near-present, with chapters devoted to racial
discourses of the Enlightenment, nineteenth-century colonialism and
the popularization of racialized images and notions of whiteness,
early twentieth-century debates about race and degeneration, Nazi
Germany, and post-WWII efforts of Germans to "wash themselves white."
At the heart of the volume is the chapter "Rassen© made in Germany;"
its position at the center of the book mirrors the central role the
European Enlightenment plays in laying the foundations for modern
racism. It is in the Enlightenment, against the background of
"Sklaverei, Kolonialismus und Kapitalismus und deren Beschönigung"
(p. 81) that race becomes recognizable in its modern form--as an
organized system of biological difference. Here Hund makes a
convincing case for the German invention of race, as Sara Eigen and
Mark Larrimore termed it in their edited volume of the same name
(2006), showing the formalization of the concept and its entrance
into scientific and academic thought through debate and discourse
from thinkers like Hegel, Herder, Kant, Soemmerring, Forster, and
Meiners (to whom we are indebted for popularizing "Caucasian" as a
generic term for white people).

In the nineteenth century, these foundations are built upon, as
colonialism 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Asia]: Orr on Dalmia, 'Hindu Pasts: Women, Religion, Histories'

2020-06-12 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: June 12, 2020 at 5:52:05 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Asia]:  Orr on Dalmia, 'Hindu Pasts: Women, 
> Religion, Histories'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Vasudha Dalmia.  Hindu Pasts: Women, Religion, Histories.  Albany  
> State University of New York Press (SUNY), 2017.  390 pp.  $95.00 
> (cloth), ISBN 978-1-4384-6805-1.
> 
> Reviewed by Leslie Orr (Concordia University)
> Published on H-Asia (June, 2020)
> Commissioned by Sumit Guha
> 
> Orr on Dalmia, _Hindu Pasts_
> 
> This volume is a collection of fourteen essays that appeared in 
> journals or edited volumes between 1990 and 2010, prefaced by an 
> introduction entitled "Where these Essays are Coming From." The 
> autobiographical introduction does indeed help us understand the 
> range and depth of Vasudha Dalmia's scholarship represented in this 
> volume, as she traces an intellectual voyage moving between Delhi, 
> Tuebingen, Banaras, and Berkeley--among other places. Throughout this 
> journey, and continuing into the present (with her most recent book, 
> _Fiction as History: The Novel and the City in Modern North India_, 
> published in the United States in 2019), Dalmia has been engaged with 
> literature, especially Hindi literature. Many of the essays in this 
> volume are centered on the close readings of particular texts. But 
> her aim has consistently been "to work out the links between 
> literature, performance, religion, politics, and modernity" (p. 10). 
> And, further, her work shows how contemporary constructions of and 
> connections between religion and politics in India may be linked to 
> complex histories from the seventeenth century onward. Dalmia frames 
> many of her essays with questions about these linkages: "Can Hindutva 
> be read backwards?" (p. 170). Might the eighteenth century be seen as 
> a transitional period that was "not connected or leading up to" 
> communalism (p. 101)? Does Hindi still play a role "in the kind of 
> exclusivist identity formation which would leave out, or at best 
> subsume, Indian Muslims" (p. 337)? What is different and what has 
> remained the same? The title _Hindu Pasts_ for this volume can be 
> understood within this context, even as some of the essays challenge 
> the meaningfulness in the past of the word "Hindu" (as well as 
> "Hindi") or seem not to deal with Hinduism at all. 
> 
> The volume is divided into three sections, each with four or five 
> essays: "Colonial Knowledge-Formation," "Vaishnava Renewals c. 
> 1600-1900," and "The Hindi Novel: Nineteenth-Century Beginnings." The 
> titles of these sections hardly do justice to the content of the 
> essays collected within each; for example, two of the essays in the 
> first section concern "knowledge" being produced by Indian 
> intellectuals and the third section deals with many more literary 
> genres than the novel. In my review of the essays, I prefer to group 
> them following the lead of the book's subtitle--_Women, Religion, 
> Histories_--considering under the rubric of "Histories" Dalmia's 
> histories of Indology and her histories of Hindi. 
> 
> Three essays are directly concerned with women, or women's issues. 
> The first, chronologically, is "Women, Duty, and Sanctified Space in 
> a Vaishnava Hagiography of the Seventeenth Century," focusing on the 
> _v__artas_ (hagiographies) of the Vallabha tradition, composed in 
> Brajbhasha. Dalmia argues that these stories of devotees make 
> "theological space" for women as part of the developing community, 
> where service to fellow Vaishnavas or to the guru or to God might 
> supersede one's duty as a wife. "Sati as a Religious Rite: 
> Parliamentary Papers on Widow Immolation [1821-30]," details how 
> colonial authorities developed a discourse around sati featuring the 
> sati herself as a victim of Brahmans and priests, of superstition, or 
> of emotion; Dalmia suggests that responses to late twentieth-century 
> incidents of sati betray the perdurance of colonial attitudes and 
> legal frameworks. In "Generic Questions: Bharatendu Harishchandra and 
> Women's Issues," Dalmia considers several late nineteenth-century 
> publications of the figure who is the subject of her _The 
> Nationalization of Hindu Traditions_ (1997). On the one hand, we have 
> the Hindi women's journal _Balabodhini_ (Young Woman's Instructor, 
> 1874-77), edited and in large part written by Harishchandra, 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]: Hicks on Hynson, 'Laboring for the State: Women, Family, and Work in Revolutionary Cuba, 1959-1971'

2020-06-12 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: June 12, 2020 at 10:30:58 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]:  Hicks on Hynson, 'Laboring for the State: 
> Women, Family, and Work in Revolutionary Cuba, 1959-1971'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Rachel Hynson.  Laboring for the State: Women, Family, and Work in 
> Revolutionary Cuba, 1959-1971.  Cambridge  Cambridge University 
> Press, 2020.  332 pp.  $39.99 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-107-18867-9.
> 
> Reviewed by Anasa Hicks (Florida State University)
> Published on H-LatAm (June, 2020)
> Commissioned by Casey M. Lurtz
> 
> It is an exciting time to study the Cuban Revolution: in the last ten 
> years, scholars like Lillian Guerra, Devyn Spence-Benson, Michelle 
> Chase, and Elise Andaya have all broken new ground in excavating the 
> historical roots and consequences of the 1959 takeover of Cuba by 
> radical young nationalists. Rachel Hynson's new book, _Laboring for 
> the State: Women, Family, and Work in Revolutionary Cuba, 1959-1971, 
> _is an excellent addition to this growing body of literature that 
> challenges both the chronology and the content of the Cuban 
> government's own narrative of its revolution. Hynson's use of the 
> Cuban family as a unit of analysis offers a fresh perspective on the 
> transformations of the 1960s, revealing previously obscured conflicts 
> between and choices of the Cuban government and the island's 
> citizens. The revelation that the (seemingly) personal is political 
> is old. But Hynson's chapters on abortion, marriage, sex work and 
> "unconventional employment" dig into the aphorism, improving our 
> understanding of revolutionary Cuba and offering a methodological 
> path forward for other historical studies. 
> 
> _Laboring for the State _argues that between 1959 and 1971, the 
> revolutionary Cuban government engaged in social engineering to 
> remodel Cuban families. The ideal "New Family," an extension of 
> Ernesto "Che" Guevara's vision of Cuba's "New Man," would help push 
> forward Cuba's new socialist agenda. Opponents to Fidel Castro's rule 
> have often accused the Cuban revolutionary government of seeking to 
> destroy the biological family and replace it with Communist control, 
> but Hynson demonstrates that an unwavering belief in the Eurocentric 
> patriarchal two-parent family actually undergirded many policies in 
> the 1960s. Conflict arose between government and citizens when Cubans 
> rejected the standards of familial legitimacy upon which the new 
> government insisted. In four thematic chapters, each covering the 
> same twelve-year period, Hynson explores how the revolutionary 
> government attempted to link labor to morality and regulate both: 
> specifically, she argues that the Cuban government attempted to shape 
> Cuban men into their families' primary wage-earners and criminalize 
> reliance on female wages. It is no coincidence that in the same time 
> period, the Cuban revolutionary government transitioned from a 
> democratic to an authoritarian method of governance. 
> 
> Hynson brilliantly teases out the racial implications of the policies 
> she describes. Fidel Castro declared anti-black racism "finished" in 
> Cuba after 1961; as a result, explicit references to racial 
> distinctions or racial tension can be difficult to find in sources 
> after 1961. But Hynson expertly extrapolates the racial undertones of 
> revolutionary policy from less than obvious sources. In her first 
> chapter, for example, Hynson describes early efforts to regulate 
> women's reproductive activity. In 1964 the Cuban government 
> introduced intrauterine devices from Chile to Havana's shantytowns 
> and to Manzanillo, Santiago, Guantánamo, and other eastern cities. 
> Both locations had high concentrations of Afro-Cuban women, and 
> Hynson argues that the focus on those locales "illustrates the degree 
> to which women of color may have been the targets of government 
> control over women's reproduction" (p. 75). In the second chapter, 
> Hynson notes that efforts to force Cubans into legitimate legal 
> marriages were the least prominent in Oriente province, where the 
> population of black Cubans was higher. The Cuban government has a 
> long history of excessive interest in the reproductive and conjugal 
> activity of African-descended people. By cross-referencing Cuba's 
> racialized geography with revolutionary policy, Hynson demonstrates 
> how that 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-War]: Caputo on Warren, 'Fire on the Water: Sailors, Slaves, and Insurrection in Early American Literature, 1789-1886'

2020-06-11 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Thu, Jun 11, 2020 at 5:15 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-War]: Caputo on Warren, 'Fire on the Water:
Sailors, Slaves, and Insurrection in Early American Literature, 1789-1886'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Lenora Warren.  Fire on the Water: Sailors, Slaves, and Insurrection
in Early American Literature, 1789-1886.  Lewisburg  Bucknell
University Press, 2019.  169 pp.  $34.95 (paper), ISBN
978-1-68448-017-3.

Reviewed by Sara Caputo (University of Cambridge)
Published on H-War (June, 2020)
Commissioned by Margaret Sankey

In this short and incisive book, Lenora Warren uses literary sources
to observe the history of abolition not from the perspective of white
activism, but from the point of view of black insurrection and
resistance. She is interested in the figure of the "slave" not as a
victim, the politically palatable and expedient portrayal, but as an
agent of violence. More broadly, she tries to understand the
long-standing effect that the abolitionist rhetoric of passivity has
had in shaping racialized perceptions--in particular, fear and
condemnation of "black" violence. This research could not be more
relevant or timely.

Each of the four chapters of the book marries an analysis of a
specific historical figure or context of insurrection and
abolitionism to one or two literary texts produced by contemporaries.
Chapter 1 discusses Olaudah Equiano's controversial _Interesting
Narrative_ (1789) and the abolitionist writings of the late
eighteenth century, most notably Thomas Clarkson's collection of
testimonies pertaining to the slave trade. Through these texts, it
reconstructs the abolitionists' rhetoric of incorporating slave
violence among the negative effects of the more generally violent
slave trade, rather than casting it as a deliberate and rightful
response to oppression. Chapter 2 tackles the Denmark Vesey
conspiracy, discovered in Charleston in 1822, which some historians
have argued was not real but the manifestation of white slaveholders'
paranoia. Warren compares this event to an 1821 black pirate novella
by a minor author, John Howison, which she uses as an example of how
latent fears of slave revolt permeated Atlantic culture. Through the
use of the "gothic" in some of Howison's other fictional
representations of slave insurrection, "the flesh-and-blood slaves
turn into specters who are silenced" (p. 65). Chapter 3 concerns the
_Amistad_ and _Creole_ mutinies of 1839 and 1841, and their echoes in
works by Martin Robison Delany and Frederick Douglass. Warren exposes
how black violence was defused in these narratives by the omission of
detail or by the assimilation of the free, heroic African rebels to
the American founding fathers and to white models of Revolutionary
honor. This necessarily made the legitimation of slave insurrection
not universal but restricted to specific (idealized) cases. Finally,
chapter 4 proposes an elaborate, albeit arguably hard to prove,
connection between the case of Washington Goode, a black sailor
sentenced to death by Herman Melville's father-in-law, and the
novelist's white character Billy Budd. Partly because of the
historical obscurity of Goode's trial, this chapter is the most
decidedly literary of the four, with a strong focus on themes
internal to Melville's opus.

In the coda to the book, Warren draws some apt and intriguing
parallels between the rhetoric of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century
abolitionists and that of the present-day Black Lives Matter
movement, at least as it was when _Fire on the Water_ went to press:
both campaigns favored the language of victimhood and passivity,
which is intrinsically problematic. More implicitly, this reminds us
of how racialized fears of black violence from the slavery era,
construing it as qualitatively different from white violence, still
cast a shadow on the way US society stigmatizes, polices, and
sentences black individuals.

On the whole, this book reads as an elegant and extremely subtle
literary analysis of the relationship between enslaved agency,
abolitionism, and violence by and against black people on the sea. At
times, arguably, this subtleness leaves a bit too much implicit, even
when it is clear that the author is familiar with the scholarship.
For example, there are several themes and historiographies which this
study could have explored further to flesh out its argument: the
literature on colonial constructions of obeah and vodou; the debate
on the moral, psychological, and economic roots of abolitionism; the
changing and increasingly essentialized conceptions of "race" in this
period, and especially the 

[Marxism] The Triumph of Black Lives Matter and Neoliberal Redemption By Cedric Johnson

2020-06-09 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Almost consistently I have found this site to publish some pretty mean and 
petty things but this is good 

https://nonsite.org/editorial/the-triumph-of-black-lives-matter-and-neoliberal-redemption


Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-CivWar]: Cornish on Brown, 'Civil War Monuments and the Militarization of America'

2020-06-08 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Mon, Jun 8, 2020 at 10:08 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-CivWar]: Cornish on Brown, 'Civil War Monuments
and the Militarization of America'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Thomas J. Brown.  Civil War Monuments and the Militarization of
America.  North Carolina  University of North Carolina Press, 2019.
384 pp.  $29.95 (paper), ISBN 978-1-4696-5374-7.

Reviewed by Rory T. Cornish (Winthrop University)
Published on H-CivWar (June, 2020)
Commissioned by G. David Schieffler

As an international student at Davidson College in the 1970s I took
every opportunity to visit American Civil War battlefield parks and
came to admire many of the public monuments commemorating Confederate
soldiers in southern cities. Particularly impressed by the equestrian
statutes of General Robert E. Lee in both Richmond and
Charlottesville, as well as the statue depicting General P. G. T.
Beauregard in New Orleans, I wondered why Americans were much better
at memorializing and recording their past than we were in Britain. In
retrospect, one may be forgiven for not foreseeing the controversy
these particular statues, together with the many others dedicated to
Confederate soldiers, would generate, for as Thomas J. Brown notes,
in 1998 only four individuals turned up at a New Orleans rally to
urge the removal of the Robert E. Lee statue that towered above Lee
Circle. Just fourteen years later, however, New Orleans would become
"the epicenter" of a powerful movement that resulted in fifteen
southern communities taking down their outdoor Confederate monuments
by 2017 (p. 289). This movement, which the author believes echoes the
iconoclastic removal of the equestrian statue of George III in New
York City at the birth of the Republic in 1776, is not the dominant
theme of this study but the epilogue to an investigation of why Civil
War monuments began to proliferate across the American urban
landscape from the 1870s, and how this impacted American historical
memory. More importantly, Brown suggests, the growing
memorialization, which extended well into the 1920s, greatly enhanced
the militarization of American society, to the extent that antebellum
distrust of the military as an agent of corruption and the despoiler
of innocent youth was gradually replaced by an assumption that
patriotism, the flag, and military discipline enhanced American civic
virtue.

