====================================================================== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. ======================================================================
regarding the CNT the history of the Spanish CNT is an incredibly complex subject. Debats over strategy never ceased within this mass Union (1,6 to 2,8 million members) from the 1910S To the Cvil War (1936-39). Numerous tendencies coexisted from Agrarian Utopianism to pro-Bolshevism. The actual organizational structure of the CNT was changed on numerous occasions : to deal with going "underground" during Prim de Riviera's dictatorship in the 1920s (and strikes supported by targeted assassinations of bosses as well as political and military leaders in response to the execution of Union activists), to deal with changing paterns in industry, to deal with the failed uprising in the Asturias, to deal with the Bourgeois elections (better to vote for "progressive" parties that will grant an amnesty to the tens of thousands of imprisoned Union activists), to deal with the coming Civil War (stockpiling weapons, secretly organizing military training to Union activists so that militias would be ready in the predictable event of a Fascisit military coup), etc ... The CNT was continually evolving and was caracterized by dire-hard, uncompromising, unflinching loyalty to its aims among its members. They were utterly committed to overthrowing Capitalism, and never entered into negotiations with bosses. Their central aim was both Anarchism (the CNT considered that Bakunin had been "unlawfully" expelled from the 1st International) and Revolutionary Syndicalism. They thought that "One Big Union" should manage the economy from the bottom-up and that "Craft Unions" were an absurdity. They called their ideology "anarcho-syndicalism". Most of all, they thought of themselves as "the best, the most selfless segment of the working class" that was actively prepared to topple the Bourgeois State and institute "Libertarian Communism" in its stead. Nevertheless, it was an extremely adaptive organization, which often made complete U-turns in some of its short-term strategies, each generation bringing new ideas to the fore. Experiments in urban terrorism having proved inconclusive, the CNT turned to fomenting agrarian insurrections in the most impoverished regions of Spain (urging peasents to seize the lands), then cautious experiments with more "legalistic" forms of action. So, well before the Civil War, the CNT was already caracterized by "plasticity" in its short-term tactits, though never compromised on its long-term goals. They almost succeeded in the 1934 uprising in the Asturias, but the cost (16 000 of its most active members thrown in geol) was untenable. This plasticity was seen as the definite proof of the prolterian nature of the CNT, where each local section was allowed considerable leeway in its actions. The CNT distrusted the Russian Revolution from the outset. Though initially enthusiastic, it quickly grew disillusioned and condemned the Bolsheviks as "bourgeois intellectuals" as eraly as 1921. From then on, news from Russian was seen as further confirmation that the Revolution there had failed. So, the CNT was deeply hostile to the young Spanish CP from the mid-1920s onwards. They thought that only the CNT truely stood for the emancipation of workers. They were deeply involved in efforts to create a proletarian, as well as "anti-authoritarian", culture. Their daily newspaper, "solidaridad obrera" was read throughout Spain. They created thousands of free schools for workers, where children were taught reading and writing, but also "critical thinking", the "escuelas nuevas". Their efforts against illetaracy were truely staggering. Tens of thousands of children received an education thanks to them. They were also very much involved in the struggle for women's rights, the "mujeres libres", and were absolutely unique in the early 20th Century in promoting free sexuality. But with the Civil War came a series of dilemnas the CNT had to resolve. The Republic had been saved by workers, not by the Army. Workers were now in control of the main industrial cities. For the first time, in many areas, the CNT WAS IN COMPLETE CONTROL ! Initially, the CNT leadership thought it would be better to remain cautious. They felt the most pressing concern was re-starting the economy and equipping militias for the front-line. In Catalunya, the CNT was almost the only organization to control the streets and the work-places. Two options presented themselves immediately : 1) do away once and for all with the "generalitat", the government, occupy all government buildings and have the Union take charge of all aspects of life. 2) while in the rest of Spain the Fascists had not been defeated, let the Generalitat continue as a meaningless puppet, but have all the real decisions made by the CNT's Federation of Industrial Unions of Catalunya. Both courses of action had their supporters, and a form of compromise was reached. The CNT would start "collectivizing" all the industries and would ensure Workers' self-mangment in all the work-places. But it would also let the Generalitat continue to claim that it represented official, bourgeois, legality. Thoughout Catalunya, production restarted under workers' control. Each work-place was responsible for collectively deciding how to organize production. In some factories, the old wage system was kept. In others, all workers, whatever their occupation, received the same salary. Still others decided to abolish wages altogether and print their own legal tender, coupons which gave each family the same purchasing power. In Aragon, most villages decided to collectivize the land, tractors, cattle, and all other ressources. In each collectivity, decision were taken by a General Assembly of the population. Farmers who did not wish to participate were allowed to remain independent small-holders (often with a few cows), but could not have access to the collectivy's ressources. Again, moeny was often abolished and replaced by cards granting access to the collective store. This did not go down well with the Spanish Communist PArty who was rapidly gaining influence as the Civil War went on. From 10 000 members, the CP grew to 100 000 members. They had a reputation for efficiency and brutal discipline the CNT often lacked. When Stalin became the sole purveyor of weapons to Spain, the CP seized alsmost complete control of th Spanish Army and Government, the socialists of the PSOE and the §UGT coming under the control of communist agents. The situation was critical : the Fascists were gaining ground everywhere. The CP claimed that only a determined, ruthless re-organization of the war effort could bring victory. A law was passed forcing all CNT militias to merge into a single governmental army, led by Russian advisors. All "collectivisation" efforts in Aragon were to be halted and in 1937, the CP general Lister started dismantling all those collectivties and shooting thousands of "anarchists". The Spanish branch of the NKVD was given authority to arrest "Anarchists" and "Trotskyists" (Nin died under interrogation). The CNT reacted angrily by having its militias create their own "CNT-NKVD" and started executing known "Stalinist" sympathizers. The CP soon discovered it was in no position to intimidate the CNT as scores of its own activists ended up shot by CNT death squads, and half of the government's army's troops were in fact loyal to the CNT and not the CP. And while all this was happening, Franco was advancing. This episode is known as the "Civil War within the Civil War" This is the context in which the CNT participated in the Popular Front Government. It was seen as a necessary means of bringing unity in an effort to stop the Fascist advance. It was clear for all to see that the Republican side was plagued with internal bickering. The CNT leadership felt it was their responsability to do their bit towards defeating Fascism. They also argued that they had been wrong to dismiss the Government as a mere "puppet", especially in a time of armed conflict when the government asserts its palce in society so forcefully. So, many CNT members argued, participation in the government would mean being able to counter-blance the CP presence and protect the "collectivisation" effort that was underway from government repression. ________________________________________________ Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com