Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Leszek Kolakowski dies

2009-07-19 Thread dogangoecmen

 at the end of the day he was an anti-marxist and ant-communist.
this is probably what his antistalinism is about. and that was then 
one of the ways to make academic carrier in the capitalist world.
i do not see any philosophical value in his so-called philosophical work.
but i may learn someting new if it can be shown based on the textual evidences.
in short, i do not miss him - an enemy of working classes...


 


 

-Original Message-
From: farmela...@juno.com farmela...@juno.com
To: marxistphiloso...@yahoogroups.com; marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
Sent: Fri, Jul 17, 2009 10:29 pm
Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Leszek Kolakowski dies










*Leszek Kolakowski, philosopher, sociologist and essayist has died, aged 
82. *

“We receive this news with great pain and sorrow,” said Rector of Warsaw 
University, Katarzyna Chalasinska-Macukow. “This is a big loss not just 
for Poland but for the world.”

Poland’s lower house of parliament, the Sejm, stopped debating, Friday, 
to pay the distinguished intellectual a minute’s silence in his memory.

Kolakowski’s /Main Currents of Marxism/ (1978) became a standard 
academic text in universities the world over and he was awarded Poland’s 
highest honour, the White Eagle, for services to the history of ideas.

Kolakowski was born in Radom, central Poland in 1927. He took his degree 
at Lodz University and his doctorate in Warsaw University where he later 
led the history of philosophy departament
.

Originally a member of the communist Polish United Workers Party he 
became disillusioned and joined a growing band of revisionist Marxists. 
After being thrown out of the party and losing his post at Warsaw 
University, Kolakowski became convinced that Stalinism was the logical 
conclusion of Marxism and not its aberration, as was the line in many 
communist parties in Europe and elsewhere.

 From the late 1960s he worked in universities in the US, and UK, where 
he became a prominent academic at Oxford University. He is thought to be 
a major intellectual inspiration to the opposition to communism in Poland. *
http://polskieradio.pl/thenews/national/artykul112297_leszek_kolakowski_dies.html
*


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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] [politicalaffairs] Re: Political Affairs Magazine - The Concept of quot; Auraquot; and the Question of Art in Althusser, Benjamin and Greenberg

2009-02-07 Thread dogangoecmen
Jim,
thank you very much for this illuminating background knowledge.

Dogan

-Original Message-
From: Jim Farmelant farmela...@juno.com
To: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
CC: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
Sent: Sat, 7 Feb 2009 15:27
Subject: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] [politicalaffairs] Re: Political Affairs Magazine 
- The Concept of quot; Auraquot; and the Question of Art in Althusser, 
Benjamin and Greenberg




n Sat, 7 Feb 2009 05:30:54 -0800 (PST) Mehmet Cagatay
mehmetcagatayay...@yahoo.com writes:
 
 Mr. Dumain, would you please clarify why you regard Althusserian 
 anti-humanism as a kind of epater les bourgeois?
The whole debate seems peculiarly French to me.
n France since the 19th century humanism was
een as something that was closely tied to
he bourgeoisie.  Even someone like Sartre
truggled over whether he was a humanist
r not.  He eventually decided that his
xistentialism was a kind of humanism,
ut one that was different from the kinds
f humanism that the bourgeoisie typically
mbraced.  In Sartre's case, I think he
dentified conventional bourgeois humanism
ith essentialism. Those humanisms
osited a human essence, whereas for
artre, existence preceded essence.
In the French debates over humanism
n the 1960s and 1970s, structuralists
nd poststructuralists like Levi-Strauss,
ouis Althusser, and Michel Foucault
ttempted to push the critique of humanism
uch further than Sartre had been willing
o go.  Sartre's existentialism, as he realized,
as still a humanism.  He placed free will
t the center of his conception 
of man.
eople, regardless of the circumstances
hat they might find themselves in, still
etained their freedom, if only the
reedom to redefine their situation
n alternative ways.  The French
nti-humanists questioned this view
n light of such developments in the
uman sciences like structural linguistics
which Levi-Strauss to generalize into
 complete anthropology), psychoanalysis
i.e. the work of Lacan which enjoyed
reat currency in this period), and of
ourse, Marxism.  Althusser, was
f course, a Marxist and long time
ember of the PCF.  Foucault,
ho had been a student of Althusser,
as a member of the PCF for a brief
eriod of time.  By the 1950s, he had
enounced Marxism in favor of Nietzscheanism,
lthough his work was still very much
nfluenced by Marxism.  Levi-Strauss,
 believed, identified himself at this time
s a Marxist, although his work doesn't
trike me as being particularly Marxist.
There were certainly differences in viewpoints
etween these people.  Althusser doesn't
eem to have been particularly enamored
ith Levi-Strauss's work, and he didn't
ike being called a structuralist.  However,
ll these people's work, whether drawing 
rom Saussure, Freud, Marx, Nietzsche,
r Heidegger, all had certain themes in
ommon.  They all rejected the Sartrean
mphasis on human freedom, instead
mphasizing the extent to which human
ehavior is determined by structures
f various sorts, whether these be
inguistic structures, kinship structures,
tructures of epistemology (Foucault
n this *The Order of Things*), social
tructures as represented by20the 
ode of production and associated
uperstructures (i.e. Althusser), and
o forth.  They all rejected the traditional
umanist idea that their exists an unchanging
uman essence which provides the basis
or freedom and equality and human rights.
or the French antihumanists, this conception
as rejected as being ideological and/or
etaphysical, and they drew variously
pon Marx, Nietzsche, and Heidegger,
n their critiques of humanism.