The subject of the Civil War and American memory has been explored by
a number of other historians, including David W. Blight, Robert Cook,
Gary W. Gallagher, Tony Horwitz, and Michael Wilson Panhorst.[1] In
2015 Professor Brown published _Civil War Canon: Sites of Confederate
Memory in South Carolina_, an examination on how South Carolina's
commemoration of the Civil War era helped white southerners negotiate
their shifting political and social perceptions. This new study
expands his investigation nationwide and offers a detailed and
engaging account of the changing patterns of memorial building, the
motivations behind the artists involved, how various agencies
promoted the process, and how the dedication of these monuments
captured public attention. In 1890, for example, 100,000 people
attended the unveiling of the Lee monument in Richmond, while in 1891
not only did some 250,000 witness the dedication of the Ulysses S.
Grant statue in Chicago, but in the decades following 1897 an
estimated 500,000 people annually visited the Grant Monument in
Washington, DC. It is no surprise to learn that President Theodore
Roosevelt himself was an avid booster for such memorials, for he
participated in the unveiling of statues to generals William T.
Sherman, Philip Sheridan, Henry Warner Slocum, and George B.
McClellan, together with several other soldier monuments. Advocating
that the war itself had been an unsurpassed example of the
"exaltation of a lofty ideal over merely material well-being,"
Roosevelt proclaimed that the characteristics that produced a good
soldier were exactly those "qualities needed to make a good citizen"
(p. 172). In this new study Brown highlights three distinct, yet
overlapping periods of memorialization: statues to the ordinary
citizen soldier, monuments to military leaders, and later, victory
monuments, such as the triumphal arch celebrating the achievements of
both Union soldiers and sailors created in 1901 at the entrance to
Prospect Park, Brooklyn. The sense of triumphalism that characterized
these later northern monuments was replicated in many Confederate
monuments, which hardly resemble, the author notes, the _revanchiste
_monuments of a defeated France during the same period. 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]: Filipovic on Brady and Seymour, 'From Sodomy Laws to Same-Sex Marriage: International Perspectives since 1789'

2020-06-07 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: June 7, 2020 at 6:46:06 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]:  Filipovic on Brady and  Seymour, 'From 
> Sodomy Laws to Same-Sex Marriage: International Perspectives since 1789'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Sean Brady, Mark Seymour, eds.  From Sodomy Laws to Same-Sex 
> Marriage: International Perspectives since 1789.  London  Bloomsbury 
> Academic, 2019.  264 pp.  $114.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-350-02392-5.
> 
> Reviewed by Andrija Filipovic (Singidunum University, Belgrade)
> Published on H-Socialisms (June, 2020)
> Commissioned by Gary Roth
> 
> Legislating Sexuality
> 
> The book _From Sodomy Laws to Same-Sex Marriage: International 
> Perspectives since 1789_, edited by Sean Brady and Mark Seymour, is 
> the result of a conference held at Birkbeck College, University of 
> London. It contains sixteen texts with a foreword by Michael Kirby 
> and introduction by the editors. Essays focus primarily on countries 
> from the global North and West. The individual studies are 
> interesting, well argued, and of use to historians of sexuality. They 
> cover a wide range of topics, including decriminalization of same-sex 
> relations after the 1791 French Revolution, the future of marriage, 
> and alternative forms of equality between heterosexuals and gender- 
> and sexually-variant people. Essays also cover the late nineteenth 
> and early twentieth centuries in the United States, Great Britain, 
> and Australia, as well as the late twentieth-century issues connected 
> with same-sex relations in Great Britain, Australia, the Republic of 
> Ireland, the US, Spain, West Germany, and Italy. Nonetheless, there 
> are several large gaps in this volume, and instead of discussing 
> individual papers I will use this space to discuss them. 
> 
> The first issue is the focus on global North and West. There are no 
> texts about countries from the global South or East, other than 
> Australia, New Zealand, and Peru. Also lacking is a discussion of 
> central and east European countries, with their rich histories. The 
> experience of socialism and communism led in some of them to the 
> recognition of same-sex civil unions and marriages. Missing also is a 
> discussion of pre-World War II sexologists and how their work shaped 
> and still shapes the legal frameworks that are of interest to the 
> book's authors. There is only one essay on South America (dealing 
> with same-sex relations in Peru), even though other Central and South 
> American countries also legally recognize same-sex marriage today. 
> Perhaps all this can be explained by the fact that these essays 
> emanated from a conference, but nonetheless a few more essays would 
> help round out the global picture the volume aimed to paint. 
> 
> A second issue is the contradiction between the framework laid out in 
> the foreword and the framework of editors' introduction. More 
> precisely, there is a noticeable contradiction between Michael 
> Kirby's critique of what he terms "cultural relativism" (p. xii), and 
> the more nuanced argumentation in the introduction by Sean Brady and 
> Mark Seymour. Kirby writes from within the global LGBT (what he terms 
> SOGIE--sexual orientation and gender identity and expression) human 
> rights movement framework, which insists on transhistorical and 
> transcultural understandings of gender and sexual identities. He also 
> assumes a sort of teleological linear development from the erasure 
> and repression of sexual- and gender-variant people across times and 
> cultures to modern-day cultural and legal recognition. For Kirby, 
> full equality is discussed as access to marriage rights and the right 
> to adopt children. 
> 
> Sean Brady and Mark Seymour offer a more nuanced approach in their 
> introduction, "From Sodomy Laws to Same-Sex Marriage: Historical 
> Transformation," although one can question their assertion that "the 
> idea that sexual acts between members of the same sex were 
> 'unnatural' goes back to Antiquity" (p. 1). Nevertheless, Brady and 
> Seymour set the volume's essays within a broader discussion of 
> same-sex relations "poised between 'nature', religion, and state 
> regulation" (p. 1), and the ways in which these same-sex relations 
> are positioned within countries that changed their legal frameworks 
> from sodomy to recognizing some form of same-sex partnership. Brady 
> and Seymour are careful to 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Borderlands]: Hernandez on Rensink, 'Native but Foreign: Indigenous Immigrants and Refugees in the North American Borderlands'

2020-06-05 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: June 5, 2020 at 12:44:50 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Borderlands]:  Hernandez on Rensink, 'Native but 
> Foreign: Indigenous Immigrants and Refugees in the North American Borderlands'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Brenden W. Rensink.  Native but Foreign: Indigenous Immigrants and 
> Refugees in the North American Borderlands.  Connecting the Greater 
> West Series. College Station  Texas AM University Press, 2018.  
> Illustrations. xv + 300 pp.  $40.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-62349-655-5.
> 
> Reviewed by Sonia Hernandez (Texas AM University)
> Published on H-Borderlands (June, 2020)
> Commissioned by Maria de los Angeles Picone
> 
> _Native but Foreign_ offers new perspectives in the intertwined 
> histories of transnational movements and borderlands while focusing 
> on often-neglected peoples. The newest book in the Connecting the 
> Greater West series, Brenden W. Rensink's _Native but Foreign_ 
> connects the disparate histories of peoples in North America by 
> focusing on the diverse but shared experiences of Chippewa, Cree, and 
> Yaqui cultures from the eighteenth through the twentieth century. It 
> retraces these experiences across regions and along the Canadian-US 
> and Mexican-US international boundaries. _Native but Foreign_ helps 
> us better understand how various indigenous communities across North 
> America--while usually not examined as a group nor in the same time 
> period--had much in common as they negotiated their respective 
> livelihoods and attempted to prove that they, too, belonged in US 
> society. It also revisits such concepts and labels as "refugee," 
> "immigrant," "foreign," and "Native American" and explains their 
> changing meaning throughout time as well as their use in various 
> regional contexts. Comparing these three indigenous groups and their 
> uneven integration into US society is at the heart of Rensink's book 
> and argument, which outlines how despite the myriad challenges 
> created by the treatment of indigenous peoples as immigrants, they 
> nonetheless negotiated their political and cultural identities as 
> best they could for their own communities' survival. 
> 
> In the 1880s, as some of the most resistant indigenous peoples, such 
> as "Geronimo," a major Bedonkohe leader among the larger group of 
> Apaches, and others were suppressed, the US government began to view 
> indigenous groups, including the Crees, as a threat given the 
> potential for military collaboration with the Sioux and others in the 
> wake of a declining fur trade during the mid-nineteenth century. 
> Crees, similar to the Chippewa, moved in search of new economic 
> opportunities from Canada to the United States. As they carved out 
> new communities in US-claimed territory, they became "foreigners" (p. 
> 82). Farther south toward the United States border with Mexico, 
> Yaquis, who had experienced decades of exploitation and outright 
> attacks by the Mexican government, sought safer ground as well as new 
> economic opportunities in the United States. 
> 
> While all three groups Rensink examines crossed into the United 
> States during the latter part of the nineteenth century and as some 
> became refugees and immigrants, their experiences concerning efforts 
> to integrate into American society differed greatly. The elimination 
> of bison herds and settler colonial efforts presented difficulties 
> for these groups. While the region south of their Canadian homelands 
> in present-day Montana was "familiar land" for Crees, they were, as 
> Rensink explains, "forced to live in unfamiliar ways" (p. 95). By 
> contrast, Yaquis who crossed into Arizona more easily incorporated 
> themselves into that region's society. Yaquis who gained experience 
> as miners and railroad workers quickly became commodities, as 
> employers demanded a skilled labor force. These skills thus were 
> crucial to overall Yaqui survival. Yaquis also negotiated identity 
> politics when it was advantageous (that is, labor) and blended in 
> with the "Mexican" population yet always embraced and claimed their 
> identity as Yaqui. 
> 
> Other groups also negotiated their survival as best they could. 
> Crees, for example, turned to livestock rustling. However, this 
> created larger problems for the different generations of Crees. While 
> perhaps older Crees were able to engage in such activity, younger 
> generations of 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Asia]: Bayona on Keppy, 'Tales of the Southeast Asia's Jazz Age: Filipinos, Indonesians and Popular Culture, 1920-1936'

2020-06-03 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Wed, Jun 3, 2020 at 9:01 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Asia]: Bayona on Keppy, 'Tales of the Southeast
Asia's Jazz Age: Filipinos, Indonesians and Popular Culture, 1920-1936'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Peter Keppy.  Tales of the Southeast Asia's Jazz Age: Filipinos,
Indonesians and Popular Culture, 1920-1936.  Singapore  National
University of Singapore Press, 2019.  xiii + 269 pp.  $36.00 (paper),
ISBN 978-981-3250-51-2.

Reviewed by Jorge Bayona (University of Washington, Seattle)
Published on H-Asia (June, 2020)
Commissioned by Bradley C. Davis

Peter Keppy is a senior researcher at the NIOD Institute for War,
Holocaust and Genocide Studies, where he studies revolutions and
nation building in the twentieth century. While some of his previous
work has focused on issues of compensation for war victims in
Indonesia and the Philippines, he has also written previously on
matters of popular music in Southeast Asia, having co-authored
_Popular music in Southeast Asia: Banal Beats, Muted Histories_
(2017) alongside Bart Barendregt and Henk Schulte Nordholt. In _Tales
of Southeast Asia's Jazz Age_, Keppy brings to bear an impressive
amount of primary source research in a remarkable array of languages
to craft a narrative of the trajectories of two major characters in
popular music and theater in maritime Southeast Asia: Luis Borromeo
in the Philippines and Miss Riboet in Indonesia. Meticulously sourced
and clearly presented, Keppy's book gives an insight into how his
protagonists articulated a popular culture that engaged with some of
the political and social issues of the day until their ultimate
eclipse as a result of the Great Depression, competition from
"talkies," and political developments surrounding nationalism.

Keppy frontloads the theory in his book, presenting the concepts of
pop cosmopolitanism (a socially broad taste for international pop
culture), popular modernity("modernity" as advanced by non-elite
sectors of society), and participatory pop (whereby audiences play an
important role in the shaping of popular culture). Making use of
these foundations, the author argues that "Luis Borromeo and Miss
Riboet were pivotal actors, who helped create a pop cosmopolitanism
and popular modernity in their respective colonial societies, but
whose social cultural positions and significance were misunderstood
and ignored by contemporaries in the metropolises of America and
Europe" (p. 8). In this sense, they both participate in the shaping
of an "in-between culture" (p. 7). Although the ensuing chapters do
not engage in further theoretical disquisitions, the theoretical
guideposts established by Keppy early in the book continue to inform
his writing throughout. Thus, while the inclusion of the word "tales"
in the title may suggest a collection of amusing--yet perhaps not
altogether momentous--stories, Keppy's book does have a point to make
about the trajectory of pop culture in a colonial context in
continuous flux.

Although Keppy seeks to compare and connect the trajectories of his
two main characters, rather than organize his book around thematic
chapters in which specific aspects of both are contrasted, he instead
dedicates separate chapters to each. Chapters 2 to 6 focus on Luis
Borromeo, a Filipino vaudeville musician and impresario who in the
1920s and 1930s successfully created an in-between kind of popular
theater that blended American musical styles with local tastes and
patriotic desires. Chapters 7-10 are dedicated to Miss Riboet, an
Indonesian opera singer who, together with her husband Tio Tek Djien
Jr., became a popular icon by innovating in the genre of vernacular
theater by introducing topical commentary, and eventually bringing it
colonial respectability at the cost of losing its nationalistic
appeal. The result of this organization of the book is a clearer
trajectory for each character, which could have become muddled in a
more comparative approach. Although the structure is mostly
narrative, his writing is inflected by the questions he asks of one
case on the basis of previous scholarship on the other; he uses
discussions of cultural hybridity originating from scholarship on
Indonesia to interrogate the case of Luis Borromeo, and conversations
of cultural appropriation and resistance arising from scholarship on
the Philippines to interrogate the case of Miss Riboet.

Keppy's research is built upon an impressive variety of primary
sources. Not only has he consulted periodicals from numerous cities
in the Philippines and Indonesia, he has also studied audio
recordings and musical scores from the time 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Slavery]: Pasierowska on Aidoo, 'Slavery Unseen: Sex, Power, and Violence in Brazilian History'

2020-06-03 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: June 3, 2020 at 1:30:11 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Slavery]:  Pasierowska on Aidoo, 'Slavery Unseen: 
> Sex, Power, and Violence in Brazilian History'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Lamonte Aidoo.  Slavery Unseen: Sex, Power, and Violence in Brazilian 
> History.  Latin America Otherwise Series. Durham  Duke University 
> Press, 2018.  272 pp.  $26.95 (paper), ISBN 978-0-8223-7129-8; $99.95 
> (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8223-7116-8.
> 
> Reviewed by Rachael Pasierowska (Rice University)
> Published on H-Slavery (June, 2020)
> Commissioned by Andrew J. Kettler
> 
> Power and control are the central themes that drive Lamonte Aidoo's 
> captivating study, which explores the many multifaceted components of 
> sex from within Brazilian slavery. By employing a wide variety of 
> sources from travelers' narratives to legal records, _ Slavery 
> Unseen: Sex, Power, and Violence in Brazilian History_ argues that 
> interracial sex played a crucial role in the formation and evolution 
> of racial exceptionalism. Moreover, Aidoo purports that the practice 
> of sex between blacks and whites enabled a crossing--and at times 
> even erasure--of racial barriers, ultimately demonstrating how race 
> in Brazil could be and was in a constant state of movement and 
> transcendence. 
> 
> Through sex and its respective activities, both black and white, 
> slave and free, male and female, Brazilians created a complex milieu 
> that portrayed both free blacks and enslaved blacks as licentious and 
> dangerous personages. Aidoo shows how this image prevailed regardless 
> of whether blacks were the victims in such acts. Thus, we see how 
> sexual power allowed white men to retain a masculine identity, in 
> juxtaposition to black males who often found themselves stripped of 
> the stereotypical male identity through white exploitation. 
> 
> Furthermore, he illustrates how white slave mistresses might exploit 
> the bodies of black women through prostitution or even sexual 
> activities between mistress and slave in the private sphere. In so 
> doing, white slave mistresses attained a level of agency that was 
> often denied them in nineteenth-century Brazilian society, in 
> addition to economic profits resulting from slave prostitution. 
> Concluding with later twentieth-century depictions of the slave Xica 
> da Silva, Aidoo demonstrates how the legacy of slavery and the sexual 
> victimization in conjunction with the exploitation of black bodies 
> persisted for over a century following the abolition of Brazilian 
> slavery in 1888. Both a film and a later telenovela show the enslaved 
> Xica da Silva as a willing actor and participant in interracial 
> sexual intercourse with her master, which as a consequence masked the 
> brutal violence of rape. 
> 
> The extent of Aidoo's research is laudable and demonstrates the great 
> amount of work this project entailed: the primary source material is 
> extensive, comprising imagery, Inquisition records and trial scripts, 
> popular literature, medical literature, and travel narratives, among 
> others. Through reading these sources in conjunction with one another 
> we get a detailed depiction of sexual relations in Brazil in the 
> nineteenth century, which gives the reader an objective and nuanced 
> understanding of such rapports. By studying sources together, the 
> author is able to tease out the voices of the victims who were often 
> invisible actors and unable to resist the brutalities thrust upon 
> them. Regarding secondary sources, Aidoo exemplifies a great level of 
> familiarity with Brazilian scholarship, such as the work of Gilberto 
> Freyre, among others, and creates a study that is rich in sources and 
> engages with both primary and secondary literature in a way that is 
> consistent and praiseworthy. 
> 
> _Slavery Unseen_ goes beyond typical studies of power and sexual 
> violence by moving away from the quintessential master and enslaved 
> female dialectic. Thus, we learn about the sexual abuse of male 
> slaves, the complex relationships between Brazilian white mistresses 
> and enslaved women, sexual violence among blacks both slave and free, 
> and finally, homosexual intercourse between black males. Although the 
> author sets out that this study is not wholly comparative in nature, 
> _Slavery Unseen_ draws many parallels between the study of sexuality 
> and sexual relations 

[Marxism] The Ethics of Police Murder Video Exhibition: Democratizing The News Feed, Re-Traumatizing The Survivors, Or Both? - CounterPunch.org

2020-06-03 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://www.counterpunch.org/2020/06/03/the-ethics-of-police-murder-video-exhibition-democratizing-the-news-feed-re-traumatizing-the-survivors-or-both/#gsc.tab=0


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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-FedHist]: Hartmann on Han, 'Advising Nixon: The White House Memos of Patrick J. Buchanan'

2020-06-02 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Wed, May 27, 2020 at 5:34 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-FedHist]: Hartmann on Han, 'Advising Nixon: The
White House Memos of Patrick J. Buchanan'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Lori Cox Han.  Advising Nixon: The White House Memos of Patrick J.
Buchanan.  Lawrence  University Press of Kansas, 2019.  400 pp.
$39.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-7006-2829-2.

Reviewed by Susan M. Hartmann (The Ohio State University)
Published on H-FedHist (May, 2020)
Commissioned by Caryn E. Neumann

Born in 1938 and with degrees from Georgetown University and Columbia
University School of Journalism, Patrick Buchanan worked for the _St.
Louis Globe-Democrat _until 1966, when he joined Richard Nixon's
presidential campaign and followed him into the White House as a
speechwriter and political strategist until the president's
resignation in August 1974. In this volume, political scientist and
presidential scholar Lori Cox Han has collected 135 of the hundreds
of memos Buchanan wrote during his tenure. The memos provide valuable
insights into political strategists' work, the ways the press covered
the Nixon administration, and the views and actions of a variety of
conservatives.

Most importantly, the book examines Buchanan's contributions to the
reshaping of conservatism and the Republican Party. He recommended
that the president concentrate on wooing Catholics, ethnic groups,
and working-class voters and abjure any efforts to court African
Americans and Jews (though in the 1972 reelection campaign he
displayed flexibility in a memo outlining how Nixon could appeal to
Jewish voters). Buchanan urged Nixon to downplay economic issues and
focus on such inflammatory topics as abortion, pornography, aid to
parochial schools, crime, school busing, and attacks on the "the
establishment." He closely monitored conservatives, seeking to keep
them faithful as Nixon pursued what Buchanan felt were ill-advised
efforts, such as the family assistance plan, environmental reforms,
and the opening to China.

These memos also illuminate how political operatives did their jobs.
Buchanan meticulously reported on individual reporters and their
platforms, suggesting ways to feed supportive media and discredit
critics. He scrutinized the words and records of potential
challengers to Nixon's reelection and suggested how to upend them.
While there is no indication that Buchanan was connected to any of
the events surrounding Watergate, he recommended a variety of
measures to cripple a centrist Democratic candidate, including
offering millions of dollars from Nixon's media budget to sow
disunity among Democrats.

