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regarding the CNT

the history of the Spanish CNT is an incredibly complex subject. Debats 
over strategy never ceased within this mass Union (1,6 to 2,8 million 
members) from the 1910S To the Cvil War (1936-39). Numerous tendencies 
coexisted from Agrarian Utopianism to pro-Bolshevism.

The actual organizational structure of the CNT was changed on numerous 
occasions : to deal with going "underground" during Prim de Riviera's 
dictatorship in the 1920s (and strikes supported by targeted 
assassinations of bosses as well as political and military leaders in 
response to the execution of Union activists), to deal with changing 
paterns in industry, to deal with the failed uprising in the Asturias, 
to deal with the Bourgeois elections (better to vote for "progressive" 
parties that will grant an amnesty to the tens of thousands of 
imprisoned Union activists), to deal with the coming Civil War 
(stockpiling weapons,  secretly  organizing military training to  Union 
activists so that  militias  would be ready in the predictable event of 
a Fascisit military coup), etc ...

The CNT was continually evolving and was caracterized by dire-hard, 
uncompromising, unflinching loyalty to its aims among its members. They 
were utterly committed to overthrowing Capitalism, and never entered 
into negotiations with bosses.

Their central aim was both Anarchism (the CNT considered that Bakunin 
had been "unlawfully" expelled from the 1st International) and 
Revolutionary Syndicalism. They thought that "One Big Union" should 
manage the economy from the bottom-up and that "Craft Unions" were an 
absurdity. They called their ideology "anarcho-syndicalism". Most of 
all, they thought of themselves as "the best, the most selfless segment 
of the working class" that was actively  prepared to topple the 
Bourgeois State and institute "Libertarian Communism" in its stead.

Nevertheless, it was an extremely adaptive organization, which often 
made complete U-turns in some of its short-term strategies, each 
generation bringing new ideas to the fore. Experiments in urban 
terrorism having proved inconclusive, the CNT turned to fomenting 
agrarian insurrections in the most impoverished regions of Spain (urging 
peasents to seize the lands), then cautious experiments with more 
"legalistic" forms of action. So, well before the Civil War, the CNT was 
already caracterized by "plasticity" in its short-term tactits, though 
never compromised on its long-term goals. They almost succeeded in the 
1934 uprising in the Asturias, but the cost (16 000 of its most active 
members thrown in geol) was untenable.

This plasticity was seen as the definite proof of the prolterian nature 
of the CNT, where each local section was allowed considerable leeway in 
its actions. The CNT distrusted the Russian Revolution from the outset. 
Though initially enthusiastic, it quickly grew disillusioned and 
condemned the Bolsheviks as "bourgeois intellectuals" as eraly as 1921. 
 From then on, news from Russian was seen as further confirmation that 
the Revolution there had failed.

So, the CNT was deeply hostile to the young Spanish CP from the 
mid-1920s onwards. They thought that only the CNT truely stood for the 
emancipation of workers. They were deeply involved in efforts to create 
a proletarian, as well as "anti-authoritarian", culture. Their daily 
newspaper, "solidaridad obrera" was read throughout Spain. They created 
thousands of free schools for workers, where children were taught 
reading and writing, but also "critical thinking", the "escuelas 
nuevas". Their efforts against illetaracy were truely staggering. Tens 
of thousands of children received an education thanks to them. They were 
also very much involved in the struggle for women's rights, the "mujeres 
libres", and were absolutely unique in the early 20th  Century in 
promoting free sexuality.

But with the Civil War came a series of dilemnas the CNT had to resolve. 
The Republic had been saved by workers, not by the Army. Workers were 
now in control of the main industrial cities. For the first time, in 
many areas, the CNT WAS IN COMPLETE CONTROL ! Initially, the CNT 
leadership thought it would be better to remain cautious. They felt the 
most pressing concern was re-starting the economy and equipping militias 
for the front-line.

In Catalunya, the CNT was almost the only organization to control the 
streets and the work-places. Two options presented themselves 
immediately : 1) do away once and for all with the "generalitat", the 
government, occupy all government buildings and have the Union take 
charge of all aspects of life. 2) while in the rest of Spain the 
Fascists had not been defeated, let the Generalitat continue as a 
meaningless puppet, but have all the real decisions made by the CNT's 
Federation of Industrial Unions of Catalunya. Both courses of action had 
their supporters, and a form of compromise was reached.

The CNT would start "collectivizing" all the industries and would ensure 
Workers' self-mangment in all the work-places. But it would also let the 
Generalitat continue to claim that it represented official, bourgeois, 
legality. Thoughout Catalunya, production restarted under workers' 
control. Each work-place was responsible for collectively deciding how 
to organize production. In some factories, the old wage system was kept. 
In others, all workers, whatever their occupation, received the same 
salary. Still others decided to abolish wages altogether and print their 
own legal tender, coupons which gave each family the same purchasing power.

In Aragon, most villages decided to collectivize the land, tractors, 
cattle, and all other ressources. In each collectivity, decision were 
taken by a General Assembly of the population. Farmers who did not wish 
to participate were allowed to remain independent small-holders (often 
with a few cows), but could not have access to the collectivy's 
ressources. Again, moeny was often abolished and replaced by cards 
granting access to the collective store.

This did not go down well with the Spanish Communist PArty who was 
rapidly gaining influence as the Civil War went on. From 10 000 members, 
the CP grew to 100 000 members. They had a reputation for efficiency and 
brutal discipline the CNT often lacked. When Stalin became the sole 
purveyor of weapons to Spain, the CP seized alsmost complete control of 
th Spanish Army and Government, the socialists of the PSOE and the §UGT 
coming under the control of communist agents. The situation was critical 
: the Fascists were gaining ground everywhere. The CP claimed that only 
a determined, ruthless re-organization of the war effort could bring 
victory. A law was passed forcing all CNT militias to merge into a 
single governmental army, led by Russian advisors. All 
"collectivisation" efforts in Aragon were to be halted and in 1937, the 
CP general Lister started dismantling all those collectivties and 
shooting thousands of "anarchists". The Spanish branch of the NKVD was 
given authority to arrest "Anarchists" and "Trotskyists" (Nin died under 
interrogation).

The CNT reacted angrily by having its militias create their own 
"CNT-NKVD" and started executing known "Stalinist" sympathizers. The CP 
soon discovered it was in no position to intimidate the CNT as scores of 
its own activists ended up shot by CNT death squads, and half of the 
government's army's troops were in fact loyal to the CNT and not the CP. 
And while all this was happening, Franco was advancing. This episode is 
known as the "Civil War within the Civil War"

This is the context in which the CNT participated in the Popular Front 
Government. It was seen as a necessary means of bringing unity in an 
effort to stop the Fascist advance. It was clear for all to see that the 
Republican side was plagued with internal bickering. The CNT leadership 
felt it was their responsability to do their bit towards defeating 
Fascism. They also argued that they had been wrong to dismiss the 
Government as a mere "puppet", especially in  a time of armed conflict 
when the government asserts its palce in society so forcefully. So, many 
CNT members argued, participation in the government would mean being 
able to counter-blance the CP presence and protect the 
"collectivisation" effort that was underway from government repression.




 
 





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