 
 Thank you in advance,
 
 
 
 Mehmet Çagatay
 http://weblogmca.blogspot.com/
 
 
 --- On Fri, 2/6/09, Ralph Dumain rdum...@autodidactproject.org 
 wrote:
 
  Althusserian and French anti-humanism in general 
  is bullshit, the French intellectual's way of, as 
  they say, epater les bourgeois. If humanism 
  alludes to something else, then that should be 
  decoded. And I think Tedman is quite mistaken.
 
 
 
   
 
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Worried German bourgeoisie

2009-01-05 Thread dogangoecmen
This is very interesting and being discussed in Germany for more than one year.
What I find more interesting in this connection is what Roland Koch, the 
temporary prime minister of Hessen and one of the leading figures?of Christian 
Democrat Party (CDU), said:?he said that Germany must come out of the crisis 
with new market segments in hand. Similar assertions has been made by 
chancellor Angelika Merkel. She said that Germany must come out the crisis 
stronger. Is that the old game of imperialist expansion policy?


-Original Message-
From: Charles Brown charl...@cncl.ci.detroit.mi.us
To: a-l...@lists.econ.utah.edu; marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
Sent: Mon, 5 Jan 2009 17:18
Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Worried German bourgeoisie




Louis Proyect 

(posted to LBO-talk by SA)

[From an interview with Hasso Plattner, co-founder of SAP]

http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/0,1518,598945,00.htmlhttp://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/0,1518,598945,00.html
 



[...]

SPIEGEL: Sometimes it's a nasty game. In 2005, Deutsche Bank CEO 
Josef Ackerman announced a 25 percent return for the company while at 
the same time saying it would lay off more than 6,000 employees.

Plattner: Objectively speaking, he was completely right. His bank 
needed those returns in order to stay globally competitive. He just 
expressed it badly. It's something that's understood almost 
everywhere around the world, just not in Germany, where one sometimes 
comes across a confused social romanticism.

SPIEGEL: What's utopian about people wanting a just society?

Plattner: Is German society unjust, then? Ever since the economic 
miracle of Ludwig Erhard, we Germans have been entrenched in a 
capitalist business system, on top of which we have super-imposed the 
cloak of a social market economy


SPIEGEL: 
which we find reasonable, because it softens the effects of 
extreme capitalism.

Plattner: I completely agree. But there's a feeling in this country 
that we don't want capitalism any more, and instead want something 
different, something nicer. But nothing better exists, despite all 
the system's weaknesses and its dark sides. East Germany showed us 
where a communist planned economy would lead us. Some people have 
started talking fondly about those times.

SPIEGEL: For example, the actor who played the police detective on 
the TV crime show Tatort, Peter Sodann, [now running for the largely 
ceremonial post of German president on behalf of the Left Party in an 
election next year] said: I won't let the GDR be taken away from me.

Plattner: For me, that's just curious. On the other hand, the man is 
a candidate for the office of president of the republic.

SPIEGEL: In surveys, fewer and fewer Germans say they consider 
democracy to be the best politica
l system, or capitalism to be the 
most sensible economic system.

Plattner: That really bothers me too. The only thing to do is take a 
look at the world, Cuba for example.






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[Marxism-Thaxis] Descartes, Smith and the Theory of Subject

2008-10-11 Thread dogangoecmen


Dear All,


please find below the abstract of my paper on Descartes, Smith and the theory 
of subject.


The paper will appear in the 3rd issue of BAYKUS - a Turkish journal of 
philosophy. You may think it is not dealing with the contemporary crisis. Sure 
it does not. But it deals with a fundamental contradiction of capitalism in 
regard to the question what is the situation of individuals in capitalit 
markets and production and of how to establish a society in which all 
individuals might be emancipated and regard one another as their second selves.


Cheers,


Dogan


-


 




This paper aims to present Smith’s theory of subject in his intellectual 
context and
in relation to some con
temporary approaches. The issue will be, first, dealt
with in relation to Descartes from a philosophical and social historical point
of view and this will be related to Smith’s philosophy of subject. After having
referred to Smith’s Scottish background as a philosopher, there will be
presented Smith’s two dimensional (general and historical) philosophy of
subject as a critique of Cartesian philosophy of subject. In that connection 
there will be
pointed to two traditions in the philosophy of subject: cogito and mirror. As
will be seen below, Smith defines himself in mirror tradition. This will lead
to presentation of Smith’s methodological revolution in the theory of subject
and of his use of some of his major concepts such as situation, sympathy,
impartiality a
nd the division of labour. After having worked out Smith’s
investigation into the contradiction between general and historical aspects of
the philosophy of subject there will be pointed out that Smith uses a social
theoretical perspective which might bring about the emancipation of subject. 








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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Paul Robeson's 110th birthday

2008-04-10 Thread dogangoecmen
Happy birthday.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W76QjLsQADQ

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lgQD3p6NyzMNR=1

 


 

-Ursprüngliche Mitteilung- 
Von: Ralph Dumain [EMAIL PROTECTED]
An: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
Verschickt: Do., 10. Apr. 2008, 3:14
Thema: [Marxism-Thaxis] Paul Robeson's 110th birthday










Today.


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[Marxism-Thaxis] A new turkish journal of Pholosophy: The OWL

2007-12-13 Thread dogangoecmen

Dear Friends, Colleagues,

this to announce the publication of a new Turkish journal of philosophy: The 
OWL.
For Turkish readers of you: 
http://www.ideefixe.com/Kitap/tanim.asp?sid=XFFWSDF8SF8FO159YFJI.
The website of the journal is still in preparation. Please find below the table 
of contents of the first issue.
Some of the abstracts are attached. Please contact for any inquiry in any 
language: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
I appologise for any cross posting.