This book will appeal to readers interested in Nixon as a politician,
in the rise and remaking of conservatism, and in Buchanan himself,
who continues to be a voice of the right long after his tenure in the
White House. The more general reader would have benefited from more
substantial annotation, since there are many references to people or
events unfamiliar to non-Nixon specialists. Nor do readers have
access to the outcomes of these memos. Which ones were heeded and
which were not? In a plug for a more expansive position just after
the 1972 reelection, Buchanan himself complained about his distance
from decision-making. While several memos outline strategies to deal
with the Watergate crisis, the very last one was written in May 1974,
months before Nixon resigned. In that memo, Buchanan insisted that
the president must not resign, leaving the reader to wonder what the
political strategist was telling Nixon in July and the early days of
August.

Citation: Susan M. Hartmann. Review of Han, Lori Cox, _Advising
Nixon: The White House Memos of Patrick J. Buchanan_. H-FedHist,
H-Net Reviews. May, 2020.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55128

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States
License.




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Andrew Stewart
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[Marxism] [UCE] Knock It Off Gina Raimondo: Decarcerate Now! | Washington Babylon

2020-05-28 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://washingtonbabylon.com/raimondo-decarcerate-now/


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Re: [Marxism] Dipping my toe into Nordic Noir.

2020-05-18 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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A BBC doc on Swedish noir

https://youtu.be/RiwObVhyoc8

-- 
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart

Message: 2
Date: Mon, 18 May 2020 08:13:19 -0400
From: Louis Proyect 
To: Daniel Lindvall via Marxism 
Subject: Re: [Marxism] Dipping my toe into Nordic Noir.
Message-ID: <5240c706-f7bb-2170-215d-215c50ab7...@panix.com>
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=utf-8; format=flowed

On 5/18/20 2:03 AM, Daniel Lindvall via Marxism wrote:
> The politics of the ten Beck novels by Sj?wall & Wahl?? tend to become
more obvious as the series progresses. If you don?t feel like reading all
ten in chronological order, but want to give them one more chance, I
suggest you skip to ?The Abominable Man? (the 7th book, published in 1971).
You could also search out the film based on this story, ?The Man on the
Roof? (1976, directed by Sweden?s greatest director of the second half of
the 20th century, Bo Widerberg).

I went through the trouble to have his "Adalen 31" digitized and put on
Youtube. From the introduction to the film on my blog:

After a number of false starts, I was finally able to upload Bo
Widerberg?s ?Adalen 31? to Youtube, a film that I saw when it came out
in 1969 and that has lingered in my memory all these years. The title is
a reference to a general strike in the Adalen district by paper mill
workers in 1931 that led to the first in a series of Social Democratic
governments that for many people defined the word socialism. What I took
away from the film, besides its stunning artistic power, was the idea
that there was a dialectical relationship between revolutionary struggle
and reform. If not for the four men and one young girl who were shot
down in the village of Lunde on May 14, 1931, it is altogether possible
that the modern Scandinavian welfare state never would have been born.

https://louisproyect.org/2015/04/15/adalen-31/
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[Marxism] Ethan Hawke as John Brown in ‘The Good Lord Bird’ is Disgusting | Washington Babylon

2020-05-18 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://washingtonbabylon.com/john-brown-good-lord-bird-preview-gross/


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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]: Pente on Kulikoff, 'Abraham Lincoln and Karl Marx in Dialogue'

2020-05-17 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: May 17, 2020 at 2:13:47 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]:  Pente on Kulikoff, 'Abraham Lincoln 
> and Karl Marx in Dialogue'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Allan Kulikoff.  Abraham Lincoln and Karl Marx in Dialogue.  New York 
> Oxford University Press, 2018.  150 pp.  $99.00 (cloth), ISBN 
> 978-0-19-084464-6; $18.95 (paper), ISBN 978-0-19-021080-9.
> 
> Reviewed by Graeme Pente (University of Colorado Boulder)
> Published on H-Socialisms (May, 2020)
> Commissioned by Gary Roth
> 
> Lincoln and Marx
> 
> In a new installment of Oxford University Press's Dialogues in 
> History series, historian Allan Kulikoff offers carefully curated 
> primary documents to place Abraham Lincoln and Karl Marx in 
> conversation for an undergraduate audience. The documents--not only 
> speeches and letters but journal articles, maps, political cartoons, 
> illustrations, and excerpts from _Capital_ (1867)--cover a range of 
> subjects pertaining to mid-nineteenth-century political economy. 
> Lincoln and Marx address access to land, agricultural and industrial 
> labor, and, of course, slavery. Their writings also argue the purpose 
> and progress of the US Civil War, with Marx astutely penetrating to 
> the heart of the conflict from the outset despite the official 
> prevarications of the politician and lawyer Lincoln. 
> 
> Kulikoff contrasts the two men's views throughout the book. He 
> emphasizes that both advocated the supremacy of labor. Lincoln, 
> however, remained within the Jeffersonian limit of providing land to 
> every white male citizen as a precondition of his competency. 
> Conversely, Marx saw the destruction of more blatantly coercive forms 
> of labor as a necessary prerequisite to the emancipation of workers 
> everywhere, which explains why he and Friedrich Engels followed 
> developments in the US war so closely. Kulikoff also shows the bind 
> in which Lincoln found himself, waging a "constitutional war" before 
> the Emancipation Proclamation finally made it a revolutionary one. 
> Typically, Marx recognized the central role of labor regimes in the 
> struggle. In October 1861, the foreign correspondent for the _New 
> York Tribune_ explained to readers that though "the North professed 
> to fight for the Union, the South gloried in rebellion for the 
> supremacy of Slavery" (p. 55). Placing Lincoln and Marx in 
> conversation is not simply a useful conceit of Kulikoff's invention. 
> Marx did write to Lincoln directly on behalf of the recently founded 
> International Workingmen's Association at the end of 1864 to 
> congratulate the president on his reelection (the American ambassador 
> Charles Francis Adams issued the official reply in January 1865). 
> This remarkable exchange barely merits treatment in the numerous 
> recent biographies of Marx around the bicentennial of his birth. Yet 
> it adds a further historical connection to the worthwhile comparison 
> Kulikoff draws between these two important figures. 
> 
> In emphasizing how closely observers abroad--and Marx, in 
> particular--monitored the US Civil War, Kulikoff consciously follows 
> the efforts of Robin Blackburn in _Marx and Lincoln_ (2011) and Don 
> H. Doyle in his excellent treatment of the competition between the 
> United States and the Confederacy for support from European powers in 
> _The Cause of All Nations _(2015). Kulikoff offers a briefer account 
> with a greater variety of documents than Blackburn, who appends the 
> full text of a few speeches and articles of Lincoln and Marx to his 
> lengthy introduction. As a collection aimed at undergraduate 
> students, Kulikoff's book can serve as a starting point for 
> discussion of the international context of the Civil War. It reminds 
> us that the 1860s were a decade of state building, with 
> internationalism, republicanism, and radicalism circulating in 
> transatlantic discourses. Veterans of the revolutions of 1848 
> populated both sides of the North Atlantic; Lajos Kossuth and 
> Giuseppe Garibaldi became celebrity revolutionaries; and Italians, 
> Germans, and Poles waged war or revolted in attempts to establish 
> nation-states. Kulikoff's book helps bring the US Civil War back into 
> this broader context. 
> 
> Another striking element of Kulikoff's collection is the prescience 
> of much of Marx's analysis of American conditions. His insights point 
> the way to an 

[Marxism] Genocidal Gina: How Rhode Island Governor Sacrificed Humanitarian Credibility to Appease GOP Crackpots | Washington Babylon

2020-05-14 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://washingtonbabylon.com/gina-genocidal/


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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Slavery]: Strauch on Boles, 'Jefferson: Architect of American Liberty' and Riley, 'Slavery and the Democratic Conscience: Political Life in Jeffersonian America'

2020-05-13 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Andrew Stewart 
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Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: May 13, 2020 at 5:00:02 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Slavery]:  Strauch on Boles, 'Jefferson: Architect 
> of American Liberty' and Riley, 'Slavery and the Democratic Conscience: 
> Political Life in Jeffersonian America'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> John B. Boles.  Jefferson: Architect of American Liberty.  New York  
> Basic Books, 2017.  640 pp.  $35.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-465-09468-4.
> 
> Padraig Riley.  Slavery and the Democratic Conscience: Political Life 
> in Jeffersonian America.  Philadelphia  University of Pennsylvania 
> Press, 2016.  328 pp.  $47.50 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8122-4749-7.
> 
> Reviewed by Tara Strauch (Centre College)
> Published on H-Slavery (May, 2020)
> Commissioned by David M. Prior
> 
> Despite the vast scholarship on Jefferson and Jeffersonian ideology, 
> historians struggle to understand Jefferson while often assuming that 
> his political followers and challengers had less complicated ideas 
> about race and slavery. In that sense, John Boles's _Jefferson: 
> Architect of American Liberty_ and Padraig Riley's _Slavery and the 
> Democratic Conscience; Political Life in Jeffersonian America _make 
> an interesting comparison. For both Riley and Boles, Jefferson had a 
> cohesive idea of liberty built around his personal beliefs about 
> slavery. Boles's biography of Jefferson examines him as a stateman 
> devoted to creating a government based on that idea of liberty while 
> Riley's monograph follows Jefferson's political vision compared to 
> those of his followers. 
> 
> Both authors believe that antebellum white Americans knew slavery to 
> be absolutely immoral. Boles assumes that Jefferson wanted to end 
> slavery; he states that in his younger years Jefferson "dared not 
> attack the institution [of slavery] head on" but that he continually 
> thought about legislation that would move Virginia and the nation 
> toward abolition (p. 28). Riley assumes that white northern 
> Jeffersonians accepted slavery as a moral wrong and thus "present a 
> very different intellectual problem from that posed by a slaveholder 
> who believed in universal human freedom yet could not free his 
> slaves" (p. 2). In their political calculations, however, federal 
> happiness was more important than arguments about slavery. Riley's 
> conclusion sits uneasily next to Boles's biography. "In many 
> respects," Riley observes, "the outcome of Jeffersonian democracy, 
> whether one deems it logical or not, was an egalitarian community of 
> white men who protected their own interests by accommodating slavery; 
> doing so required, as southerners made clear, an investment in white 
> supremacy" (p. 251). The Jefferson Boles describes would have been 
> both saddened and unsurprised by this conclusion. 
> 
> Boles's biography is well written and constructed; this biography is 
> largely about Jefferson's public life and Jefferson's political 
> contributions are central to the narrative. At times, it is not even 
> Jefferson himself but his legal writing that takes center stage. 
> Boles's analysis of Jefferson's prose is informative and points to 
> Jefferson's crucial role in the creation of the American republic. 
> Jefferson's early years are described in a concise but interesting 
> manner that emphasizes his tenuous hold on Virginian aristocracy. As 
> he is drawn into the politics of the British colonies, we see 
> Jefferson balancing his desire to shape Virginia along with his 
> desire to participate in the new political life of the Continental 
> Congress. 
> 
> Even as Jefferson moves to France, Boles describes him as having a 
> clear and consistent vision of what the American government could and 
> should become. Like other biographers, Boles credits Jefferson's time 
> in France with sharpening his love of country and republican 
> government. His stay in France also further cements his deep-seated 
> fear of monarchy. After his return to America and his installation in 
> Washington's cabinet, Boles turns to the complicated personal 
> politics of the federal government in the 1790s. Here, Jefferson 
> appears as a skilled and accomplished politician whose egalitarian 
> vision of America is constantly challenged by high Federalists and 
> partisan politics. 
> 
> Boles credits John Adams's fraught presidency with creating 
> Jefferson's views on that office and sees Jefferson's own terms, at 
> 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-War]: Pratt on Granatstein and Oliver, 'The Oxford Companion to Canadian Military History'

2020-05-07 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Thu, May 7, 2020 at 9:32 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-War]: Pratt on Granatstein and Oliver, 'The Oxford
Companion to Canadian Military History'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


J. L. Granatstein, Dean F. Oliver.  The Oxford Companion to Canadian
Military History.  Don Mills, Ont.  Oxford University Press, 2011.
xiii + 514 pp.  $74.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-19-543088-2.

Reviewed by William J. Pratt (University of Calgary)
Published on H-War (May, 2020)
Commissioned by Margaret Sankey

The long-running Oxford Companion series aims to provide reference
works on every conceivable topic from English literature (1932) to
cheese (2016). The volume on Canadian military history consists of
more than five hundred alphabetical entries ranging from brief
one-paragraph blurbs on individual soldiers, weapons, or battles, to
longer essays on significant figures and broader themes. Many entries
end with cross-references to related topics and offer suggested
readings. The handsome volume includes 250 illustrations, featuring
previously unpublished photographs, color paintings, and maps,
presenting an attractive addition to either the coffee table or the
library reference section.

While the _Oxford Companion to American Military History_ (1999) had
five hundred contributors, this volume has two: Jack Granatstein and
Dean Oliver. The historians were both affiliated with the Canadian
War Museum when they wrote this book and acknowledged the
contributions from staff (p. xi). Published as a co-production
between Oxford University Press and the museum, the work is an
example of the long-standing support that Canadian military history
has enjoyed from the War Museum. In the realm of academic publishing,
the institution has contributed funds and editorial support to the
Studies in Canadian Military History series by the University of
British Columbia Press and to _Canadian Military History, _the
leading journal in the field. Many of the captivating illustrations
were sourced from the museum's archives.

Reviewers of works on warfare in the Oxford Companion series have
questioned the worth of one-volume encyclopedic subject dictionaries.
American military historian Russell Weigley suggested that with
extensive digital information a mere click away, the space
constraints of this format seem obsolescent.[1] This critique is only
partially applicable to this volume. While the online _Canadian
Encyclopedia_ and the _Dictionary of Canadian Biography_ cover some
of the most commonly known aspects of Canada's martial past just as
well or in greater detail, on the other hand, figures who lived after
the Second World War and many of the lesser-known events and
organizations are covered more completely here. British historian
Simon Ball suggested the companion idea is "fatally flawed" in that
contents often fall inadequately between brief entries with condensed
descriptive information and essays surveying broad themes from lofty
heights.[2] Whatever the potential pitfalls of the format, this
volume on Canadian military history was well received. The book won
the distinguished C. P. Stacey Prize for best book in Canadian
military history.

A number of entries deliver the bare facts on topics big and small.
These will please the detail-oriented military buff, and the writer,
editor, or public historian using the work as a fact-checking
reference. The short essay entries are of greater interest. Some take
the long view on various and, at times, novel themes (Canadian
alliances; military language; national interests; Quebec and the
military) or provide balanced overviews of complex topics, often
providing international context (Battle of the Atlantic; Cold War;
home front, war finance, and war industry in the world wars; Korean
War). An entry on casualties examines problems in quantification,
politicization, and nationalism. Others offer historiographical
insight into the lack of military biography or autobiography in
Canada, the controversy over Canadian participation in strategic
bombing, and the development of Canadian military history as a field.
Beginning in 2012, several of these essays were published as
stand-alone articles in _Canadian Military History_ and are now
available free online_._[3]

The authors were presented with the difficult task of selecting the
most important aspects of the field and then condensing them
according to importance. The book covers historical topics from the
colonial period, but more emphasis is given to the post-Confederation
era. Without an additional index or a table of contents, searching
for specific topics can take time. 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-War]: Carnaghi on Dodd and Lees, 'Vichy France and Everyday Life: Confronting the Challenges of Wartime, 1939-1945'

2020-05-07 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Thu, May 7, 2020 at 9:32 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-War]: Carnaghi on Dodd and Lees, 'Vichy France and
Everyday Life: Confronting the Challenges of Wartime, 1939-1945'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Lindsey Dodd, David Lees, eds.  Vichy France and Everyday Life:
Confronting the Challenges of Wartime, 1939-1945.  London  Bloomsbury
Academic, 2018.  264 pp.  $39.95 (paper), ISBN 978-1-350-14379-1;
$120.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-350-01159-5.

Reviewed by Benedetta Carnaghi (Cornell University)
Published on H-War (May, 2020)
Commissioned by Margaret Sankey

"My God! What is this country doing to me?" cries a shocked Irène
Némirovsky in one of the handwritten notes collected in the appendix
of _Suite Française_.[1] Her country, France, rejected her when it
became Vichy France. She was of Jewish origin, so she was arrested as
a Jew under the racial laws that Vichy France implemented.

Vichy France _is_ its everyday life: its traumatic impact on the
French population, coping with unwanted occupiers and contradictory
propaganda. Némirovsky's manuscript is but one of the many
historical documents attesting to life after France's defeat in 1940
and the ensuing German occupation. Michel Foucault described it as
"waiting for the dawn."[2] Lindsey Dodd and David Lees's _Vichy
France and Everyday Life_, the outcome of a one-day conference they
organized at the University of Warwick in March 2016, chooses to
study this historical moment from the standpoint of "less well-known
people (and indeed unknown people)" (p. 5).

This work is a welcome addition to other microhistorical efforts to
address Vichy France through its people's experiences and emotions.
The authors of the book teach us something very important about
agency: they argue that "human emotion" is worth studying as "a
driver of historical change" (p. 9)--in particular, the emotions of
"unimportant, ordinary and historically anonymous people." The
authors also underline, following Michel de Certeau and Benedict
Anderson's scholarship, that the everyday experience cannot be
reduced to "a mirror image of an event played out on the small-scale
local level," but, rather, encompasses "the interplay between the
individual and his or her immediate society, the individual and his
or her imagined community, the individual and his or her neighbour"
(p. 10).

It is a matter of "shifting the lens" (p. 4) and "redirecting the
gaze" (p. 2), the editors argue, in an already nearly saturated
historiographical landscape. They take as inspiration Robert Gildea's
_Marianne in Chains _(2004), opposing it to Henry Rousso's _The Vichy
Syndrome_ (1994) and works that focus exclusively on "grand
narratives of resistance, collaboration, heroism and guilt" (p. 5). I
would soften the contrast, for a couple of reasons. While a top-down
approach would suggest looking strictly at the Vichy government and
at Marshal Pétain's policies, Rousso also argued for the importance
of studying the impact of the regime on French society and people.[3]
And regardless of Rousso's work, the story of the French Resistance
and of the Vichy collaboration with the Nazi regime is very much
ingrained in the daily life of ordinary people who found themselves
compelled to make a choice after the French defeat in May-June 1940.
This is the argument Guillaume Pollack, Vincent Houle, and I made in
our _Frontières. Circulations, vie quotidienne, illégalités_,
issued from a conference held at the Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne
University in February 2018, showing how the establishment of new
Vichy borders after the French defeat meant disarray for the local
population.[4] The French people reacted in different ways: some
joined a resistance organization that fought for a common goal;
others chose to collaborate with the Nazi regime--but most people
adopted less clear-cut approaches in the gray zone between these two
opposites.

