Trotsky's ghost wandering the White House
Influence on Bush aides: Bolshevik's writings supported the idea of 
pre-emptive war

Jeet Heer
National Post
Saturday, June 07, 2003

(snip)

As evidence of the continuing intellectual influence of Trotsky, 
consider the curious fact that some of the books about the Middle East 
crisis that are causing the greatest stir were written by thinkers 
deeply shaped by the tradition of the Fourth International.

In seeking advice about Iraqi society, members of the Bush 
administration (notably Paul D. Wolfowitz, the Deputy Secretary of 
Defence, and Dick Cheney, the Vice-President) frequently consulted Kanan 
Makiya, an Iraqi-American intellectual whose book The Republic of Fear 
is considered to be the definitive analysis of Saddam Hussein's 
tyrannical rule.

As the journalist Christopher Hitchens notes, Makiya is "known to 
veterans of the Trotskyist movement as a one-time leading Arab member of 
the Fourth International." When speaking about Trotskyism, Hitchens has 
a voice of authority. Like Makiya, Hitchens is a former Trotskyist who 
is influential in Washington circles as an advocate for a militantly 
interventionist policy in the Middle East. Despite his leftism, Hitchens 
has been invited into the White House as an ad hoc consultant.

Other supporters of the Iraq war also have a Trotsky-tinged past. On the 
left, the historian Paul Berman, author of a new book called Terror and 
Liberalism, has been a resonant voice among those who want a more 
muscular struggle against Islamic fundamentalism. Berman counts the 
Trotskyist C.L.R. James as a major influence. Among neo-conservatives, 
Berman's counterpart is Stephen Schwartz, a historian whose new book, 
The Two Faces of Islam, is a key text among those who want the United 
States to sever its ties with Saudi Arabia. Schwartz spent his formative 
years in a Spanish Trotskyist group.

To this day, Schwartz speaks of Trotsky affectionately as "the old man" 
and "L.D." (initials from Trotsky's birth name, Lev Davidovich 
Bronstein). "To a great extent, I still consider myself to be [one of 
the] disciples of L.D," he admits, and he observes that in certain 
Washington circles, the ghost of Trotsky still hovers around. At a party 
in February celebrating a new book about Iraq, Schwartz exchanged banter 
with Wolfowitz about Trotsky, the Moscow Trials and Max Shachtman.

"I've talked to Wolfowitz about all of this," Schwartz notes. "We had 
this discussion about Shachtman. He knows all that stuff, but was never 
part of it. He's definitely aware." The yoking together of Paul 
Wolfowitz and Leon Trotsky sounds odd, but a long and tortuous history 
explains the link between the Bolshevik left and the Republican right.

To understand how some Trotskyists ended up as advocates of U.S. 
expansionism, it is important to know something about Max Shachtman, 
Trotsky's controversial American disciple. Shachtman's career provides 
the definitive template of the trajectory that carries people from the 
Left Opposition to support for the Pentagon.

Throughout the 1930s, Shachtman loyally hewed to the Trotsky line that 
the Soviet Union as a state deserved to be defended even though Stalin's 
leadership had to be overthrown. However, when the Soviet Union forged 
an alliance with Hitler and invaded Finland, Shachtman moved to a 
politics of total opposition, eventually known as the "third camp" 
position. Shachtman argued in the 1940s and 1950s that socialists should 
oppose both capitalism and Soviet communism, both Washington and Moscow.

Yet as the Cold War wore on, Shachtman became increasingly convinced 
Soviet Communism was "the greater and more dangerous" enemy. "There was 
a way on the third camp left that anti-Stalinism was so deeply ingrained 
that it obscured everything else," says Christopher Phelps, whose 
introduction to the new book Race and Revolution details the Trotskyist 
debate on racial politics. Phelps is an eloquent advocate for the 
position that the best portion of Shachtman's legacy still belongs to 
the left.

By the early 1970s, Shachtman was a supporter of the Vietnam War and the 
strongly anti-Communist Democrats such as Senator Henry Jackson. 
Shachtman had a legion of young followers (known as Shachtmanites) 
active in labour unions and had an umbrella group known as the Social 
Democrats. When the Shachtmanites started working for Senator Jackson, 
they forged close ties with hard-nosed Cold War liberals who also 
advised Jackson, including Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz; these two 
had another tie to the Trotskyism; their mentor was Albert Wohlstetter, 
a defence intellectual who had been a Schachtmanite in the late 1940s.

full: 
http://www.nationalpost.com/search/site/story.asp?id=EC4AD553-8A1D-4324-8
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