Kind regards,
Dr Dogan Göcmen

-
Table of Contents

Güçlü Ateşoğlu - Kaan Özkan

A Discussion with Uluğ Nutku

10


Hasan Ünal Nalbantoğlu

For a Sociology of Dance in Turkey

23


Taylan Altuğ

On the Conception of Mimesis in Adorno’s Theory of Esthetics
49


49


Doğan Özlem

Tradition, Rupture and Philosophy

59


Uluğ Nutku

On the Category of Tradition in the Ontology of History

83


Güçlü Ateşoğlu

Some Thoughts on Tradition in the Relationship of Past and Present

91


G.W.F. Hegel

Lectures on the History of Philosophyr

114


On Turkish Philosopher: Ulus

116


Medar Atıcı

The Place of Translation in the Relationship of Philosophy and Academia

119


Alain Badiou

The Adventure of French Philosophy

131


Zeynep Direk

Levinas and Kierkegaard: Etics and Politics

141


Archives


Selahattin Hilav

The Beginning of Philosophy: East, Angst, Individual

166


Ali Galip Yener

On a treatise of Selahattin Hilav 

179


Yıldız Silier

How (not) to Explore Happiness

185


Doğan Göçmen

Struggle for History in the Relationship of History, Philosophy and Politics
(A Review Essay on Domenico Losurdo's Book: Struggle for History)



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[Marxism-Thaxis] Oscar Figuera, General secretary of the PCV

2007-12-05 Thread dogangoecmen
translation (done by myself) of a statement from the PCV regarding the 
electoral defeta on sunday. please circulate widely. this is offical.
 

Caracas, 3rd Dec, Tribuna popular- Oscar Figuera, General secretary of the PCV, 
paraphrasing Che, said that you learn more form the defeats than the 
victories. Like this, in the weekly press conference, the first analysis was 
made of the results generated this sunday in the consultative referendum of the 
Constitutional Reform presented to the country by the President of the 
Republic, Hugo Chavez Frias.

Figuera stated that the results and lived events of the Venezuelan people on 
the day yesterday must result in great lessons that strengthen the venezuelan 
revolutionary process, he explained that that which was lived through 
yesterday is a new episode in the class struggle, of the intense ideological 
combat that is developing in our country with relation to its transformation, 
to the advance of the revolution, and of the interests of our people. He added 
that the revolution has lost a batte, but not the war against imperialism.

The PCV stated that the period lived through in this electoral process is a 
clear showing of the confrontation of the distinct visions of the country that 
exist in venezuelan society, that was what was the game yesterday.

On one hand the national oligarchy has the objective of mantaining their 
capitalist regime and to exploit and manipulate, using lies across the means of 
comunication at its service, with an incompassionate offensive, to manipulate 
old and ancient fears, and historical prejudices emphasised the representative.




 He added that with a derived proposal to deepen the democracy, with a content 
each time more popular, with the transformation of the state, the reordering of 
the territory and to raise the standard of living of our people, it confronted 
with every campaign a supposed risk to property, a supposed risk to family, and 
a supposed risk to religion, 3 ancient values of capitalist society.


 

One of the elements that fills the PCV with satisfaction is that half of the 
electorate that partipated yesterday made with a deep conscience an advance 
towards socialism, weighed by the reuslts of the referendum, we have given an 
immence qualitative advance to the popular conscience, that it is nothing 
despicable that 4 million venezuelans have opted for socialism in the mark of 
this infernal campaign expressed Oscar Figuera. He remembered that 8 years ago 
this level of developement of the collective conscience didnt exist.

In the analysis that the PCV made, they expressed that those 3 million of 
votars that didnt vote yesterday is the difference from that result obtained in 
2006 they continue having confidence in Chavez, because they didnt vote 
against Chavez, only that they werent convinced about the Reform and they were 
neutralised by the fear he said.

 Of the experiences of the electoral event, the PCV extracted some analysis, in 
the mark of the first reflections: that in the deeping of the ideological 
battle that derives from the disrupting of the historical fears the communists 
will focus ourselves he added that we have a duty to demolish the easy 
slogans and we have a duty to go to the deep ideological battle in the name of 
our people.

Other experiences that the venezuelan communists showed were that in all the 
revolutionary processes, the existence of a revolutoionary and political 
instrument, and of a unified Collective direction that directs the revolution 
is necessary and insubsitutable. In this, the PCV stated that it will carry 
on working, because history shows that infront of the dominant classes, its 
necessary and insubstiutable to construct the Political Instrument of the 
Revolution, expressed thier General Secretary Oscar Figuera.

 A third element of the lived experience is that finally the opposition 
remembered and made thiers the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of 
venezuela, this is an advance, after what they faced in 1999, and the years 
afterwards, to come to remember that this constitution is the most advanced in 
the world.
 

Caracas, 03 dic. Tribuna Popular TP.- Oscar Figuera, secretario general del 
Partido Comunista de Venezuela PCV, parafraseando al Che expresó que “de las 
derrotas se aprende más que de las victorias”. Así lo señaló hoy en marco de la 
rueda de prensa semanal, haciendo un primer análisis de los resultados generado 
este domingo en el referendo consultivo de la reforma constitucional presentado 
por el Presidente de la República, Hugo Chávez Frías.

 

Figuera, señaló que los resultados y acontecimientos vivido por el pueblo 
venezolano en el día de ayer se deben extraer grandes enseñanzas que 
fortalezcan el proceso revolucionario venezolano, explicó que “lo vivido ayer 
es un nuevo episodio de la lucha de clase, del intenso combate ideológico que 
se desarrolla en nuestro país con relación a su transformación, al avance de la 

Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Oscar Figuera, General secretary of the PCV

2007-12-05 Thread dogangoecmen
So you think you are revolutionary. Read Lenin's leftwing...