Dodd and Lees's edited volume, like Vichy itself, could be summarized
as a conflict between people's emotions and the regime's propaganda.
Resistance to the latter came from unexpected places. Children (the
protagonists of Camille Mahé's, Matthieu Devigne's, and Lindsey
Dodd's essays) fought the regime's propaganda on their playgrounds
and proved to be much less malleable than Marshal Pétain thought
them to be. They were at the center of the rhetoric of his National
Revolution, but Vichy's toys--idealizing the marshal as France's
savior and conveying the only "true values" of the French
state--became increasingly impossible to afford. So, most children
played without the government-mandated toys, expressing 

[Marxism] Don’t Believe Former Amazon VP/ICE Collaborator Tim Bray’s Grift | Washington Babylon

2020-05-07 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://washingtonbabylon.com/tim-bray-grift/


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Andrew Stewart 
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[Marxism] SURJ Public Zoom Meeting: AMOR Stimulus Check Redistribution

2020-05-06 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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DATE: Saturday May 9 2020
TIME: 3:30 PM-4:30 PM
TOPIC: AMOR Stimulus Check Resource Redistribution

The Alliance to Mobilize Our Resistance (AMOR) Coalition has been active in
the Greater Providence BIPOC community supporting communities encountering
police state violence since the 2016 election. Organizations involved
include Direct Action for Rights and Equality (DARE), Providence Youth
Student Movement (PrYSM), The FANG Collective, Call Off Your Old Tired
Ethics RI (COYOTE, RI), Colectivo Sin Fronteras, and the Refugee Dream
Center. In the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, AMOR has developed a
large-scale mutual aid program that is delivering direct support to its
clients.

But to maintain sustainability, they need your help!

In partnership with this project, allies of AMOR have come together to
develop a CARES Act stimulus check pledge program. We are soliciting
donations from beneficiaries of the program to redistribute monies to those
who are less fortunate and may not have access to the stimulus or other
benefit programs like TDI or unemployment insurance. Whether you can
contribute $5 or $500, every little bit counts.

Register at 

Want to participate but unable to join the Zoom meeting?
Visit  and pledge today!

Facebook Event Page: https://www.facebook.com/events/577236096241284
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[Marxism] Subject: W.E.B. Du Bois: A New Book on The Life of a Radical Scholar: *W.E.B. Du Bois: A Life in American History*, by Charisse Burden-Stelly and Gerald Horne | J. T. Roane | AAIHS

2020-05-04 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Certainly understand the feelings around Levering Lewis. However, in
defense of the authors, Horne wrote an important monograph in 1985, several
years before LL, about the Cold War persecution of Du Bois titled "Black
and Red: W. E. B. Du Bois and the Afro-American Response to the Cold War,
1944-1963." While I have admittedly not read LL's work, my impression is
that there is a certain anti-Communist in places, though I might be
incorrect.
-- 
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart

Message: 3
Date: Mon, 4 May 2020 08:05:15 -0500
From: Kevin Lindemann and Cathy Campo 
To: marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu
Subject: [Marxism] W.E.B. Du Bois: A New Book on The Life of a Radical
Scholar: *W.E.B. Du Bois: A Life in American History*, by Charisse
Burden-Stelly and Gerald Horne | J. T. Roane | AAIHS
Message-ID: <14122b70-bbfe-4148-bfe9-06dd219ff...@earthlink.net>
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=utf-8

?
https://www.aaihs.org/w-e-b-du-bois-a-new-book-on-the-life-of-a-radical-scholar/


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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]: Nepa on Kahrl, 'Free the Beaches: The Story of Ned Coll and the Battle for America's Most Exclusive Shoreline'

2020-05-03 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: May 3, 2020 at 7:47:45 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]:  Nepa on Kahrl, 'Free the Beaches: The 
> Story of Ned Coll and the Battle for America's Most Exclusive Shoreline'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Andrew W. Kahrl.  Free the Beaches: The Story of Ned Coll and the 
> Battle for America's Most Exclusive Shoreline.  New Haven  Yale 
> University Press, 2018.  376 pp.  $28.00 (cloth), ISBN 
> 978-0-300-21514-4.
> 
> Reviewed by Stephen E. Nepa (Temple University)
> Published on H-Socialisms (May, 2020)
> Commissioned by Gary Roth
> 
> Beaches Belong to the People!
> 
> In May 2018, Edward T. "Ned" Coll sat for an interview in his rural 
> Connecticut home. Wearing an oversized corduroy blazer, rumpled 
> shirt, and sporting a white beard, the 77-year-old activist spoke 
> wistfully of his founding in 1964 of Revitalization Corps (RC). 
> Inspired by the Kennedy administration's call on young Americans for 
> civic engagement, the Hartford-based RC functioned as a 
> "citizen-sponsored Peace Corps" and offered a range of social welfare 
> programs, from scholastic tutoring to heating oil delivery. In 
> then-fragile health, Coll went on to discuss his recent "God 
> Activism"--a blend of his devout Catholic faith and still 
> unquenchable thirst for a fight--and hailed himself "a prophet." A 
> local news site commented that while Coll attempted to mount a 
> political comeback, "current events suggest it hasn't caught on, but 
> one certainly wishes him well."[1] 
> 
> In _Free the Beaches: The Story of Ned Coll and the Battle for 
> America's Most Exclusive Shoreline_, Andrew W. Kahrl resurrects a 
> story few people outside of Connecticut may recall. During the 1970s, 
> Coll made headlines staging "invasions" of the state's Gold Coast by 
> bussing to its beaches dozens of children from Hartford's black and 
> impoverished North End. The children, many of whom had never seen the 
> ocean, and Coll faced immediate hostility from affluent (and 
> overwhelmingly white) residents who claimed the beach as private 
> property. In exposing Connecticut's structural racism and challenging 
> politicians who upheld those property claims as inviolate, Coll's 
> "war for the shore" was waged against not just exclusion but the 
> "white liberal apathy" he thought guilty of perpetuating that 
> exclusion (p. 118). The author places this war amidst the maelstrom 
> of the urban crisis, environmental pollution, and the vicious racial 
> divisions of postwar America. But at the center of the story is Coll, 
> a white former insurance executive who after President Kennedy's 
> assassination quit his job, drained his bank account, and devoted 
> himself to promoting social justice. RC operated nationally at its 
> height, even prompting Coll into a quixotic run for president in 
> 1972. By the Reagan years, RC (and Coll) had virtually disappeared. 
> Through it all, his commitment inspired several. He alienated many 
> others. As for those coveting the Gold Coast shoreline, Kahrl 
> laments, "mostly they tried to ignore him. Today, they try to forget 
> him" (p. 8). 
> 
> Kahrl's earlier work examined black coastal landownership in the 
> South, and _Free the Beaches_ contributes further to historical 
> scholarship centering on race, class, and recreational spaces.[2] It 
> also moves the field's geographic scope beyond the Sun Belt region 
> examined by many previous studies.[3] Connecticut makes for a 
> compelling case. By 1950, 80 percent of the state's coastal acreage 
> lay in private hands. Although beaches themselves were public domain, 
> residents and their political allies for decades passed ordinances 
> that impeded access for nonresidents and "undesirable" visitors. 
> Homeowners fortified their beach frontage with jetties, groins, and 
> walls. Those practices formed what the author terms a "sand curtain" 
> separating gilded towns like Madison, Greenwich, and Old Saybrook 
> from decaying industrial cities such as New Haven, Bridgeport, and 
> Hartford. Meanwhile, poor families of color saw recreational 
> opportunities limited to opened fire hydrants, unkempt parks, and 
> polluted urban waterways. One of the most egregious examples was 
> Hartford's South Brook Park River, the so-called river of tears in 
> which several children drowned while swimming. Many well-to-do 
> residents professed concern over such 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-California]: Malka on Ryan, 'Taking the Land to Make the City: A Bicoastal History of North America'

2020-05-03 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
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*



Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: May 3, 2020 at 9:24:41 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-California]:  Malka on Ryan, 'Taking the Land to 
> Make the City: A Bicoastal History of North America'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Mary P. Ryan.  Taking the Land to Make the City: A Bicoastal History 
> of North America.  Austin  University of Texas Press, 2019.  
> Illustrations. 448 pp.  $40.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-4773-1783-9.
> 
> Reviewed by Adam Malka (University of Oklahoma)
> Published on H-California (May, 2020)
> Commissioned by Khal Schneider
> 
> In this conceptually ambitious history of pre-Civil War Baltimore and 
> San Francisco, Mary P. Ryan seeks to understand what the history of 
> these two cities can reveal about the history of the American nation 
> of which they were both, eventually, a part. I say "ambitious" 
> because in the broadest sense Ryan advances several broad 
> historiographical arguments on the importance of urban history to 
> North American history: that large municipalities nurtured democracy 
> no less than did the supposed rugged individuals of the agricultural 
> frontier; that it was in cosmopolitan centers where capitalism was 
> propelled and, in occasionally surprising ways, altered; and that 
> metropolises like Baltimore and San Francisco provide an entirely 
> different vantage point to understand the political geography of the 
> Civil War era. But above all, this is a book about the simultaneous 
> making of cities and the formation of the United States, and about 
> how the two were often one and the same. For in Ryan's hands, cities 
> were more than mere sites where the US nation formed. They were, 
> perhaps, the essential sites. 
> 
> Ryan organizes _Taking the Land to Make the City _into four sections. 
> Part 1 looks at the geographic practices of the indigenous people who 
> inhabited the Chesapeake and San Francisco Bays for several thousand 
> years before European contact--the ancestors of the Powhatans and the 
> Ohlone, respectively--and then narrates how the English and Spanish 
> (again, respectively) took the land and began converting it into 
> individual parcels of private property. The brutal European 
> expropriation of Indian land did not produce the cities of Baltimore 
> and San Francisco immediately, but it did establish the social, 
> economic, and political foundations upon which such city making could 
> proceed. Part 2 then moves into the heart of Ryan's story, describing 
> how settlers during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth 
> centuries began to produce their urban spaces. Along the Chesapeake, 
> a mixture of public and private actors worked together, sometimes 
> tensely and other times harmoniously, to build the row houses, 
> impressive monuments, and orthogonal streets that characterize 
> Baltimore to this day. Meanwhile, around the bay of San Francisco, 
> _pobladores_ (settlers) like Francisco de Haro created what Ryan 
> calls "a new and distinctive landscape, one that extended out into 
> ranchland, came together around a plaza, and acquired the legitimacy 
> of a pueblo" (p. 173). Although they took different paths, and 
> although they drew from different geographic traditions, the local 
> inhabitants of these blossoming cities practiced a popular form of 
> self-government that had "lasting consequences" for both the Mexican 
> and US republics (p. 127). 
> 
> The second half of the book examines the rise of Baltimore and San 
> Francisco as modern, capitalist metropolises. Part 3, which consists 
> of two of the book's most fascinating chapters, narrates how by the 
> 1850s each city came to resemble the other in terms of power and 
> size. The paths they took, however, diverged. Baltimore's tale 
> involved an energetic municipality allied with an ever-growing 
> private sector: "as private corporations claimed their private rights 
> and privileges, the mayor, city council, and taxpayers were left with 
> a growing burden of public responsibilities" (p. 256). San 
> Francisco's tale, meanwhile, grew out of the US annexation of Alta 
> California, the Gold Rush, and the frantic land grab that followed. 
> The end result of all this rushing and all this grabbing was a 
> distinctly Californian urban landscape, one that did not replicate 
> Baltimore's grid so much as it wrote "a pattern of blocks, lots, and 
> an occasional public square" down the peninsula and toward 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Environment]: Kredell on Seymour, 'Bad Environmentalism: Irony and Irreverence in the Ecological Age'

2020-05-01 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
#1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message.
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*



Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: May 1, 2020 at 2:08:29 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Environment]:  Kredell on Seymour, 'Bad 
> Environmentalism: Irony and Irreverence in the Ecological Age'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Nicole Seymour.  Bad Environmentalism: Irony and Irreverence in the 
> Ecological Age.  Minneapolis  University of Minnesota Press, 2018.  
> 316 pp.  $26.95 (paper), ISBN 978-1-5179-0389-3.
> 
> Reviewed by Jack Kredell (University of Idaho)
> Published on H-Environment (May, 2020)
> Commissioned by Daniella McCahey
> 
> Mainstream Western environmental culture--_March of the Penguins_ 
> (2005), Sierra Club ad campaigns, Al Gore's _An Inconvenient Truth_ 
> (2006), _National Geographic Explorer_ (2015) and _Hostile Planet_ 
> (2019), the BBC's _Planet Earth_ (2006) and _Blue Planet_ (2001) 
> series, Netflix's _Our Planet_ (2019)--has a tendency to operate from 
> a position of moral and intellectual superiority, reinforced by 
> definitions of the more-than-human environment that tend to be 
> spatially "superior" as well--pristine geographies that select for 
> wild plants and animals but which exclude our messy urban and 
> suburban environments. Almost universally, these Western 
> environmentalist works rely on "serious" affective attitudes and 
> appeals--doom and gloom, guilt, shame, awe, wonder, reverence, 
> sanctimony, self-righteousness, sentimentality, expertise--that 
> reflect a discourse of moral, aesthetic, and even racial purity. In 
> response, Nicole Seymour's _Bad Environmentalism: Irony and 
> Irreverence in the Ecological Age_ offers its archive of "bad 
> environmentalism" to help dismantle the affective and ideological 
> barriers that situate the environment as our sanctified, unfunny, 
> nonhuman Other, one whose moral, ethical, and aesthetic standards we 
> fail to live up to (even as we threaten to destroy it). 
> 
> Seymour's _Bad Environmentalism_ belongs to a growing body of 
> ecocritical scholarship that analyzes the cultural production of 
> environmental affect and sensibility. Foundational to that 
> scholarship is the belief that a comprehensive and discursive 
> understanding of environmental affect can lead to a more ethical 
> engagement with the nonhuman world. However, the prescriptivist bent 
> of environmentalist discourse, with its arsenal of high-minded, 
> moralizing affects and sensibilities, is precisely how _Bad 
> Environmentalism_ wants us to break bad. With sources from "low" mass 
> culture, literary satire (Percival Everett, Sherman Alexie, and 
> Edward Abbey's _The Monkey Wrench Gang__ _[1975]), and the artistic 
> avant-garde (Isabella Rossellini's _Green Porno_ [2008], Shawna 
> Dempsey and Lori Millan's performance art project _The Lesbian 
> National Park Service_ [1997], and _Goodbye Gauley Mountain_ [2013]), 
> "bad environmentalism" is a socially and culturally diverse group of 
> environmental texts that employ non-serious affective modes and 
> behaviors, such as irony, pastiche, absurdity, camp, and playfulness. 
> By addressing the environment and environmentalism with irony and 
> irreverence, claims Seymour, "the works in my archive undercut public 
> negativity toward activism while also questioning basic environmental 
> assumptions: that reverence is required for ethical relations to the 
> nonhuman, that knowledge is key to fighting problems like climate 
> change" (p. 5). Importantly for Seymour, reflexive and non-serious 
> techniques challenge cultural assumptions about environmentalism 
> while simultaneously offering more enjoyable and relatable forms of 
> environmental affect and engagement through humor, obscenity, 
> disgust, and even arousal. Here we must take Seymour's 
> non-seriousness seriously in terms of its ethical departure from the 
> ideology of mainstream environmentalism: the notion of a reverential 
> environmentalism only reinforces the affective split or barrier 
> between, on the one hand, nature as the distant, suffering, and 
> sympathetic Other; and on the other, the near and all-to-familiar 
> thing in which our bodies--obscenely and toxically--are always 
> already enmeshed and at stake. _Bad Environmentalism_ is an attempt 
> to reach out across that barrier. Solidarity rather than knowledge 
> becomes key to fighting climate change.   
> 
> In addition to its critique of normative environmental attitudes, 
> Seymour's project doubles 

Re: [Marxism] Are the Bilderberg Group, Trilateral Commission, and Clinton Foundation Supporting #ReopenAmerica Protests? | Washington Babylon

2020-04-27 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
#1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message.
#2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived.
#3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern.
*

Also, for the record, Masko is an elite academic while I live at the
poverty line:
https://pennstate.academia.edu/jeffreymasko
-- 
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart



This from the guy who once wrote:

"POC is an invention of the radical left. I assure you, POCs do not exist
in our poverty-stricken communities or our prison system. Any
accountability is to working class communities, not the cottage industry of
social justice warriors, whether they are white middle class (mostly) women
like SURJ, or the Oakland Anti Police Terror Project (APTP). Working and
poverty class folks (including me) have no interest in following
middle-class folks, no matter what they're color is or anything else.
Accountability, like civility, is just a civilizing process to use Elias'
concept to corral the unruly."


On Mon, Apr 27, 2020 at 2:54 PM Jeffrey Masko 
wrote:

>  From Unthinking Eurocentrism by Shohat and Stam,
>
> "Racism is the stigmatizing of difference of individuals or groups In
> order to justify unfair advantage or abuse of power, whether  that
> advantage or abuse by economic, political, cultural, or psychological.-all
> groups can entertain racist opinions, but not every group enjoys the power
> to practice racism, that is to translate a racial attitude into social
> oppression, (22, 23)."
>
> When wealthy whites had other poor whites sterilized, it was the regarded
> them as genetically inferior and more closely "related" to black than
> themselves. This is the type of racism you exhibited, not some "reverse
> racism" which as shown in the above definition is about being able to enjoy
> the structural advantages of racism in addition to racist attitudes.
>
> By the way, I"m not sure I was clear, I don't support or promote the J.D.
> Vance book, but mention it because that is the position you seem to cling
> to as a way of removing yourself from "whiteness". Guess what? You are now
> more "white" than ever, slinging hate and fear at illegitimate whiteness
> won't work.
>
> On Mon, Apr 27, 2020 at 11:08 AM Andrew Stewart <
> hasc.warrior.s...@gmail.com> wrote:
>
>> Dear Mr William F Buckley Jr
>>
>> There is no such thing as reverse racism, just whiny white people. Please
>> stop trying to lecture a trans person about transphobia as if you are not a
>> vulgar Marxist who is one step away from the Trotskyist neoconservative
>> line of brain farting ideology. You know who else is a big promoter for the
>> JD Vance book? Steve Bannon. Either you are woefully under informed about
>> the national question in America or alternatively just a reactionary.
>>
>> Best regards,
>> Andrew Stewart
>> - - -
>> Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via
>> https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/
>>
>> On Apr 27, 2020, at 1:59 PM, Jeffrey Masko 
>> wrote:
>>
>> 
>> So, I guess you never met a "hillbilly" trans person? It's clear when one
>> someone uses the phrase, "these people" they have not dealt with there own
>> racism.
>>
>> On Mon, Apr 27, 2020 at 10:20 AM Andrew Stewart <
>> hasc.warrior.s...@gmail.com> wrote:
>>
>>> Oh please, these people are the most reactionary Trump voting loons,
>>> completely shameless reactionaries. They were calling Obama a monkey when
>>> that was in style. And as a queer person, I frankly loathe that equation of
>>> their discomfort with whatever oppression people look like me deal with.
>>> Lick my fucking taint.
>>>
>>> On Mon, Apr 27, 2020 at 12:34 PM Jeffrey Masko 
>>> wrote:
>>>
 It's offensive, you don't use pejorative terms when talking about trans
 folks and you shouldn't use them talking about rural folks. It's that
 simple. Have you ever personally been called "hillbilly"?

