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https://tinyurl.com/yabrv9qy

As widely reported, Venezuela is immersed in a major economic, social and
political crisis that shows no signs of early resolution.

Among its pressing problems, says Steve Ellner, are “four-digit annual
inflation, an appalling deterioration in the standard of living of both popular
and middle sectors, and oil industry mismanagement resulting in a decline in
production.”

The report by Ellner, a long-time scholar and resident of Venezuela, is highly
recommended for its analysis of the economic situation and the constellation of
political forces, as well as the limited options facing the government headed by
Nicolas Maduro. President Maduro was re-elected May 20 with a 68% majority but
54% of registered voters abstained due to the call for an electoral boycott by
the major opposition coalition.

Compounding the country’s many home-grown difficulties, some of which were
triggered by the sharp drop in global oil prices of recent years, is the
economic war being waged internationally against Venezuela. As Ellner explains,
Washington’s hostile actions, which have escalated since Obama incredibly
labelled Venezuela an “extraordinary threat to national security” of the USA,
“have impacted the Venezuelan economy in many ways.”

The Trudeau government is playing a major role in this offensive against
Venezuelan sovereignty, its economy and political leadership. It is
participating in the OAS-sponsored Lima Group of right-wing Latin American
governments aimed at isolating Venezuela internationally. Immediately following
Maduro’s victory in the May 20 election, Ottawa slapped new sanctions on
Venezuela, accusing the country’s leaders of murders and other human-rights
abuses, and hinting that Canada might ask the International Criminal Court to
prosecute Maduro’s government.

Venezuela’s crisis — heavily impacted by the decline in state oil revenues — has
led many, including some on the left, to question the resource extraction and
export strategies characteristic in varying degrees of all the “progressive”
governments elected in Latin America over the last twenty years.

Those strategies have deep roots, however, in the history and social structures
of Latin America established by foreign conquest and occupation and as they have
evolved in the two centuries since most countries gained their formal
independence from their colonial masters.

An outstanding analysis of the 20th century background is Fernando Coronil’s
book The Magical State: Nature, Money, and Modernity in Venezuela, first
published in English in 1997 and later translated into Spanish by a Cuban,
Esther Pérez. Coronil (1944-2011) was a Venezuelan anthropologist who spent much
of his academic career teaching in the United States.

Fernando CoronilA classic of Latin American economic and social history,
Coronil’s book was published by Nueva Sociedad in 2002, then reissued in 2013 by
the publisher Alfa, in Caracas. “One of the fundamental books for understanding
Venezuela,” write the editors of Nueva Sociedad in its March-April 2018 edition
(No. 274), it “helps us to advance in an analysis of current problems in
Venezuela in light of a rentier model that began in the 1930s and has lasted
under the Bolivarian Revolution, which today is facing its most critical
moment.”

The 2013 edition of the book contains a prologue by Venezuelan sociologist
Edgardo Lander, reproduced in almost its entirety in Nueva Sociedad. Published
below is my translation of Lander’s text. Where Lander quotes Coronil (indented
text), I have substituted the English text from his book, with the relevant page
references.

Coronil wrote in advance of the recent work by Marxist ecosocialists such as
Paul Burkett and John Bellamy Foster on the ecological content in Marx’s work,
most of which is still unknown in Latin America. One can only speculate as to
how a reading of their studies might have modified his critique of Marx’s
alleged failure to incorporate nature in his analysis of the process of wealth
creation.

A further caveat for readers in the “Canadian petro-state,” where the Trudeau
government is so committed to ecologically disastrous tar-sands extraction and
export that it has — contrary to all economic logic — nationalized Kinder
Morgan’s Canadian assets to ensure construction of the TransMountain bitumen
pipeline expansion to the west coast.

There is a fundamental difference between Venezuela, where rent from oil is the
main source of state income, and Canada with its developed manufacturing and
service sectors and diversified economy. As Trudeau says, the TransMountain
pipeline is an integral part of his government’s Pan-Canadian Framework on
fighting climate change — even though the Framework text does not mention
pipelines, and his fossil fuels expansion strategy completely belies his claims
about Canada’s leading role in fighting climate catastrophe. But mining,
quarrying and oil and gas extraction account for just over 8% of Canada’s GDP,
and energy products (oil, natural gas, etc.) account for about 14% of Canada’s
exports. That’s a huge difference from Venezuela, as documented by Lander and
Coronil. It’s the difference between a highly developed settler state in the
imperial metropolis and a peripheral underdeveloped state in the global South.

Full: https://tinyurl.com/yabrv9qy



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