-Ursprüngliche Mitteilung- 
Von: juan De La Cruz [EMAIL PROTECTED]
An: Forum for the discussion of theoretical issues raised by Karl Marx and the 
thinkers he inspired marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
Verschickt: Mi., 5. Dez. 2007, 14:53
Thema: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Oscar Figuera, General secretary of the PCV



Is the process led by Hugo Chávez Frias a revolutionary one?  What is a 
evolutionary process?  What are the essential elements that enable us to 
roperly define a process as revolutionary?  Which are the first steps to be 
aken in order to open a revolutionary process?
  
 ...When you study the project of constitutional reform presented by reformist 
ast December 2nd you realize that it was a direct intend to reproduce class 
olarization, that is to say, to keep the proletariat as cannon folder of 
ourgeois factions.  I won't stop re mining you that when the proletariat 
tarted to rebel against the crises back in the 90s, the group the stopped the 
ebellion was that led by Hugo Chavez.  
  
 The reformist therefore counterrevolutionary capitalist coalition organized 
round the social agent of capital known as Chavez didn't allow the proletariat 
o move forward and try to destroy capital's society as the only alternative to 
inish with the reproduction of exploitation, misery and all other defeats of 
apitalism.
  
 All the language or discourse used in the referendum is a negation of the 
istorical necessity of the social dictatorship of the proletariat.  For 
xample, when you say Venezuelan people instead of saying the proletariat you 
re negating the existence of the proletariat as a revolutionary class.  In 
ddition, when the reformist forces asked the proletarian mass to participate in 
he elections you are also negating the proletariat as a revolutionary class
  
 This issues have been already discussed so why should I continued wasting my 
ime writing about all that shit..
  
 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
 translation (done by myself) of a statement from the PCV regarding the 
lectoral defeta on sunday. please circulate widely. this is offical.
 
Caracas, 3rd Dec, Tribuna popular- Oscar Figuera, General secretary of the 
PCV, 
araphrasing Che, said that you learn more form the defeats than the 
ictories. Like this, in the weekly press conference, the first analysis was 
ade of the results generated this sunday in the consultative referendum of the 
onstitutional Reform presented to the country by the President of the Republic, 
ugo Chavez Frias.
Figuera stated that the results and lived events of the Venezuelan people on 
the 
ay yesterday must result in great lessons that strengthen the venezuelan 
evolutionary process, he explained that that which was lived through yesterday 
s a new episode in the class struggle, of the intense ideological combat that 
s developing in our country with relation to its transformation, to the advance 
f the revolution, and of the interests of our people. He added that the 
evolution has lost a batte, but not the war against imperialism.
The PCV stated that the period lived through in this electoral process is a 
lear showing of the confrontation of the distinct visions of the country that 
xist in venezuelan society, that was what was the game yesterday.
On one hand the national oligarchy has the objective of mantaining their 
apitalist regime and to exploit and manipulate, using lies across the means of 
omunication at its service, with an incompassionate offensive, to manipulate 
ld and ancient fears, and historical prejudices emphasised the representative.


 He added that with a derived proposal to deepen the democracy, with a content 
ach time more popular, with the transformation of the state, the reordering of 
he territory and to raise the standard of living of our people, it confronted 
ith every campaign a supposed risk to property, a supposed risk to family, and 
 supposed risk to religion, 3 ancient values of capitalist society.

 
One of the elements that fills the PCV with satisfaction is that half of the 
lectorate that partipated yesterday made with a deep conscience an advance 
owards socialism, weighed by the reuslts of the referendum, we have given an 
mmence qualitative advance to the popular conscience, that it is nothing 
espicable that 4 million venezuelans have opted for socialism in the mark of 
his infernal campaign expressed Oscar Figuera. He remembered that 8 years ago 
his level of developement of the collective conscience didnt exist.
In the analysis that the PCV made, they expressed that those 3 million of 
votars 
hat didnt vote yesterday is the difference from that result obtained in 2006 
they continue having confidence in Chavez, because they didnt vote against 
havez, only that they werent convinced about the Reform and they were 
eutralised by the fear he said.
 Of the experiences of the electoral event, the PCV extracted some analysis, 

[Marxism-Thaxis] Rosa Luxemburg

2007-12-03 Thread dogangoecmen


Rosa Luxemburg, the Legacy of Classical German Philosophy and the Fundamental 
Methodological Questions of Social and Political Theory 

http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/content~content=a785120183~db=all~order=page

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[Marxism-Thaxis] Rober Service and Lenin

2007-11-01 Thread dogangoecmen
Dear All,

sometimes ago when I posted to the list a short paper of mine on Lenin's 
epistemological theory and German philosophy, a member of the list suggested to 
me to read Robert Service. So I did. I read his Lenin biography. I must admit 
that it was waisting time and money. Service, I am sorry to say, understands 
neither Marx and Lenin nor October Revolution and Sviet Union. To understand 
Lenin one has to be revolutionary. Otherwise one produces bull shit. Zizek is 
much better. But it is probably one of the requirements of our time that to be 
professor at universities like Oxford and so on one has to produce bull shit. I 
prefer to remain scietific and honestly minded philosopher.

Kind Regards,
Dogan Göcmen


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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] [marxistphilosophy] Hegel's Ph of Spirit

2007-09-27 Thread dogangoecmen


 Dear All,

on the 6th and 7th of October there is also an international conference on 
Hegel's Phenomenology in Turkey/Istanbul. 
See: 
http://www.ideayayinevi.com/Hegel_Kongresi/Hegel_Kongresi_English.htm


 
Dogan Gocmen





-Ursprüngliche Mitteilung- 

Von: Phil Walden [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Bcc: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Verschickt: Do., 27. Sept. 2007, 0:19

Thema: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] [marxistphilosophy]  Hegel's Ph of Spirit













The question was asked: Who is paying attention to the bicentennial of

Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit?  Well, the Hegel Society of Great Britain

held its conference this year on that book.  It was very well attended with

about 70 attendees and the quality of the papers was high.  Some of them may

appear in the bulletin of that Society which is automatically posted to all

members.  I suspect that this bicentennial must also have been marked by

events in Germany, the US, and France too, although I have no evidence of

this.