 On Mon, Apr 27, 2020 at 9:28 AM Andrew Stewart <
 hasc.warrior.s...@gmail.com> wrote:

> It is spelled S-A-T-I-R-E
>
> --
> Best regards,
>
> Andrew Stewart
>
> Message: 11
> Date: Mon, 27 Apr 2020 07:40:53 -0700
> From: Jeffrey Masko 
> To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition
> 
> Subject: Re: [Marxism] Are the Bilderberg Group, Trilateral
> Commission, and Clinton Foundation Supporting #ReopenAmerica
> Protests?
> | Washington Babylon
> Message-ID:
> <
> cacoqhbmbhxyglx62kymtyuke5mp-wvfs9zuxjacv8crzzqz...@mail.gmail.com>
> Content-Type: text/plain; charset="UTF-8"
>
> Another left conspiracy? Wouldn't know you lost me way earlier than
> usual
> with your smug. condescending, and non-factual " hillbilly mass
> suicide"
> nod to  J.D. Vance.
>


 --

 J.A. Masko

 "The challenge of 

Re: [Marxism] Are the Bilderberg Group, Trilateral Commission, and Clinton Foundation Supporting #ReopenAmerica Protests? | Washington Babylon

2020-04-27 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
#1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message.
#2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived.
#3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern.
*

This from the guy who once wrote:

"POC is an invention of the radical left. I assure you, POCs do not exist
in our poverty-stricken communities or our prison system. Any
accountability is to working class communities, not the cottage industry of
social justice warriors, whether they are white middle class (mostly) women
like SURJ, or the Oakland Anti Police Terror Project (APTP). Working and
poverty class folks (including me) have no interest in following
middle-class folks, no matter what they're color is or anything else.
Accountability, like civility, is just a civilizing process to use Elias'
concept to corral the unruly."


On Mon, Apr 27, 2020 at 2:54 PM Jeffrey Masko 
wrote:

>  From Unthinking Eurocentrism by Shohat and Stam,
>
> "Racism is the stigmatizing of difference of individuals or groups In
> order to justify unfair advantage or abuse of power, whether  that
> advantage or abuse by economic, political, cultural, or psychological.-all
> groups can entertain racist opinions, but not every group enjoys the power
> to practice racism, that is to translate a racial attitude into social
> oppression, (22, 23)."
>
> When wealthy whites had other poor whites sterilized, it was the regarded
> them as genetically inferior and more closely "related" to black than
> themselves. This is the type of racism you exhibited, not some "reverse
> racism" which as shown in the above definition is about being able to enjoy
> the structural advantages of racism in addition to racist attitudes.
>
> By the way, I"m not sure I was clear, I don't support or promote the J.D.
> Vance book, but mention it because that is the position you seem to cling
> to as a way of removing yourself from "whiteness". Guess what? You are now
> more "white" than ever, slinging hate and fear at illegitimate whiteness
> won't work.
>
> On Mon, Apr 27, 2020 at 11:08 AM Andrew Stewart <
> hasc.warrior.s...@gmail.com> wrote:
>
>> Dear Mr William F Buckley Jr
>>
>> There is no such thing as reverse racism, just whiny white people. Please
>> stop trying to lecture a trans person about transphobia as if you are not a
>> vulgar Marxist who is one step away from the Trotskyist neoconservative
>> line of brain farting ideology. You know who else is a big promoter for the
>> JD Vance book? Steve Bannon. Either you are woefully under informed about
>> the national question in America or alternatively just a reactionary.
>>
>> Best regards,
>> Andrew Stewart
>> - - -
>> Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via
>> https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/
>>
>> On Apr 27, 2020, at 1:59 PM, Jeffrey Masko 
>> wrote:
>>
>> 
>> So, I guess you never met a "hillbilly" trans person? It's clear when one
>> someone uses the phrase, "these people" they have not dealt with there own
>> racism.
>>
>> On Mon, Apr 27, 2020 at 10:20 AM Andrew Stewart <
>> hasc.warrior.s...@gmail.com> wrote:
>>
>>> Oh please, these people are the most reactionary Trump voting loons,
>>> completely shameless reactionaries. They were calling Obama a monkey when
>>> that was in style. And as a queer person, I frankly loathe that equation of
>>> their discomfort with whatever oppression people look like me deal with.
>>> Lick my fucking taint.
>>>
>>> On Mon, Apr 27, 2020 at 12:34 PM Jeffrey Masko 
>>> wrote:
>>>
 It's offensive, you don't use pejorative terms when talking about trans
 folks and you shouldn't use them talking about rural folks. It's that
 simple. Have you ever personally been called "hillbilly"?

 On Mon, Apr 27, 2020 at 9:28 AM Andrew Stewart <
 hasc.warrior.s...@gmail.com> wrote:

> It is spelled S-A-T-I-R-E
>
> --
> Best regards,
>
> Andrew Stewart
>
> Message: 11
> Date: Mon, 27 Apr 2020 07:40:53 -0700
> From: Jeffrey Masko 
> To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition
> 
> Subject: Re: [Marxism] Are the Bilderberg Group, Trilateral
> Commission, and Clinton Foundation Supporting #ReopenAmerica
> Protests?
> | Washington Babylon
> Message-ID:
> <
> cacoqhbmbhxyglx62kymtyuke5mp-wvfs9zuxjacv8crzzqz...@mail.gmail.com>
> Content-Type: text/plain; charset="UTF-8"
>
> Another left conspiracy? Wouldn't know you lost me way earlier than
> usual
> with your smug. condescending, and non-factual " hillbilly mass
> suicide"
> nod to  J.D. Vance.
>


 --

 J.A. Masko

 "The challenge of modernity is to live without illusions and without
 becoming disillusioned."

Antonio Gramsci.

>>>
>>>
>>> --
>>> Best regards,
>>>
>>> 

Re: [Marxism] Are the Bilderberg Group, Trilateral Commission, and Clinton Foundation Supporting #ReopenAmerica Protests? | Washington Babylon

2020-04-27 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
#1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message.
#2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived.
#3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern.
*

It is spelled S-A-T-I-R-E

-- 
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart

Message: 11
Date: Mon, 27 Apr 2020 07:40:53 -0700
From: Jeffrey Masko 
To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition

Subject: Re: [Marxism] Are the Bilderberg Group, Trilateral
Commission, and Clinton Foundation Supporting #ReopenAmerica
Protests?
| Washington Babylon
Message-ID:

Content-Type: text/plain; charset="UTF-8"

Another left conspiracy? Wouldn't know you lost me way earlier than usual
with your smug. condescending, and non-factual " hillbilly mass suicide"
nod to  J.D. Vance.
_
Full posting guidelines at: http://www.marxmail.org/sub.htm
Set your options at: 
https://lists.csbs.utah.edu/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com


[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Empire]: Vsetecka on Hnatiuk, 'Courage and Fear'

2020-04-27 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
#1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message.
#2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived.
#3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern.
*



Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: April 27, 2020 at 11:24:23 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Empire]:  Vsetecka on Hnatiuk, 'Courage and Fear'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Ola Hnatiuk.  Courage and Fear.  Trans. Ewa Siwak. Ukrainian Studies 
> Series. Boston  Academic Studies Press, 2020.  xvii + 534 pp.  $45.00 
> (paper), ISBN 978-1-64469-251-6.
> 
> Reviewed by John Vsetecka (Michigan State University)
> Published on H-Empire (April, 2020)
> Commissioned by Gemma Masson
> 
> Originally published in Polish in 2015 (Odwaga i strach), Ola 
> Hnatiuk's book Courage and Fear is now available in English 
> translation thanks to Academic Studies Press. The text, which is 
> translated by Hnatiuk's sister, Ewa Siwak, is an exemplary history of 
> the city of Lviv and its intellectual milieu during World War II. The 
> book is not a typical history of war and destruction in the standard 
> sense; rather, Hnatiuk chooses to construct a narrative built from 
> carefully examined sources that provide the reader with intimate 
> insight into the personal lives of academics, scientists, painters, 
> musicians, and nationalist sympathizers as they navigate their lives 
> during the war. The book is divided into seven chapters, and the list 
> of protagonists grows with each. The author's carefully organized 
> text allows her to introduce new faces in each chapter to the 
> ever-growing circle of Lviv's intellectual society. The characters 
> represent the diverse populations that inhabited the city during the 
> war, but the author pays acute attention to the role of Ukrainians, 
> Poles, and Jews. Hnatiuk is careful to avoid reducing these personal 
> relationships to ones based solely on nationalist leanings and ethnic 
> hatreds, and she rightfully points to several examples of interethnic 
> cooperation among the individuals and families who occupy her 
> monograph. The purpose of the book is to overcome simple definitions 
> of people and places, and it is Hnatiuk's goal "to cross-examine 
> historical verdicts so often mandated by ethnic loyalties" (p. x). In 
> doing so, she demonstrates that Poles, Jews, and Ukrainians often 
> crossed personal, professional, and state-dictated boundaries as a 
> way to survive and help each other during the war years. 
> 
> During World War II, the multilingual and multinational city of Lviv, 
> also known as Lwów, Lvov, and Lemberg, among others, faced a 
> constant rotation of Soviet and German occupations. Depending on who 
> the occupier was on a specific day meant the difference between life 
> and death. Hnatiuk states that "for some, that day meant a flight 
> ridden with obstacles; for others, a no less difficult return; for 
> many, death; for a few, liberation" (p. 25). The constant threat from 
> occupying forces changed life trajectories for many. For example, in 
> Hnatiuk's second chapter, "Haven at the Clinic," readers are 
> introduced to Fryderyka Lille (also known as Irena) who worked as 
> Lviv's only female hematologist. She was also Jewish. After 
> establishing herself as a successful scientist and academic, rising 
> antisemitism in the city forced her to give up her noted academic 
> career and move her medical practice into a private location. Only 
> with help from her mentor and former boss, Franciszek Groër, was 
> Lille able to continue with her work. This all changed when the 
> Germans arrived in Lviv on June 30, 1941, and Lille and her family 
> were forced to evacuate their apartment out of fear. Hnatiuk writes, 
> "Barely two weeks later Lille and her mother-in-law found shelter in 
> the home of a mixed Polish-Ukrainian couple" (p. 71). The courage of 
> neighbors and other ethnic groups allowed some, like Lille, a chance 
> at survival. Like many of their contemporaries, the Lille family 
> became adept at navigating their established networks in Lviv. 
> 
> Perhaps of most significance to the Soviets were the universities. 
> Hnatiuk dedicates ninety pages to her chapter "Academic Snapshots," 
> which speaks to the importance of education and propaganda in Soviet 
> ideology during the war. Academics and the institutions in which they 
> worked were targeted as spaces in which professors could teach their 
> students how to fit in to the new Soviet order. The author contends 
> that "the Soviets restructured the university and quickly politicized 
> the campus, turning it into an ideological 

[Marxism] Are the Bilderberg Group, Trilateral Commission, and Clinton Foundation Supporting #ReopenAmerica Protests? | Washington Babylon

2020-04-27 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
#1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message.
#2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived.
#3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern.
*

https://washingtonbabylon.com/bilderberg-trilateral-clinton-foundation-reopen-protests/


Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/
_
Full posting guidelines at: http://www.marxmail.org/sub.htm
Set your options at: 
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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]: Ebert on de Alencastro, 'The Trade in the Living: The Formation of Brazil in the South Atlantic, Sixteenth to Seventeenth Centuries'

2020-04-24 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Fri, Apr 24, 2020 at 10:20 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]: Ebert on de Alencastro, 'The Trade in the
Living: The Formation of Brazil in the South Atlantic, Sixteenth to
Seventeenth Centuries'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Luiz Felipe de Alencastro.  The Trade in the Living: The Formation of
Brazil in the South Atlantic, Sixteenth to Seventeenth Centuries.
Translated by Gavin Adams and Luiz Felipe de Alencastro. Revised by
Michael Wolfers and Dale Tomich. Albany  SUNY Press, 2018.  642 pp.
$95.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-4384-6929-4.

Reviewed by Christopher Ebert (Brooklyn College/City University of
New York)
Published on H-LatAm (April, 2020)
Commissioned by Casey M. Lurtz

Published in 2000, Luiz Felipe de Alencastro's work _O trato dos
viventes: Formacção do Brasil no Atlantico Sul_ quickly achieved
the status of a classic of Brazilian historiography. Now it appears
in a new edition in English via SUNY Binghamton's Fernand Braudel
Center, a highly appropriate project for a work that fits securely in
the Annales school. Indeed, the work derives from a 1986 dissertation
written under the guidance of Frédéric Mauro, one of Braudel's
students. The new edition has the twin virtues of allowing the author
and his collaborators to incorporate much new relevant scholarship,
which they do comprehensively, as well as bringing the work to a
wider readership. That said, the second edition follows closely on
the first; Alencastro has not revised the structure of the work nor
modified his conclusions. Dominant amongst the latter is a
demonstration of the deep structural integration of various parts of
colonial Brazil with West and West-Central Africa and its
manifestation in predominately bilateral trade relationships in the
South Atlantic, anchored in the Atlantic slave trade. Since 2000,
this topic has been taken up by historians writing in various
languages, but Alencastro's work remains, in its scholarship, detail,
and argumentative rigor, the benchmark for an integrated sixteenth-
and seventeenth-century South Atlantic history. The relevance of the
work twenty years on is indisputable.

In the initial two chapters, Alencastro describes the conditions,
chiefly structural, that conditioned Portuguese colonial expansion in
the South Atlantic. Portuguese trade on the African Atlantic littoral
occurred early and was sustained. Acclimatized and acculturated
go-betweens helped to redirect African trade towards the Atlantic
coast, where Crown and church officials vied with merchants to
establish spheres of influence in coastal enclaves usually situated
at the mouths of the major African rivers. Additionally, the Crown
claimed the uninhabited African archipelagos of Cabo Verde and São
Tomé, establishing way stations that supported ongoing trade with
Africa as well as, eventually, shipping to the Indian Ocean. From the
beginning enslaved Africans formed a central part of Portuguese
African trade, although other products loomed large, including
African gold purchased in the Bight of Benin. As Alencastro points
out, the Catholic Church, from the mid-fifteenth century on,
sanctioned Portuguese slaving activities, rationalizing that, given
the near impossibility of proselytizing in the African interior,
bringing Africans out of the continent via the slave trade would
facilitate their salvation.

The chief beneficiary of African trade in its first 150 years was
Lisbon. Both merchants and Crown reaped profit from this and the
burgeoning Asia trade; in the same period the Crown gradually
tightened control over far-flung settlements and worked to limit the
participation of non-Portuguese subjects in new areas of economic
exchange. Lisbon became a lynchpin in the early slave trade; the city
received many African inhabitants, and shipping from Lisbon
carried--among other things--guns and horses to the African coast,
which when sold to African traders became the means of enslaving new
populations of Africans in interior villages. During the same period,
Portuguese global expansion entered a new phase which involved
settlement colonies and sugar plantation development. Pioneered in
Madeira and São Tomé, sugar plantations were well established in
various parts of the coast of Brazil by the second half of the
sixteenth century. Alencastro offers detailed descriptions of the
epidemiological and geographic conditions that caused sugar
plantation agriculture to operate almost exclusively on enslaved
Africans as it intensified in Brazil. Native mortality in the face of
new pathogens made indigenous slavery on the Brazilian coast very
difficult to 

[Marxism] Point/Counterpoint on Biden winning in November | Washington Babylon

2020-04-23 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://washingtonbabylon.com/henwoood-biden-20/

https://washingtonbabylon.com/biden-will-lose-get-ready/

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Andrew Stewart 
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[Marxism] Lenin Would Have Been a Beast on Twitter | Left Voice

2020-04-22 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://www.leftvoice.org/lenin-would-have-been-a-beast-on-twitter


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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]: Ortega Bayona on Henson, 'Agrarian Revolt in the Sierra of Chihuahua, 1959-1965'

2020-04-21 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
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https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: April 21, 2020 at 11:04:47 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]:  Ortega Bayona on Henson, 'Agrarian Revolt 
> in the Sierra of Chihuahua, 1959-1965'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Elizabeth Henson.  Agrarian Revolt in the Sierra of Chihuahua, 
> 1959-1965.  Tucson  University of Arizona Press, 2019.  269 pp.  
> $55.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8165-3873-7.
> 
> Reviewed by Berenice Ortega Bayona (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de 
> México)
> Published on H-LatAm (April, 2020)
> Commissioned by Casey M. Lurtz
> 
> Elizabeth Henson's historical study depicts what is widely considered 
> to be the beginning of left-wing guerrilla movements in 
> twentieth-century Mexico as part of a much more long-standing process 
> of political violence. The author goes beyond the specific event of 
> the infamous assault on the Madera military base in the state of 
> Chihuahua in 1965 and the individual actors involved to characterize 
> the underlying patterns and structures of inequality, 
> authoritarianism, and political organization. From the armed 
> rebellions and revolutions of the nineteenth and early twentieth 
> centuries through the so-called Dirty War period to the latest, 
> innovative form of a left-wing guerrilla found in the EZLN (Ejército 
> Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, or Zapatista Army of National 
> Liberation), radical mobilized popular sectors have consistently made 
> themselves present in the shaping of politics in Mexico, regardless 
> of the adverse circumstances. This study seems timely and relevant in 
> the current national context of organized crime violence and the 
> spread of "self-defense" armed peasant groups that react to it, 
> particularly in the states of Michoacán, Jalisco and Guerrero. As 
> this book shows, these rural and communitarian armed self-defense 
> groups date back many years before the current context of organized 
> crime. This book can also be situated within the recent surge of 
> studies on 60s-70s guerrillas in Mexico that have emerged due to the 
> greater availability of archives of government ministries and 
> political organizations since 2000. Yet we cannot deny that concern 
> about widespread violence, its causes, and reactions to it motivate 
> much of the increased interest in this topic. 
> 
> In order to understand the motivations behind armed political 
> violence in Chihuahua and the formation of the Grupo Popular 
> Guerrillero (GPG), Henson's study reconstructs in detail the 
> struggles over the state's land and resources over the last century. 
> In the first chapter, she frames the political violence and the 
> development of the guerrilla in the national context of the Cold War, 
> the role of US intervention, the persecution of left-wing rural 
> movements, the influence of the Cuban revolution on the Mexican Left, 
> and the emergence of New Left urban and student communist movements. 
> In the second chapter, she describes the long history of land 
> disputes in the local terrain, including Chihuahua's remoteness in 
> the eighteenth century, its large _haciendas_ with little protection 
> against Native American raids from the north, the strengthening of a 
> sense of a _serrano_ identity and of autonomy in the nineteenth 
> century, and the growth of foreign investment in mining, lumber, and 
> large-scale agriculture and ranching towards the beginning of the 
> twentieth century. In chapter 3, the author then outlines the role of 
> the Bosques de Chihuahua company--which integrated the four largest 
> livestock investors in the state (the so-called Cuatro Amigos)--in 
> the intimidation and persecution of peasants and small ranchers with 
> claims to land. As is thoroughly documented by Henson, this company 
> operated, in practice, as a paramilitary group, with _cacique _thugs 
> stripping small ranchers and peasants of their lands, raping women 
> and killing opponents. These patterns of violence, Henson's research 
> also shows us, were backed up and protected by corrupt and 
> authoritarian state structures. As a result of all this, many of the 
> _serranos_ began to organize in the 1950s to resist the violence and 
> the dispossession of their lands. 
> 
> The center of the book, chapters 4 and 5, describe the further 
> organization and radicalization of groups of displaced peasants and 
> ranchers, in the context of the second half of the twentieth 

Re: [Marxism] MMT, Chartalism, and Keynesianism

2020-04-21 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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The basic premise of MMT is that a country can print mountains of cash
without any consequence in relation to the world economy. Except for
America, which has the unique privilege of being the world reserve
currency, and Saudi Arabia, which produces the commodity that the dollar is
pegged to, that function is fundamentally impossible BECAUSE Global
Northern imperialism would basically scuttle the implementation of an MMT
project overnight. MMT exists in an ideological bubble divorced from the
rule of finance capital. Even if you have issues with varieties of
Leninism, any Marxist analysis divorced from imperialism in this manner is
pretty inept. Except for the efforts of the Chinese, who have stockpiled
gold so they can eventually transition the yuan to the gold standard, there
isn't a world currency not dependent on the American petro-dollar in our
post-Bretton Woods worldwide economic landscape.

>From Henwood (again so it sinks in this time):

Countries around the world keep their reserves (basically rainy-day funds
on a very large scale held by governments at their central banks) in
dollars, which make them effectively a captive market for US Treasury bonds
(which is how the dollars are kept). Also, major commodities like oil are
priced in dollars, forcing countries to accumulate the currency to pay for
essential imports. That means the United States, exceptionally, can run
giant deficits and borrow on a vast scale with little constraint (so far).
Nor do we have to worry about the value of the dollar (for now, though you
have to wonder how long the exorbitant privilege will last in a world where
US dominance is eroding). But less privileged countries have to worry about
foreign investors dumping their bonds and driving down the value of their
currency, which would jack up interest rates and inflation.

-- 
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart


Message: 13
Date: Tue, 21 Apr 2020 09:26:12 -0400
From: MM 
To: Louis Proyect 
Cc: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition

Subject: Re: [Marxism] MMT, Chartalism, and Keynesianism
Message-ID: 
Content-Type: text/plain;   charset=utf-8

> On Apr 21, 2020, at 8:50 AM, Louis Proyect  wrote:
>
> Actually, I think it is probably beyond the scope of MMT. I just read
Doug Henwood's article that makes clear it is a policy for G7 nations,
especially the USA, not poor countries like Nicaragua. Indeed, I came to
the conclusion long ago that post-Keynesian economics has little to offer
places like Nicaragua. I got to know Nathan Tankus fairly well when I was
writing some stuff about the difficulties of getting Greece back on the
drachma that were cross-posted on Naked Capitalism. As I began reading Yves
Smith's blog and spending some time with her and Nathan, it occurred to me
at some point that they had zero interest in the global South or what is
sometimes called "development economics".

That?s why I recommended the interview with Fadhel ? the application of MMT
to the global South is *exactly* what he is focused on. But it?s easy to
convince yourself you?ve won an argument when you refuse to listen to the
other side.
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[Marxism] Washington Babylon Podcast Episode 29: Noam Chomsky | Washington Babylon

2020-04-20 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://washingtonbabylon.com/podcast/episode-29-noam-chomsky/


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[Marxism] Howie Hawkins – Counterpunch Radio Episode 150

2020-04-20 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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https://store.counterpunch.org/howie-hawkins-episode-150/


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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Judaic]: Werdiger on Kohler, 'Kabbalah Research in the Wissenschaft des Judentums (1820-1880): The Foundation of an Academic Discipline'

2020-04-20 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Andrew Stewart 
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Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: April 20, 2020 at 7:05:06 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Judaic]:  Werdiger on Kohler, 'Kabbalah Research in 
> the Wissenschaft des Judentums (1820-1880): The Foundation of an Academic 
> Discipline'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> George Y. Kohler.  Kabbalah Research in the Wissenschaft des 
> Judentums (1820-1880): The Foundation of an Academic Discipline.  
> Berlin  De Gruyter, 2019.  282 pp.  $114.99 (cloth), ISBN 
> 978-3-11-062037-5.
> 
> Reviewed by Ori Werdiger (University of Chicago)
> Published on H-Judaic (April, 2020)
> Commissioned by Barbara Krawcowicz
> 
> "It is very meritorious to provide information about the essence and 
> substance of such a profound intellectual endeavor, especially if its 
> creations are only accessible to such a small number of scholars, and 
> have up to now so often been misunderstood." This observation was 
> made by a towering figure of nineteenth-century Wissenschaft des 
> Judentums, the historian Isaac Marcus Jost. The endeavor to which 
> Jost referred was kabbalah and its literary productions, one of many 
> research objects of the then emerging field of Jewish studies in 
> Germany. Yet, within this endorsement of research on Jewish 
> mysticism, made on the occasion of reviewing a monograph on the 
> history of kabbalah by his colleague Adolf Jellinek, Jost also 
> confessed he viewed kabbalah as nothing short of "aberrances of the 
> human intellect" (p. 124). An aberrancy, then, that nevertheless must 
> be thoroughly studied and explained. 
> 
> In contrast to nineteenth-century Germany, in today's arguably 
> post-secular age, Jewish mysticism often counts among the most 
> studied and in a certain way also most accessible elements of 
> Judaism, both in the academy and in popular culture. With some 
> historical irony, however, the observation by Jost quoted above 
> captures the present-day status of research on the kabbalah conducted 
> by him and his colleagues: this too was a serious intellectual 
> endeavor that is little studied today, possibly misunderstood, and 
> practically non-accessible for English readers. George Y. Kohler's 
> book aims to remedy this situation, through a presentation of every 
> instance of Wissenschaft treatment of the kabbalah from 1822 up to 
> the early twentieth century, focusing on the scholars who wrote and 
> published in German. Consequently, together with more familiar 
> figures, such as Abraham Geiger or Moritz Steinschneider, the study 
> introduces many lesser-known scholars as well. Among the latter are 
> the Hungarian Ignaz Stern; Abraham Adler, brother of the famous 
> German American Reform rabbi Samuel Adler; and David Joel, head of 
> the Breslau Rabbinical Seminary and brother of the pioneer historian 
> of Jewish philosophy, Manuel Joel. 
> 
> The book comprises twenty short units that generally follow a 
> combined temporal and thematic line: each unit treats the 
> publications on kabbalah produced by one or more Wissenschaft 
> scholars at roughly the same time and, when relevant, also the 
> reviews and responses to their key publications. For example, the 
> second unit is titled "Leopold Zunz and Moritz Freystadt 
> (1818-1832)," whereas units 7 to 9 cover Jellinek's publications in 
> 1851-52, the "first reactions" to Jellinek, and his publications in 
> 1853-54, respectively (p. vii). The second-to-last unit complements 
> the focus on the Wissenschaft's scholarly republic of letters 
> throughout the rest of the book by looking at the popular 
> dissemination of Wissenschaft views on kabbalah in Jewish textbooks 
> published from the 1870s and after. The last unit, an epilogue, 
> extends the time covered by the book to 1907, by examining further 
> textbooks and publications in that later period. This predominantly 
> chronological organization corresponds with Kohler's declared aim to 
> provide an overview of the emergence and development of 
> nineteenth-century studies of kabbalah within the Wissenschaft 
> movement. Accordingly, Kohler does not enter into an assessment of 
> Wissenschaft's achievements in the actual analysis of kabbalah's 
> history and ideas, an area that he explicitly leaves for contemporary 
> experts on Jewish mysticism. 
> 
> In addition to making this era in kabbalah research more accessible, 
> Kohler also seeks to correct what he sees as a grave 
> misunderstanding. With few 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]: Hartjen on Myers, 'Youth Squad: Policing Children in the Twentieth Century'

2020-04-19 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Sun, Apr 19, 2020 at 7:02 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]: Hartjen on Myers, 'Youth Squad:
Policing Children in the Twentieth Century'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Tamara Gene Myers.  Youth Squad: Policing Children in the Twentieth
Century.  Montreal  McGill-Queen's University Press, 2019.  xiii +
253 pp.  $29.95 (paper), ISBN 978-0-7735-5893-9; $110.00 (cloth),
ISBN 978-0-7735-5892-2.

Reviewed by Clayton A. Hartjen (Rutgers University at Newark)
Published on H-Socialisms (April, 2020)
Commissioned by Gary Roth

Policing Children

_Youth Squad: Policing Children in the Twentieth Century_ provides a
lucid and informed historical account of the increasing involvement
of police in the lives of North American youth throughout the
twentieth century. In their efforts to protect and deter "at risk"
young people from delinquent activity and potential lives of
criminality, law enforcement agencies devised a number of strategies
that increasingly embedded them in the lives of children, especially
those deemed to be pre-delinquents or incipient delinquents.

Tamara Gene Myers's introduction offers a succinct discussion of the
overall analyses that follow in more detailed chapters. Each chapter
documents how the police in Canadian and American cities changed
their approach to "wayward" young people from intimidation/punishment
to one of "prevention" and "reform" of those involved in, or at risk
of involvement in, delinquency and potentially harmful behavior.
Throughout her analysis, Myers implies that in addition to trying to
"save" young people from lives of crime, police departments had a
hidden agenda to infiltrate communities of young people in order to
combat the negative image people held of them as well as to enhance
police legitimacy, status, and ultimately control.

Substantive, very readable, and well documented, chapters describe in
detail how police departments, primarily in Canada, came to develop
policing strategies that focused on deterring the assumed
delinquency/criminal tendencies of various populations of young
people--specifically disadvantaged youths from ethnic neighborhoods
and, later, racial minorities. Both generally and with specific case
examples, Myers describes the origins and development of "youth
squads," curfew laws, the creation of police-sponsored athletic
programs (such as Police Athletic Leagues), traffic law observance,
and finally the increasing use of police officers as school resource
officers (SROs) throughout Canada and the United States. Ironically,
as Myers points out, the introduction of SROs in schools appears to
represent a return to the pre-twentieth-century "intimidate and
punish" approach to policing young people. As she states: "In the
name of keeping students safe, the police presence in schools has
meant a more repressive approach toward young people" (p. 178).

_Youth Squad_ is an excellent and highly accessible documentation of
North American changes in thinking about young people and the role of
police authority in dealing with their presumed criminal potential as
well as the assumption that they needed special nurturing and
protection. Both as a historical analysis and as a statement of
bureaucratic as well as social science folly, this volume is a must
read for anyone interested in public policy and the ways ideology can
lead to the intrusive, if well-intended, involvement of authority in
the lives of people.

Citation: Clayton A. Hartjen. Review of Myers, Tamara Gene, _Youth
Squad: Policing Children in the Twentieth Century_. H-Socialisms,
H-Net Reviews. April, 2020.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55191

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States
License.




-- 
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart
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Re: [Marxism] Like It or Not, If We Run Third Party, We Will Lose

2020-04-17 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Norman Thomas speaking on this topic. His point is that the task and value
of any third party PRIMARILY (but not exclusively) is organizing to
educate.

https://youtu.be/r7VJ8niFPa4

While I support the Greens, does anyone see them replicating the Nader 2000
strategy of selling-out Madison Square Garden? Are there Green Left Book
Clubs like there were in Britain teaching the masses about eco-socialism,
white supremacist tendencies within the conservation movement, or perhaps a
million other issues they should be owning? Are we seeing virtual house
parties for Hawkins or anything remotely close to that?

-- 
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart

Message: 1
Date: Fri, 17 Apr 2020 12:18:32 -0400
From: Louis Proyect 
To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition

Subject: [Marxism] Like It or Not, If We Run Third Party, We Will Lose
Message-ID: <6aceb13a-9813-fda2-b214-e9a50bef2...@panix.com>
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=utf-8; format=flowed

This moron makes Irving Howe sound like an ultraleftist.

https://jacobinmag.com/2020/04/third-party-bernie-sanders-democratic-socialism-elections
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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]: DiCesare on Diel, 'The Codex Mexicanus: A Guide to Life in Late Sixteenth-Century New Spain'

2020-04-17 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Fri, Apr 17, 2020 at 11:29 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]: DiCesare on Diel, 'The Codex Mexicanus: A
Guide to Life in Late Sixteenth-Century New Spain'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Lori Boornazian Diel.  The Codex Mexicanus: A Guide to Life in Late
Sixteenth-Century New Spain.  Austin  University of Texas Press,
2018.  Illustrations. x + 216 pp.  $55.00 (cloth), ISBN
978-1-4773-1673-3.

Reviewed by Catherine DiCesare (Colorado State University)
Published on H-LatAm (April, 2020)
Commissioned by Casey M. Lurtz

Lori Boornazian Diel's recent study of the colonial book known as the
Codex Mexicanus is a welcome addition to the literature on
sixteenth-century manuscripts from central Mexico. Nahua
intellectuals created the Codex Mexicanus in Mexico City in the last
quarter of the sixteenth century. It is part of a large corpus of
pictorial manuscripts created in the century following Spanish
incursion, a compendium of information of special interest to the
indigenous inhabitants of New Spain. The manuscript is a bound codex
painted on native bark paper. Its format draws on both Aztec
pictorial writing systems and European alphabetic text and images.
The Codex Mexicanus is a valuable resource for scholars studying
pre-Columbian and early colonial Mexico because it contains a wide
variety of information. Its contents range from calendrical matters
to astrology, beliefs about the natural world, the ancient lineage of
Mexica rulers, and the history of the Mexica from their pre-Columbian
migration to the arrival of Spaniards and Christianity.

However, as Diel notes in the introduction (chapter 1), because of
the seemingly disparate nature of its contents, scholars have not
generally investigated the Codex Mexicanus in its entirety. Studies
of the manuscript have tended instead to refer to discrete sections,
particularly its correlations of Aztec and Christian calendars and
its extensive genealogical records. The author makes a compelling
case for reading the manuscript as a cohesive whole. Diel
demonstrates that the creators of the book based its framework on the
genre of imported Spanish books known as _Reportorios de los
tiempos_, adapted for the needs of Christian Nahuas in late
sixteenth-century Mexico City. Diel contributes to the recent body of
important scholarship on colonial Mesoamerican manuscripts in
emphasizing that the scribe-painters who created the Codex Mexicanus
would have viewed the legacy of their indigenous traditions through
the lens of their present circumstances in colonial New Spain. Thus,
the Codex Mexicanus is not merely a compilation of "seemingly
miscellaneous information" but is rather a "carefully curated"
document bringing together "information that its native compilers
must have considered essential to know and remember, a guide to life
in New Spain" (pp. 1, 3).

Diel's book is arranged around a number of important themes, each of
which is situated within the intellectual climate of Mexico City in
the late sixteenth century. These include calendrical and religious
information (chapter 2); questions of astrology, health, and medicine
(chapter 3); the genealogy of the Mexica royal dynasty (chapter 4);
the history of the Mexica from migration to Spanish colonization
(chapter 5); and, finally, a brief conclusion and epilogue.
Throughout the volume, Diel, an art historian, considers how the
book's producers negotiated Aztec and Spanish communication systems;
in some places, the native scribe-painters maintained local pictorial
writing traditions while elsewhere they combined those with imported
European forms and alphabetic texts, as appropriate to the subject
matter.

Chapter 2 brings together the calendrical materials that appear in
various sections of the Codex Mexicanus. A Christian calendar, drawn
from _Reportorios_, maps out the liturgical cycle and holy days that
would have been important for Christian Nahuas in colonial New Spain.
That calendrical information is also correlated with Aztec
timekeeping systems, such as the 365-day solar cycle during which the
Aztecs had celebrated a series of eighteen monthly feasts. The
manuscript also includes the Aztec calendar known as the
_tonalpohualli_, a cycle of 260 days that had been recorded in
divinatory almanacs, and correlates that with the monthly feasts of
the 365-day solar cycle. This chapter will be useful to scholars of
Mesoamerican calendars and ritual systems as well as the practice of
Christianity in early New Spain. Throughout the chapter, the author
maintains that because the book's creators were Christians, their
alignment of 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Nationalism]: Maginn on Gaffield, 'The Haitian Declaration of Independence: Creation, Context and Legacy'

2020-04-15 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Wed, Apr 15, 2020 at 5:12 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Nationalism]: Maginn on Gaffield, 'The Haitian
Declaration of Independence: Creation, Context and Legacy'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Julia Gaffield, ed.  The Haitian Declaration of Independence:
Creation, Context and Legacy.  Charlottesville  University of
Virginia Press, 2016.  296 pp.  $39.50 (cloth), ISBN
978-0-8139-3788-5.