Phil Walden  



-Original Message-

From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Ralph

Dumain

Sent: 26 September 2007 17:10

To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]; marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu

Subject: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] [marxistphilosophy] Re: Religion  Marx



Yes, indeed.



See also my bibliography of books on Feuerbach in English, which is 

pretty complete unless something new has been published:



* http://www.autodidactproject.org/bib/feuerbib.htmlLudwig Feuerbach

I don't have some of the more recent books, so I cant' comment.  Van 

Harvey made a splash some years ago in atheist circles, and his book 

was then easily available.



The Feuerbach bicennential passed unnoticed in this area of the 

world, it seems.



This is the bicentennial of Hegel's Phenomenology, but I don't know 

who is paying attention.



At 08:13 AM 9/26/2007, [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:



Marx Wartofsky's massive study, Feuerbach (Cambridge University 

Press,1977),  would, I think be an exception to that rule.



Jim F.



-- Ralph Dumain [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

Expositions of Marxism have tended to limit treating Feuerbach as a

thinker in his own right, but not all scholars, Marxist and

non-Marxist, have imposed such limitations.

.. 





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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Religion Marx

2007-09-27 Thread dogangoecmen

 Dear Jim,

you are right in saying that Feuerbach should be taken in his own rights and 
not merely as a transitory figure. But on the other hand he paved the way for 
Marx and recognised by his move to social democracy that his philosophy had in 
may ways a transitory character. So for example he recognised towards end of 
his life that the answer to the question, what is happiness, should be answered 
from political economy's point of view. And in this connection he reffered 
explicitly to Marx's Capital. Feuerbach's materialist critique of Hegel is a 
rationalist one. Many people, some of whom you mention, tried to turn his 
critique into an irrationalist one.

DG.
 


-Ursprüngliche Mitteilung- 
Von: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [EMAIL PROTECTED]
An: Marxism-Thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
Verschickt: Do., 27. Sept. 2007, 13:51
Thema: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Religion  Marx











Feuerbach as many people here are probably aware was, despite or perhaps even 
because of his atheism, an important influence on 20th century theology.  
People 
like Karl Barth, Karl Rahner, Martin Buber, and Paul Tillich all wrote about 
and 
wrestled with Feuerbach's critique of Christianity and religion.  On the 
secularist side of the fence, both Friedrich Nietzsche and Sigmund Freud were 
very much influenced by Feuerbach as well.  It's a vulgar mistake to take 
Feuerbach as simply a transitional figure from Hegel to Marx.

Jim F.

-- CeJ [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
Religion  Marx

This might  be on the bibliographies, I haven't checked. At any rate,
this ten page article looks to take an interesting approach. I don't
have a copy though. This is the cheapest (USD 25.00) online price I
could find for this article. But as I said, it would be tempting to
work out an understanding of Marx not only up against Feuerbach but
with some other contemporaries. So we get this paper on F, M and
Bloch.

A far different but interesting approach for me would be a
reconciliation of socialism and Islamist movements, such as Hezbollah
and the Sadrist Resistance in Iraq. The US and much of Europe under
the tutelage of the hegemon have taken the world down a path to hell
in this regard.

CJ
---


http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/content~content=a713994384~db=all

Religion and communism: Feuerbach, Marx and Bloch
Author: Vincent Geoghegan
DOI: 10.1080/1084877042000306352
Publication Frequency: 7 issues per year
Published in: journal The European Legacy, Volume 9, Issue 5 October
2004 , pages 585 - 595
Subjects: European History; European Studies; Philosophy;
Formats available: PDF (English)

  Purchase Article: US$25.00 - buy now buy now add to cart buy now
[ show other buying options ]



Abstract
Whilst Marx made scattered positive remarks about the details of
communist society, he also made important negative indications.
Religion features in this negativity: his critique of religion is
withering, there is no mention of religious life in communism, and he
is emphatic that religion will play no role in such a society. For
Marx, one of the tangible freedoms of communism was freedom from
religion. The critique of religion is fundamentally inscribed in the
very genesis of Marx's thought, and Feuerbach is crucial to
understanding Marx's strictures on religion. Yet Feuerbach also
figures in Ernst Bloch's very positive approach to religion, which
argues that communism involves the freedom to be religious, in the
sense of opening up oneself and society to the gold-bearing seams of
the religious experience. This essay explores how such different
conceptions of the relationship between religion and communism both
draw sustenance from Feuerbach.

-

MLA style citation:

Geoghegan, Vincent. Religion and communism: Feuerbach, Marx and
Bloch The European Legacy 9.5 (2004). 25 Sep. 2007
http://www.informaworld.com/10.1080/1084877042000306352

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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] October Revolution and Kolonialism

2007-08-27 Thread dogangoecmen

Dear Štěpán Steiger,

most of the material I used is covered in a spcial issue of Der Spiegel on 
Africa, published just few weeks ago.
Unfortunately I do not have it in online version.  Other sources are referred 
to in the text. If you want to have a special reference please let me know.

Dogan

-Ursprüngliche Mitteilung- 
Von: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
An: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
Verschickt: Mo., 27. Aug. 2007, 15:52
Thema: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] October Revolution and Kolonialism










Lieber Genosse,
Leider ist des von Ihnen angesprochenen Papers nicht beigelegt. Ich würde es 
gerne lesen. Werden Sie so freundlich und senden Sie mir es by Email? Vielen 
Dank Štěpán Steiger, Prag

__
 Od: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Komu: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
 Datum: 27.08.2007 02:40
 Předmět: [Marxism-Thaxis] October Revolution and Kolonialism

For German readers a short paper on October Revolution and the emancipation of 
kolonised people.



DG







Die sozialistische Oktoberrevolution und die Befreiung der
unterdrückten Völker







 







Dogan Göçmen


















 







Die Bedeutung der
Oktoberrevolution für die Befreiung der kolonialen und halbkolonialen Völker
kann kaum überschätzt werden. Die bürgerlichen Ideologen mögen heute die große
sozialistische Oktoberrevolution als ein Akt der Verrückten behandeln und die
Führer dieser größten Anstrengung in der Geschichte der Menschheit mit Hitler,
dem Produkt des Kapitalismus in seiner verfaulenden imperialistischen Phase,
vergleichen. Sie mögen `Schwarzbücher´ über das Verbrechen dieser Revolution,
die wahrhaftig das bedeutendste Datum der gesamten Menschheitsgeschichte ist
(Palmiro Togliatti), schreiben. Die aristokratische Linke wie z. B. die
Europäische Linke (EL) mag in ihrem Manifest in den revolutionären Versuchen
des 20. Jahrhunderts trotz der großen Errungenschaften nur noch große 
Niederlagen
und Tragödien erblicken, um sich dann sofort von dieser revolutionären
Tradition abzusetzen, damit sie beim parasitären Bürgertum Gefallen findet. 
Doch
die unterdrückten Völker und die Verelendeten dieser Erde empfingen aus der
sozialistischen Oktoberrevolution ein Impuls für die endliche und die lang
ersehnte Befreiung vom seit mehr als 5 Jahrhunderten andauernden Kolonialismus
und der imperialistischen Unterdrückung. Auf dieses revolutionäre Erbe darf
auch heute trotz der so genannten Tragödien und der Niederlagen eben gerade
auch aus der Sicht der unterdrückten Völker nicht verzichtet werden. Warum?







 







 







 







Die historische und geopolitische Bedeutung







 







Wie Rosa Luxemburg in ihrem Vorlesungsmanuskript
Einführung in die National Ökonomie (GW 5) überzeugend darstellt, ist die 
Geschichte
des Kapitalismus zugleich die Geschichte der Kolonialisierung der
außereuropäischen Länder und Völker. Bis 1914 war die Aufteilung und
Wiederaufteilung der Welt unter imperialistischen Mächten abgeschlossen. Die
Welt wurde in der Hand von nur ein Paar imperialistischen Ländern in ein Regime
des kolonialen und halbkolonialen Systems verwandelt. Um eine Vorstellung von
der unterdrückerischen Dimension dieses Regimes zu machen, genügt es, sich in
Erinnerung zu rufen, dass es in 1939 auf dem ganzen afrikanischen Kontinent nur
ein einziges (toleriertes) unabhängiges Land (Äthiopien) gab. Selbst in 1950,
so berichtet uns die Staatsbürgerkunde
der DDR (10), war die Zahl der unabhängigen
Länder auf dem schwarzen Kontinent gerade mal 3. Auf dem amerikanischen 
Kontinent
gab es zwar bereits nach dem ersten Welt Krieg viele unabhängige Republiken,
aber dort herrschte seit 1823 die so genannte Monroe Doktrin, worin die USA ihr
alleiniges Okkupationsrecht auf dem amerikanischen Kontinent behauptete. Und
die Geschichte Chiles zeigt geradezu beispielhaft wie weit das Recht auf
Selbstbestimmung der unabhängigen Länder aus der Sicht der USA gehen durfte. 
Der
ehemalige US-Außenminister Henry Kissinger, der höchst persönlich an der
Vorbereitung des faschistischen Putschs von Pinochet beteiligt war, 
rechtfertigte
dies mit der Aussage, dass man nicht zusehen könne, wenn ein Volk
unvernünftig (lese: verrückt) geworden sei.  In den 1980er Jahren wuchs die 
Zahl der vom Kolonialismus
befreiten Länder in Afrika auf etwa 90 und schon in den 1970er Jahren waren die
Kontinente Asien und Lateinamerika frei von Kolonialismus alten Stilles.







 







Dass das koloniale System so
schnell zusammenbrechen konnte, verdanken die unterdrückten Völker der Existenz
der Sowjetunion. Seitdem es Kolonien gab, gab es auch immer Befreiungskämpfe. 
Ihre
Kämpfe mündeten aber fast immer in Ausweglosigkeit. Die Befreiung von einer
Kolonialmacht trieb sie in die Hand der anderen. Dass Mkwawa, der Führer des
Befreiungskampfes in Tansania gegen die deutsche Kolonialmacht, sich angesichts
der empfundenen Ohnmacht selbst erschoss, ist kein Zufall. Und dass die Krieger
der Maji-Maji-Rebellion von 

[Marxism-Thaxis] International Hegel congress in Istanbul (call for papers)

2007-08-18 Thread dogangoecmen
Anyone interested in joining and presentig a paper is very welcome.

Dogan Göcmen

English



http://www.ideayayinevi.com/Hegel_Kongresi/Hegel_Kongresi_English.htm





Turkish




http://www.ideayayinevi.com/Hegel_Kongresi/Hegel_Kongresi_Duyuru.htm



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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Iraq is not a civil war; Resistance is Islamist

2007-07-22 Thread dogangoecmen

 Hi CJ,

thank you very much for this interesting mail.