Reviewed by Andrew Maginn (Howard University)
Published on H-Nationalism (April, 2020)
Commissioned by Evan C. Rothera

While at the National Archives of the United Kingdom in February
2010, Julia Gaffield made an incredible discovery of a document
feared lost to history: one of the original government-printed
versions of the Haitian Declaration of Independence. At the same
archive, a little over a year later, Gaffield's success was matched
by finding a broadside of the same declaration. These findings have
had a profound impact on the scholarly community as evidenced by a
conference on this topic in 2013 at the Robert H. Smith International
Center for Jefferson Studies. The edited volume, _The Haitian
Declaration of Independence, _a result of that conference, invites
everyone to reflect upon the great strides made in Haitian studies
through this find, as recounted by leading scholars.

The eleven essays in _The Haitian Declaration of Independence_ are
split into three sections that provide insight "on the creation and
dissemination of the declaration, on its content and reception, and
on its afterlives in the nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-first
centuries" (p. 10). As the authors explore these themes, they provide
the reader with a snapshot of the latest historiography and
methodology on the early Haitian republic. One important element of
this text is the contemporary historical debates that occur between
the contributors. For example, the question of authorship of the
declaration excites some lively discussion. While Deborah Jenson
credits the leader of Haiti in 1804, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, with
most of the intellectual content of the document, both David Geggus
and John Garrigus give more credit to its scribe, Louis Félix
Boisrond-Tonnerre. It is through such strong debates within the
essays that scholars learn the importance of the Haitian Declaration
of Independence.

The first section, "Writing the Declaration," contains four essays
that provide important insights into the motivation, text, and
authorship of this pivotal historical document. The essay by David
Geggus provides a clear entry to the discussion, ensuring the reader
understands that the declaration found in 2010 reflects a unique
revolution. This is followed by a chapter by Garrigus, which examines
the man he considers to be the intellectual author of the Haitian
Declaration of Independence, Boisrond-Tonnerre. Garrigus adds to the
historiography by providing insight on Boisrond-Tonnerre's family,
education, and connections, using French colonial records as well as
Boisrond-Tonnerre's published narrative. Patrick Tradieu analyzes
Haitian publications between November 1803 and January 1804 to assist
in understanding the early Haitian state. This includes a discussion
of Jean-Jacques Dessalines's November 29 proclamation, another
document currently lost to history, whose importance in comparison
the Haitian Declaration of Independence has been debated throughout
historiography. Deborah Jenson's essay closes the section, broadening
the scholarly discussion of this volume by analyzing the "alphabetic
and print culture" within Dessalines's Declaration of Independence
using the conceptual metaphor theory (p. 73).

The second section, "Haitian Independence and the Atlantic," contains
three essays that reflect on the uniqueness of the Haitian founding
in both writing and action. Malick W. Ghachem provides a wonderful
introduction by examining how the legal aspect of the declaration can
be interpreted as a "collection of pronouncements or acts" that
separated Haiti from colonial racial plantation slavery (p. 97). This
mission within the founding document highlights a major difference
between the Haitian Revolution and other revolutions that marked the
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Jeremy D. Popkin's
chapter, using the recently discovered memoir of Norbert Thoret,
reflects on the anti-French aspect of the Haitian Declaration of
Independence that in turn provided a justification for the 1804
massacres of the French who remained in Haiti. This anti-French
mentality also appears in Philippe Girard's contribution. Girard
examined the text of the declaration to prove 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-AmIndian]: Cothran on Delucia, 'Memory Lands: King Philip's War and the Place of Violence in the Northeast'

2020-04-13 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: April 13, 2020 at 12:02:23 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-AmIndian]:  Cothran on Delucia, 'Memory Lands: King 
> Philip's War and the Place of Violence in the Northeast'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Christine M. Delucia.  Memory Lands: King Philip's War and the Place 
> of Violence in the Northeast.  New Haven  Yale University Press, 
> 2018.  496 pp.  $40.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-300-20117-8.
> 
> Reviewed by Boyd Cothran (York University)
> Published on H-AmIndian (April, 2020)
> Commissioned by F. Evan Nooe
> 
> Dwelling in the Shadow of King Philip's War
> 
> Christine M. DeLucia introduces her book by quoting Colin Calloway's 
> observation that King Philip's War remains one of the "great 
> watershed" moments in the Indigenous and colonial history of New 
> England. "It is difficult to escape the shadow it casts," he said. 
> "We cannot study Indian New England prior to 1675 without the 
> knowledge of the destruction to come; after the war, things are never 
> the same again" (p. 1). A terrible, genocidal conflict that raged 
> throughout southern New England from 1675 to 1678, King Philip's War 
> was, without a doubt, "one of the most devastating periods in the 
> history of the early American Northeast" (p. xi). Led by the 
> Pokanoket Wampanoag leader Metacomet, called King Philip by the 
> English, the war drew together a diverse coalition of Indigenous 
> tribes including the Nipmuck, Pocumtuck, and Narraganset against the 
> English and their Mohegan and Mohawk allies. Commonly considered one 
> of the deadliest wars in American history by relative population, 
> King Philip's War casts across the history of New England and the 
> United States a long shadow indeed. 
> 
> But DeLucia's exhaustively researched and extensively documented 
> study of the history and legacy of King Philip's War dwells in 
> another shadow, too: the titanic shadow of Jill Lepore's Bancroft 
> Prize-winning _The Name of War: King Philip's War and the Origins of 
> American Identity _(1999)_. _Published over twenty years ago, _The 
> Name of War_ has, in many ways, laid the foundation for historians' 
> contemporary understanding of this conflict. Focusing on the 
> development of a peculiarly American "national _mentalité _and 
> mythos" (p. 2) that justified tremendous violence through the 
> literary deployment of racial ideologies of civilization and 
> savagery, Lepore's popular book reintroduced thousands of Americans 
> to a largely forgotten regional conflict that occurred nearly 350 
> years ago. DeLucia, however, takes issue with Lepore's methodology. 
> Lepore's focus on elite print culture and her historiographical 
> concern with tracing the origins of American identity led her to 
> ignore or even misunderstand the meaning of this conflict for 
> Indigenous communities. As DeLucia puts it: "As a result of focusing 
> tightly on narrative language, Lepore's constrained methodology 
> foreclosed important avenues of inquiry. 'How those Algonquians who 
> survived King Philip's War commemorated and remembered the war is, 
> sadly, mere speculation,' _The Name of War _lamented. This is 
> misleading" (pp. 14-15). 
> 
> Over the course of seven chapters, DeLucia constructs a different 
> understanding of King Philip's War and its legacy in the US 
> Northeast. The book draws on extensive archival material from small 
> archives and local historical societies as well as material cultural 
> objects such as wampum belts, deerskins maps, petroglyphs, and 
> megaliths. Focusing on the contested making of place through acts of 
> commemoration, memorialization, and counter- or rememorializations, 
> _Memory Lands_ takes the reader on a simultaneously far-reaching and 
> meticulously detailed study of four memoryscapes, "constellations of 
> spots on the land that have accrued stories over time, transforming 
> them from seemingly blank or neutral spaces into emotionally infused, 
> political potent places" (p. 3). 
> 
> Structurally, _Memory Lands _eschews chronology. Instead, DeLucia 
> roots her understanding of the presence of the past in space. After a 
> substantial preface and introduction, the book opens with an 
> examination of Deer Island in Boston Harbor, which was used as a 
> prison camp for New England Natives during the war. Moving both 
> forward and backward through time, DeLucia traces minutely, though 
> not always 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]: Dillingham on Young, 'Making the Revolution: Histories of the Latin American Left'

2020-04-13 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Mon, Apr 13, 2020 at 12:35 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]: Dillingham on Young, 'Making the
Revolution: Histories of the Latin American Left'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Kevin A. Young, ed.  Making the Revolution: Histories of the Latin
American Left.  Cambridge  Cambridge University Press, 2019.  xvii +
302 pp.  $29.99 (paper), ISBN 978-1-108-43925-1; $99.99 (cloth), ISBN
978-1-108-42399-1.

Reviewed by A. S. Dillingham (Spring Hill College)
Published on H-LatAm (April, 2020)
Commissioned by Casey M. Lurtz

On November 10, 2019, the Bolivian military "requested" that
President Evo Morales vacate the presidency, which he did. After
innitially fleeing to Mexico, Morales settled as an exile in
Argentina. This coup d'état, which came in the aftermath of
contested elections and mass mobilizations, repeated a familiar
dynamic in Latin American history of armed forces ousting
democratically elected officials from office. Yet in the aftermath of
the November events, those on the political left in Bolivia and
beyond debated how to properly understand what had happened. Some
pointed to popular opposition to Morales's presidency, during which
social movements have confronted the limits of his extractivist
policies, as evidence that it was in fact not a coup. Others
emphasized the role of the armed forces in "requesting" Morales's
resignation as clear evidence of a non-electoral removal from power,
underscoring how there have frequently been levels of popular support
for such undemocratic actions. These debates, which played out as
events unfolded, centered on the relationship between social
movements, left electoral strategies, and state power. They also
involved questions of indigeneity and the nature of representational
politics. According to some, President Morales's ouster may mark the
definitive end of the so-called pink tide in Latin America. Today the
prospects for the left in Latin America are sobering.[1]

In this context, the new edited volume _Making the Revolution:
Histories of the Latin American Left_ is a welcome contribution for
understanding the left's past but also its potential futures.
Covering the broad sweep of the twentieth century in ten different
countries, _Making the Revolution_ offers a detailed portrayal of a
diverse and heterogenous left. The contributors, whether senior or
up-and-coming historians, share a scholarly and political agenda of
thinking through the left's engagement with questions of gender,
race, and indigeneity. This has an enormous analytical yield. Taken
together, the chapters provide a rich and nuanced understanding of
struggles against inequality in nearly all its forms in the region.
The volume constitutes a resounding riposte to narratives of the
"left's class reductionism" (p. 2). The essays emphasize the
significance of alliance and coalition building, personal or
affective relationships, and the politics of solidarity in left
organizing. The authors are at their best when paying attention to
the processes of revolutionary organizing, emphasizing the quotidian
practice of left politics more than official leaders or party
discourses.

In his introduction, Kevin A. Young offers a four-part periodization
to think through this history. Young identifies the first period as
the years immediately following the Russian Revolution of 1917 and
the rise of Communist parties throughout the hemisphere. The second
period centers on the years of the popular front through the
post-World War II era. Margaret Powers's chapter on the US Communist
Party's relationship with Puerto Rican nationalist organizing
demonstrates the internationalism of this period and the significance
of personal relationships in solidarity activism. The 1959 Cuban
Revolution anchors the third period, which was shaped by the
popularity of new left ideas and third-worldism. Finally, Young
offers the 1970s and 1980s and the renewed revolutionary ferment in
Central America as the fourth period of the century.

Michele Chase's chapter on the 1959 Congress of Latin American Women
is a highlight of the volume and demonstrates the utility of its
analytical focus. The congress, held in Santiago, Chile, was part of
longer-standing, Old Left internationalist organizing. Examining
Cuban participation at the congress in the aftermath of the 1959
revolution, Chase moves beyond simplistic narratives of state
co-optation of women's rights activism, either by the Cuban
postrevolutionary state or by Soviet allies. By analyzing the
multiple tendencies within women's rights organizing in Cuba, Chase
demonstrates the depth of the 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]: Satyogi on Ahmed, 'Mohandas Gandhi: Experiments in Civil Disobedience'

2020-04-06 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Mon, Apr 6, 2020 at 4:42 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]: Satyogi on Ahmed, 'Mohandas Gandhi:
Experiments in Civil Disobedience'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Talat Ahmed.  Mohandas Gandhi: Experiments in Civil Disobedience.
London  Pluto Press, 2019.  xiii + 193 pp.  $105.00 (cloth), ISBN
978-0-7453-3429-5.

Reviewed by Pooja Satyogi (Ambedkar University Delhi)
Published on H-Socialisms (April, 2020)
Commissioned by Gary Roth

Gandhi and Civil Disobedience

Talat Ahmed's political biography of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi's
life is a welcome addition to the existing literature attempting to
theorize his principles of nonviolence and civil disobedience.
Offering a chronological account, as all biographies do, but
differing from them in taking a political position on how Gandhi's
individuated philosophical inclinations routinely undermined mass
movements, Ahmed's book offers readers more than just an exaltation
of Gandhi's life and politics. The book is divided into six chapters
and ends with ruminations about why both "liberal imperialists" (p.
155) like Barack Obama and David Cameron, on the one hand, and
right-wing leaders like the Indian prime minister Narendra Modi, on
the other, find it appealing to invoke Gandhi in their respective
brands of politics. This is important because the assumption in
Ahmed's work is not that Gandhian principles are amenable to easy
appropriation; rather, she hints that Gandhi's politics itself was
checkered and contradictory and leaders who invoke Gandhi, perhaps,
do so with some awareness of their own mottled politics.

Early on Ahmed shows how membership in the Vegetarian Society in
London in 1891 introduced Gandhi to the writings of Henry David
Thoreau on civil disobedience as well as the general beliefs of the
Society about contamination of the body by consumption of meat. The
second only cemented his already existing cultural and caste beliefs
about vegetarianism. The other group that was important for Gandhi
during this early period of formation of beliefs was the Theosophical
Society, which was founded in New York by Madame Helena Petrovna
Blavatsky in 1875. Ahmed tells us that the Society advocated a
"modernised reformed form of Hinduism fused with elements of
Christianity ... a sort of scientific spirituality" (p. 27). The
Society opened up a space for Gandhi to think about religion
politically. Until this moment in his life, his only imagination of
Hinduism was of a religion steeped in superstitious traditions. He
eventually used religion for wider political purposes, but without
letting go of a philosophy of "personal salvation" that religiosity
offered (p. 28). For Ahmed, this early phase allows us to gauge
Gandhi's developing capability for contemplating and critiquing the
self. This is interesting because Gandhi later comes across as
somewhat incapable both of self-reflection and critique, a point duly
noted by Ahmed herself.

Gandhi's political campaigns in South Africa, although not
necessarily successful in their outcomes, have often been hailed as
precursors to the more radical form they would eventually take in
India. With respect to the Franchise Amendment Bill of 1894 that
limited the number of Indians who could vote, we see Gandhi using
constitutional methods of arranging petitions, organizing meetings
with politicians, and writing letters to newspapers to gather support
for Indians. The second campaign, in 1906 in Transvaal, was about the
Boer government's introduction of the Asiatic Law Amendment Ordinance
and the Asiatic Registration Act, which intended to restrict Indian
immigration and allow for deportation. In early attempts of state
surveillance that required compulsory registration and fingerprinting
of all Indians and Chinese above the age of eight, we see Gandhi's
first attempt, Ahmed argues, of seeking mass participation in
disobeying the provisions of the laws. Ahmed further contends that
Gandhi's radical stand was inspired by the Russian Revolution of
1905. And, yet, Gandhi later routinely distanced himself from any
politics of the Left, as Ahmed shows. With respect to the
registration act, which later became the Transvaal Registration Act
of 1907, Gandhi, along with two other colleagues, eventually agreed
to a compromise that stipulated that Indians would register
voluntarily, following which the government would repeal compulsory
registration. The government did not repeal the act, but more
importantly, Gandhi's compromise, Ahmed argues, undermined the unity
achieved by Indians who were divided by class. The undermining of
unity among disparate 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Judaic]: Brumberg Kraus on Labendz and Yanklowitz, 'Jewish Veganism and Vegetarianism: Studies and New Directions'

2020-04-06 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: April 6, 2020 at 4:37:26 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Judaic]:  Brumberg Kraus on Labendz and  Yanklowitz, 
> 'Jewish Veganism and Vegetarianism: Studies and New Directions'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Jacob Ari Labendz, Shmuly Yanklowitz, eds.  Jewish Veganism and 
> Vegetarianism: Studies and New Directions.  Albany  SUNY Press, 2019. 
> xxiii + 348 pp.  $90.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-4384-7361-1.
> 
> Reviewed by Jonathan Brumberg Kraus (Wheaton College)
> Published on H-Judaic (April, 2020)
> Commissioned by Barbara Krawcowicz
> 
> This collection of essays is an outstanding introduction and report 
> on past and current trends in Jewish vegetarianism and Jewish 
> veganism, including many original and thought-provoking reflections 
> on the convergence of animal rights, Jewish traditions, and 
> performances of contemporary Jewish identities, especially through 
> food choices. Hence, it makes a substantial contribution to Jewish 
> food studies, Jewish identity studies, and the comparative cultural 
> study of the ethical treatment of animals. 
> 
> The editors, Jacob Ari Labendz and Shmuly Yanklowitz, leading 
> scholars and activists of the contemporary Jewish vegetarian and 
> vegan food movement (or Jewish "veg'ism," to use Aaron Gross's 
> shorthand for "the spectrum of plant-based diets that run from vegan 
> to ovo-lacto vegetarian," p. 325), have organized their book into two 
> parts. "Studies" is comprised of seven essays on the "historical, 
> literary, and sociological contexts" of Jewish veg'ism from the 
> Talmudic era to modern Israel, Europe, and North America (p. xv). The 
> second part, "New Directions," consists of seven more essays 
> "reflective" of current ethical, theological, and cultural issues and 
> debates in Jewish veg'ism from a variety of perspectives (pp. 
> xv-xvi). Following that is a brief and useful history of the Jewish 
> vegan and vegetarian movements in North America (Sarah Chandler and 
> Jeffrey Cohan), inf which many of the contributors were active 
> participants. They are sandwiched between an introductory essay by 
> Labendz and Yanklowitz and an afterward by Gross that provide a 
> coherent thematic and programmatic framework for the collection as a 
> whole. It is work of scholar activism, which is part of the nature of 
> vegetarian and vegan studies, since most of the scholars in this 
> field have personal commitments to these practices and advocate them 
> generally. However, this in no way diminishes the scholarship in this 
> book. In fact, it enhances it, since the contributors generally not 
> only acknowledge their stake in the game but also use the tools of 
> critical scholarship to distinguish carefully between what the 
> sources in texts and lived practices say and what they would like 
> them to say. 
> 
> In this light, many of the essays are exemplary in the way they 
> present compelling integrations of the authors' personal 
> autobiographies and veg'ist commitments and sound critical 
> scholarship. Particularly successful are the ways Adrienne Krone, 
> Sherry Colb, and Jacob Labendz interweave their personal stories and 
> practices to support the critical points they make in their essays. 
> Irad Ben Isaak's essay on the Yiddish poet Melekh Ravitch's 
> "conversion" to vegetarianism in a way provides a kind of paradigm to 
> recognize the trope of vegetarian or vegan conversion stories typical 
> in the rhetoric of many of the veg'ist essays in this book and other 
> veg'ist writing. It's a thing, as Adrienne Krone points out in her 
> references to the scholarship on the formation of vegan 
> identities.[1] 
> 
> The essays in the book offer a thorough and wide-ranging introduction 
> to Jewish vegan and vegetarian studies. Most of the basic sources for 
> vegan/vegetarian arguments in Jewish interpretation are covered in 
> one or usually more of the essays, namely, vegetarianism as 
> concession in the Bible (Gen 1:29-30; 9:3); the future messianic 
> vision of the lion lying down with the lamb in Isaiah; the concept of 
> _tza'ar ba'alei chayyim_ (not causing pain to animals) in the Talmud 
> and post-Talmudic interpretations; the biblical prohibitions against 
> cooking a kid in its mother's milk and removing a chick from its nest 
> (_kan tzippur_) and their post-Biblical interpretations; and the 
> vegetarian teachings of Rav Kook, to which the 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Nationalism]: Heniford on Peck, 'Making an Antislavery Nation: Lincoln, Douglas, and the Battle over Freedom'