DG


 


 

-Ursprüngliche Mitteilung- 
Von: CeJ [EMAIL PROTECTED]
An: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
Verschickt: Sa., 21. Jul. 2007, 10:36
Thema: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Iraq is not a civil war; Resistance is Islamist










Sorry, the link to the quoted article is

http://www.isj.org.uk/index.php4?id=299issue=114

With the loss of formatting, it is hard to tell the words of the
interviewer from the Sami Ramadani, being interviewed. So read it at
the source, if you read it.

CJ

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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Cornel West Marxism (8)

2007-07-03 Thread dogangoecmen
Charles, you know that Lukacs placed this book outside and said it did Marxism 
more harm than benefit.

Dogan 


-Ursprüngliche Mitteilung- 
Von: Charles Brown [EMAIL PROTECTED]
An: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
Verschickt: Di., 3. Jul. 2007, 14:03
Thema: [Marxism-Thaxis] Cornel West  Marxism (8)



 

Ralph Dumain Chapter 6 is on Lukacs, particularly HISTORY AND CLASS
ONSCIOUSNESS 
nd particularly the essay on reification. First West summarizes 
egel's notion of dialectic. Then he shows how Lukacs' Marxian 
ialectic differs, and emphasizes that it applies only to history and 
ociety, not nature.

B: Wonder how Luckas deals with the fact that Marx and Engels considered
arwin to be using their method in natural history. That would seem to
ndicate that Marx and Engels ( both, not just Engels) considered dialectic
applicable to natural history. There is only one science, the science of
istory, including natural history.  (See much discussion of this issue in
haxis archives)
^

Marxist method is based on the primacy of 
oncrete totality. (142) That, and the emphasis of the historical 
elimitation of the validity of its generalizations, differentiates 
t from the bourgeois conception of the (social) scientific method. 
he concept of concrete totality also enables Marxism to adopt the 
roletarian standpoint. (144) The proletarian subject is not a 
etached spectator, as in Kant.
Says Lukacs (145):
The proletariat is more than just the active and passive part of 
his process: the rise and evolution of its knowledge and its actual 
ise and evolution in the course of history are just the two 
ifferent sides of the same real process.
At this point West intervenes:
quote:
---
ukacs' claim about the capacity of Marxist dialectics to grasp 
ocial reality is epistemic, and it therefore prompts the questions 
ow he knows and how he would go about confirming this knowledge 
laim. Lukacs seems to have two lines of answers to these questions. 
he first simplistic line holds that reality itself, the process of 
ecoming itself, is dialectical. Therefore only Marxist dialectics 
an discern this process. Marxist dialectics grasps social reality 
ecause it correctly corresponds to the world, and it correctly 
orresponds to the world because both the world and the theory share 
 basic characteristic, namely, both are dialectical.
Two problems are immediately apparent in this reply, which appears to 
e mere verbal play. First, even if reality and theory were 
ialectical, it is not clear that both would have to be dialectical 
n the same way. Therefore, the question about whether the 
ialectical theory correctly corresponds to dialectical reality still 
emains. Second, and the more profound problem, the reply is 
ircular. It claims that reality is inherently dialectical and then 
resents evidence for this claim guided by a theory that views 
eality only dialectically.
The second line of reply picks up where the first line leaves off. It 
olds that there is no noncircular way of talking about the relation 
f theory to reality. Any relevant statement about this relation will 
e non-neutral, it will already presuppose a particular theory about 
eality. It is impossible, Lukacs suggests, to isolate reality from 
articular theories of reality, then to compare and adjudicate 
etween these theories using a theory-free reality as the last court 
f appeal. So he believes that a certain kind of circularity is 
nescapable. Yet since a theory-free philosophic court of appeal is 
ever available, he suggests that theories be tested in practice . . . .
145)
--

^
B: It is impossible to _think_ with out some basic, unproven assumption, or
t least presumption, i.e. without a fundamental circularity. 


ndquote
So far, so good. The adequation of the proletariat's 
elf-consciousness, even while advancing, to its social reality, 
emains an open question. Lenin said (in _What Is to Be Done_) that 
he conceptual grasp of a situation could never capture the full 
oncrete richness of that situation.  I wish West would have brought 
n Lukacs' notion of the identical subject-object for scrutiny, 
ecause there's a real problem there.
For Lukacs, the practical component--praxis--is crucial in 
scertaining the truth and overcoming the biased fragmentation of the 
ourgeois social scientific view, which prostrates itself before 
solated facts. (146-7) Thus Lukacs rejects the bourgeois 
oundationalist view of science and the notion of value-free science. (148)
Lukacs has a different conception of historical necessity from 
autsky, emphasizing choice, the revolutionary subject, praxis, the 
ecessary component of class consciousness, but without lapsing into 
ure voluntarism. (149-50)
Note: this is of course what is missing in Kautsky.  However, given 
y policy on the term positivism, I remain loathe to label Kautsky 
 positivist, though the proper dialectical perspective is not in 
im, from what we 

[Marxism-Thaxis] available

2007-07-03 Thread dogangoecmen
Further information on

http://www.ibtauris.com/ibtauris/display.asp?K=9781845114008sf_01=CAUTHORst_01=dogansf_02=CTITLEsf_03=KEYWORDsf_04=identifierm=1dc=1


The Adam Smith Problem 
- Reconciling Human Nature and Society in the 'theory of Moral
AUTHOR:? Dogan Gocmen? 