2020-04-01 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: April 1, 2020 at 12:12:53 PM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Nationalism]:  Heniford on Peck, 'Making an 
> Antislavery Nation: Lincoln, Douglas, and the Battle over Freedom'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Graham A. Peck.  Making an Antislavery Nation: Lincoln, Douglas, and 
> the Battle over Freedom.  Urbana  University of Illinois Press, 2017. 
> 280 pp.  $34.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-252-04136-5.
> 
> Reviewed by Kellen Heniford (Columbia University)
> Published on H-Nationalism (April, 2020)
> Commissioned by Evan C. Rothera
> 
> Graham A. Peck's _Making an Antislavery Nation: Lincoln, Douglas, and 
> the Battle over Freedom_ seeks to explain the rise of the Republican 
> Party and "antislavery nationalism" in Illinois and, by extension, in 
> the United States as a whole. Republicans came to power, Peck argues, 
> because by the late 1850s a sense of explicitly antislavery national 
> identity had arisen in the North. His book begins in 1818, with 
> Illinois's ascension to statehood, and concludes in 1860, with the 
> ascension of one of the state's native sons, Abraham Lincoln, to the 
> presidency. His focus on Illinois makes for more than just convenient 
> bookending, as the state becomes a proxy for the nation writ large. 
> In Peck's words, "Illinois reproduced the nation's problems with 
> slavery in miniature" (p. 17). 
> 
> Peck sees his work as intervening in the scholarship on American 
> antislavery politics in five significant ways. First, he rightly 
> notes that antislavery politics predated not only the two-party 
> system but also the Constitution that birthed that system. Second, he 
> argues that antebellum Northern Democrats played a larger role in the 
> making of disunion than has generally been acknowledged, and, third, 
> that the Northern Democrats' embrace of proslavery policy and 
> politics accelerated that trajectory toward disunion. His fourth 
> point, which he acknowledges echoes James Oakes's work, is that the 
> large-scale adoption of antislavery politics in the North was made 
> possible by the prior adoption of antislavery nationalism. Finally, 
> Peck says, "the rise of antislavery politics reflected a fundamental 
> conflict between freedom and slavery in America," although this last 
> point seems less an intervention than a sides-taking in a 
> long-running historiographical debate (p. 11). As a cursory glance at 
> these arguments suggests, Peck's primary focus is the antebellum 
> period. 
> 
> Still, he begins the first chapter in 1818 with Illinois's statehood, 
> tracing state politics and debates about land, settlement, and labor, 
> and concluding with the failure of proslavery forces to secure a 
> constitutional convention that might change the state's position on 
> slaveholding. In this chapter, we see the first iterations of Peck's 
> important arguments--that clashes over slavery were really disputes 
> over "the meaning of freedom" and that Illinois debates on these 
> subjects reproduced those of the nation in minature (p. 17). Peck's 
> second chapter completes the early republic section of the book by 
> taking readers from 1825 to 1842. Here he makes the fairly 
> conventional argument that the party system of the Jacksonian era 
> kept disputes over slavery largely under control even as northerners' 
> and southerners' political economies continued to diverge. The 
> general thrust of this chapter will be familiar to specialists, but 
> his close attention to Illinois's state party politics will give many 
> nineteenth-century Americanists something new to consider. 
> 
> The pace of the monograph slows considerably beginning in the third 
> chapter. Peck's best analysis covers the two decades between 1840 and 
> 1860, and the last two-thirds of _Making an Antislavery Nation_ is 
> focused on this period. Chapters 3 and 4 discuss the Democratic Party 
> and its partisan rivals from the late 1830s to the late 1840s. Peck 
> demonstrates how the expansionist foreign policy of the James K. Polk 
> presidency thrust slavery back into the national spotlight and 
> brought to light the fault lines within Polk's own party. Some 
> Illinois Democrats, especially those in the northern and 
> traditionally more antislavery parts of the state, worried that their 
> party was beginning to favor the interests of the slaveholding South 
> over those of the free West. Simultaneously, 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-CivWar]: Cowsert on Hewitt and Schott, 'Confederate Generals in the Trans-Mississippi: Volume 3: Essays on America's Civil War'

2020-03-30 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
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Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: March 30, 2020 at 9:02:45 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-CivWar]:  Cowsert on Hewitt and  Schott, 
> 'Confederate Generals in the Trans-Mississippi: Volume 3: Essays on America's 
> Civil War'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Lawrence L. Hewitt, Thomas Edwin Schott, eds.  Confederate Generals 
> in the Trans-Mississippi: Volume 3: Essays on America's Civil War.  
> Knoxville  University of Tennessee Press, 2019.  374 pp.  $64.95 
> (cloth), ISBN 978-1-62190-454-0.
> 
> Reviewed by Zac Cowsert (West Virginia University)
> Published on H-CivWar (March, 2020)
> Commissioned by G. David Schieffler
> 
> _Confederate Generals in the Trans-Mississippi, Volume 3_ constitutes 
> the final volume in a series that has shed tremendous light on 
> Confederate leadership, strategy, and politics west of the 
> Mississippi River. In their preface, editors Lawrence Hewitt and 
> Thomas Schott dispel the notion that the Trans-Mississippi served as 
> "a dumping ground for generals who failed east of the river or whom 
> President Davis want to shield from controversy" (p. xv). Likewise, 
> in his forward, Daniel Sutherland argues that these commanders 
> "acquitted [themselves] as well as most generals on either side. It 
> is also clear that these men were not the ones responsible for the 
> collapse of the Confederacy" (p. xiii). Instead, Sutherland contends 
> that factors unique to the Trans-Mississippi posed difficult problems 
> for Rebel leaders: the distance and apathy from Richmond, the early 
> territorial gains by the United States, and the primacy of guerrilla 
> warfare. 
> 
> The two essays on Trans-Mississippi department commanders illustrate 
> these problems best. The sheer size and numerous strategic objectives 
> within the theater could easily lead Rebel commanders astray. Joseph 
> Dawson III's essay on Earl Van Dorn depicts a mediocre commander 
> promoted far above his talents, in part due to the patronage of 
> Jefferson Davis. Allured by the desire to bring Missouri into the 
> Confederacy, Van Dorn instead blundered into disastrous defeat at Pea 
> Ridge, "the most important and consequential battle in the 
> Trans-Mississippi" (p. 17). Further defeat at Corinth only verified 
> Van Dorn's "ineptness as an independent field commander" (p. 25). 
> 
> Echoing Steven Woodworth's argument in _Jefferson Davis and His 
> Generals_ (1990), Dawson contends the Confederate president was 
> partially to blame for Confederate military failures, positing that 
> "Davis too often chose or reappointed high-ranking officers from a 
> limited pool of generals unsuited or unfit for their assignments," 
> citing Earl Van Dorn and Theophilus Holmes as examples (p. 24). 
> 
> Though faring better than Van Dorn, Edmund Kirby Smith likewise 
> struggled with the military, political, and administrative headaches 
> of department command. Jeffery Prushankin depicts a general pulled in 
> different directions by strategic and political needs during his 
> first year in command. Richmond wanted Smith to prioritize the 
> defense of Louisiana and the Mississippi River Valley, yet Smith felt 
> local political pressure to defend Arkansas and liberate Missouri. As 
> Prushankin shows, Kirby Smith attempted to accomplish both objectives 
> by adopting a conservative defensive strategy that prioritized 
> interior lines of defense and the ability to project force either 
> north to Arkansas or south to Louisiana as necessity dictated. Such a 
> strategy created a paradox: "To achieve his military goal of 
> concentration, Kirby Smith had to surrender territory, but his 
> political imperative required holding territory and thus dispersing 
> his forces. It was an impossible dilemma" (p. 115). Feeling pressure 
> to keep a strong Confederate presence everywhere, the result was 
> Kirby Smith's inability to unleash a coordinated Confederate 
> offensive anywhere. Complementing this view of Kirby Smith is Richard 
> Holloway's essay on Smith's chief of staff, William R. Boggs. Boggs 
> proved a competent, if opinionated, staff officer whose experiences 
> offer a window into the administrative and personnel headaches within 
> the department. 
> 
> Holloway's examination of Hamilton Bee suggests that capable 
> administrators do not always make capable field commanders. 
> Successful, if not always popular or scrupulous, at managing the 
> local and 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]: Kornweibel on García, 'Gothic Geoculture: Nineteenth-Century Representations of Cuba in the Transamerican Imaginary'

2020-03-30 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
#1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message.
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*



Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
- - -
Subscribe to the Washington Babylon newsletter via 
https://washingtonbabylon.com/newsletter/

Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
> Date: March 30, 2020 at 11:01:34 AM EDT
> To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> Cc: H-Net Staff 
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-LatAm]:  Kornweibel on García,  'Gothic Geoculture: 
> Nineteenth-Century Representations of Cuba in the Transamerican Imaginary'
> Reply-To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org
> 
> Ivonne M. García.  Gothic Geoculture: Nineteenth-Century 
> Representations of Cuba in the Transamerican Imaginary.  Columbus  
> Ohio State University Press, 2019.  x + 170 pp.  $59.95 (cloth), ISBN 
> 978-0-8142-1395-7.
> 
> Reviewed by Karen Kornweibel (East Tennessee State University)
> Published on H-LatAm (March, 2020)
> Commissioned by Casey M. Lurtz
> 
> The political, economic, and cultural relationship between the United 
> States and Cuba is a long and fraught one. The nineteenth century in 
> particular saw an increasing fascination with Cuba on the part of its 
> northern neighbor, a fascination heightened in the context of slavery 
> and Manifest Destiny. From a US perspective, Cuba was a coveted, but 
> complicated, bit of real estate, particularly as the conflict over 
> slavery intensified. Many Cubans--particularly those in exile in the 
> United States--had strong and varied opinions about the benefits and 
> dangers of relationships the island might have with the United 
> States. From the perspective of Cubans hoping to throw off the 
> Spanish yoke, the United States had varied potential as a model, or 
> ally, or nation to join, or threat to future sovereignty. The United 
> States played a crucial role in how versions of Cuban identity were 
> developed in the nineteenth century even as the island played a 
> significant role in how US identity was renegotiated during the same 
> period. 
> 
> In her book,_ Gothic Geoculture: Nineteenth-Century Representations 
> of Cuba in the Transamerican Imaginary, _Ivonne M. García details 
> representations of Cuba from the literary archive from the 1830s to 
> 1890s. García's study builds on the foundation of a growing body of 
> scholarship that furthers our understanding of the literary and 
> historical realities of the Americas by moving beyond national 
> literatures to examine how shared experiences in the "New World," 
> like colonialism and slavery, led to analogous complexities in the 
> way systems of race, gender, and nation developed. Positioning 
> herself within this conversation, García employs the term 
> "transamericanity" to capture this idea and her work is based on the 
> "transamerican imaginary" that is most notably characterized in the 
> nineteenth century by the geoculture of slavery. Her title, _Gothic 
> Geoculture,_ refers to what she effectively argues is the gothic 
> nature of the representations of Cuba in the nineteenth-century 
> transamerican imaginary. As she explains in the introduction, 
> "_Gothic Geoculture_ focuses on the juncture where the gothic and 
> transamericanity meet, and where slavery, race, gender and 
> nationality become imbricated discourses that not only serve to 
> explain and justify, but also to challenge, US imperialist expansion 
> in the region" (pp. 13-14). 
> 
> García effectively situates her study in the historical and cultural 
> context. Focusing on a number of different genres including travel 
> guides, letters, novels, short stories, and essays, she explores how 
> cultural production by both US and Cuban writers during this period 
> drew on gothic themes such as "monstrosity, doubleness, corruption, 
> possession, and infection" to represent Cuba as dangerous and/or 
> imperiled (p. 5). García then discusses what these representations 
> reveal about the political and cultural relationship between the 
> island and the United States, and the breadth of genres covered lends 
> strength to her overall argument. Although she frames the chapters as 
> case studies--the first four of which focus on nuanced and apt close 
> readings of pairs of texts by different authors, with the final one 
> dedicated to several works by José Martí--her analysis has a clear 
> arc as she demonstrates the way in which the nature of the 
> gothicization of Cuba changed over time, most notably toward the end 
> of the nineteenth century. 
> 
> Each of García's chapters develops a central aspect of gothic 
> geoculture to further delineate the gothicization of Cuba in the 
> transamerican imaginary over the course of the nineteenth century. 
> The travel narratives of William Cullen Bryant and 

[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-Nationalism]: Bellows on Downs, 'The Second American Revolution: The Civil War-Era Struggle over Cuba and the Rebirth of the American Republic'

2020-03-30 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
  POSTING RULES & NOTES  
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-- Forwarded message -
From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW 
Date: Mon, Mar 30, 2020 at 1:47 PM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-Nationalism]: Bellows on Downs, 'The Second
American Revolution: The Civil War-Era Struggle over Cuba and the Rebirth
of the American Republic'
To: 
Cc: H-Net Staff 


Gregory P. Downs.  The Second American Revolution: The Civil War-Era
Struggle over Cuba and the Rebirth of the American Republic.  The
Steven and Janice Brose Lectures in the Civil War Era Series. Chapel
Hill  University of North Carolina Press, 2019.  232 pp.  $27.95
(cloth), ISBN 978-1-4696-5273-3.

Reviewed by Amanda Bellows (The New School)
Published on H-Nationalism (March, 2020)
Commissioned by Evan C. Rothera

In his thought-provoking new book, _The Second American Revolution:
The Civil War-Era Struggle over Cuba and the Rebirth of the American
Republic_, Gregory P. Downs presents a compelling new interpretation
of the US Civil War (1861-65). He argues that the war was "not merely
civil--meaning national--and not solely a war"; rather, it was a
transnational event that was "part of an international crisis" and
"was fought, in part, over competing visions of the world's future"
(p. 1). Furthermore, while some scholars diminish the extent to which
the Civil War altered the course of national development, Downs
contends that historians should think of "the Greater Civil War as a
revolution" (p. 4). By doing so, they will gain a clearer
understanding of the war's domestic and transnational consequences.

Downs is a professor of history at the University of California,
Davis where he studies nineteenth-century US political and cultural
history. He joins a distinguished group of scholars who have sought
to place the history of the US Civil War era in global perspective in
the last two decades. Historians Richard Blackett, Matthew Clavin,
Enrico Dal Lago, Don Doyle, Gerald Horne, Gale Kenny, Caleb McDaniel,
Edward Rugemer, and Brian Schoen have recently written monographs
that examine the international origins and outcomes of the war or
emancipation. In writing his book, Downs incorporated primary sources
from archives located in Cuba, Spain, Mexico, the United Kingdom, and
the United States. By setting the Civil War and its aftermath in
broader international context, he seeks to show through his
methodological approach that the conflict was "an externally oriented
revolution" that "no longer looks moderate or restorative, in its
leaders' intentions, in its methods, or in its effects" (p. 57).

Downs's central argument relates to the definition of the Civil War
as a "second American revolution" in US history (p. 2). The _New York
Herald _used the phrase to describe the Civil War in March 1869 just
prior to Ulysses S. Grant's presidential inauguration. Downs contends
that it is an apt term because of the Civil War's nationally and
internationally transformative political and social consequences. In
the domestic context, Downs focuses on the federal government's use
of force during the 1860s via "martial law, military governments, and
Washington ultimatums to force states to transform the Constitution
in ways unimaginable in the 1850s" (p. 3). Postwar legislation and
constitutional changes permanently reshaped the nation, particularly
through the abolition of slavery and the reformation of labor
relations via a process he describes as "bloody constitutionalism"
(p. 6). Downs also highlights the international impact of the
abolition of American slavery, an event that would reverberate
throughout the Atlantic World, especially in regions where slavery
still existed. Ultimately, he argues, the "second American
revolution" led to significant changes that included the liberation
of four million enslaved African Americans, the reduction of the
Southern planter class's power, and the production of a revolutionary
wave that "reverberated back to Cuba, Mexico, and Spain" (p. 7).

_The Second American Revolution_ is composed of an introduction,
three chapters, and an afterword that assess the Civil War,
Reconstruction, and the rise of the Jim Crow era. In the
introduction, "The Second American Revolution?," Downs explores the
notion of the Civil War as a revolutionary event and presents his
central arguments. Next, in chapter 1, "The Second American
Republic," he examines the role of federal force in securing the
constitutional amendments that would lead to the acquisition of
critical civil rights for African Americans during the period of
Reconstruction. Downs argues that "Republicans turned to military
power ... to revolutionize Southern society ... [and] to enact a
constitutional revolution" (p. 13). He 

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