This is the first scholarly work to deal solely with the Adam Smith problem, 
namely the apparent contradiction between Adam Smith's most famous works, The 
Theory of Moral Sentiments and The Nature and Causes of the Wealth of 
Nations. Since the 1840s scholars have puzzled over and attempted to explain 
the fact that these works offer two fundamentally different and contradictory 
concepts of human nature. In this radical new approach Do an Gocmen argues that 
there are, indeed, two different concepts of human nature; in The Theory of 
Moral Sentiments, Smith advocates a broad synchronization of human intention 
and behaviour under a beneficent providence in a system of mutual sympathy, 
whereas Wealth of Nations is a critical account of the human situation of the 
individual and is an egoistic description of human beings in commercial 
society. Gocmen argues that Smith does indeed put forward two different and 
varied ideas, arguing that the ethical position articulated in The Theory of 
Moral Sentiments can be, and was intended by Smith to be, applied as a basis 
for criticising the commercial society analysed in the Wealth of Nations. 
Gocmen argues that this ethical position points to the character of its ideal 
future replacement, that of Adam Smith's Utopia. Gocmen therefore dismisses as 
short-sighted and oversimple the common assumption that Adam Smith's Utopia 
consists merely of 'the invisible hand', the idea that markets would regulate 
everything if left to their own dynamics. This book challenges the traditional 
approach to Adam Smith and is the first contribution to the solution of a 
long-standing debate, making it essential reading for anyone wanting to 
understand the moral philosophy, political economy and utopian thought of Adam 
Smith. 
AUTHOR BIOGRAPHY:
Do an Gocmen completed his PhD at the University of Edinburgh. 
SUBJECT CLASSIFICATION(S):
Click below for a list of recent titles on: 

Economic theory  philosophy 
TABLE OF CONTENTS:
CONTENTS Part I: Introduction 1. The Adam Smith Problem: what is it about? 2. 
The approaches to the Adam Smith Problem 2.1 The textual-analytical approach 
2.1a The French connection theory 2.1b The dualist justificatory approach 2.1c 
The defensive approach 2.2 The historical approach 2.3 How the Adam Smith 
Problem may be approached 3. An outline of the book Part II: Smith's theory of 
social individuality in the Theory of Moral Sentiments 1. What is crucial to 
the theory of the constitution of the self? 1. 1 Smith's objectivist and 
critical theoretical approach 1. 2 Where to begin? 1. 3 Smith's starting-point 
in his theory of the constitution of the self 2. Impartiality as the basis of 
mutual constitution 3. 1 How do we cognise and understand others and what do we 
understand from others? 3.1a Cognitive and epistemological difficulties 3.1b 
How imagination can help to overcome the epistemological difficulties 3. 1c The 
situation as the objective foundation of understanding 3.2 How do we cognise 
and understand ourselves by means of the mirrors of others? 3.3 Smith's theory 
of mutual judgement A. The difference between the process of mutual cognition 
and understanding and the process of mutual judgement B. Smith's theory of 
action B.1 Necessity and freedom in Smith theory of action B.2 Smith's theory 
of action as communicative B.3 The conception of utility and Smith's theory of 
action C. How do we judge? C.1 Occasions of judgement C.2 The general rule as 
the basis of the judgment of the impartial spectator C.3 Against casuistry and 
positive law C.4 The genesis of general rules C.5 The impartial spectator as a 
device for the therapy of passions and thought C.6 The genesis of the impartial 
spectator within C.7 The impartial spectator as the genesis of difference C.8 
The difference between the judgment of other selves and ourselves C.9 Why do we 
necessarily appeal to the impartial spectator within? C.10 Impartial judgment 
aims at mutual sympathy Part III: Smith's account of the situation of the self 
in the age of commercial society in the Wealth of Nations 1. How to approach 
Wealth of Nations 2. Smith's account of the situation of the self in commercial 
society 2. 1 Smith's account of the situation of the self in market relations 
2. 2 Smith's account of the situation of the self in the sphere of production 
2. 2.1 Smith's account of the division of labour as affecting the situation of 
the self 2. 2.2 Smith's account of the situation of the self as affected by 
social class structure 3. Some comparative conclusions 4. Smith's historical 
justification of commercial society Part IV: Smith's critique of commercial 
society and his utopia 1. Smith's critique of 

Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] marxism of the 21st Century

2007-02-21 Thread dogangoecmen
Charles,
 
many thanks for your reply. I passed your massage to Junge Welt friends. They 
might contact you and ask for a longer contribution to be published in April 
this year. Thanks again.
 
Best...
Dogan 
 
-Ursprüngliche Mitteilung- 
Von: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
An: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
Verschickt: Mi., 21. Feb. 2007, 16:13
Thema: [Marxism-Thaxis] marxism of the 21st Century




Dear All, 
 
friends of mine from the editorial board of the German daily paper Junge
Welt want to conduct a telephon and email survey in various countries (USA,
Italy, UK, France etc). They want to approach Marxist scholars and ask them
what they understand by Marxism of the 21st century. They ask us whether we
can help them with names and email addresses. Can we help them? I am looking
forward to hearing from you soon. 
 
Many thanks, Dogan.

^
CB: Thanks , Dogan.

To the editors of Junge Welt:


I think classical Marxism has validity for the 21st Century. Hurrah for
Marx, Engels , Lenin, Castro ! Go working classes ! And I agree with those
who claim that Marx and Engels both explicitly and implicitly said a lot
that can be extrapolated to support today's ecology movement( for example ,
_Marx's Ecology_ by John Bellamy Foster).

However, global warming and nuclear weapons have created threats to human
survival and thrival that were somewhat unforseeable in Marx's day. In
particular, the problem of global warming due to the exhaust from so much
burning of fossil fuels was pretty unforseeable. Marx and Engels enthusiasm
for industrial technology and robust industrial production , subsequently to
their lives based largely on fossil fuels , must be seriously abated by
today's Marxists in light of the obvious problems with fossil fuels and
nuclear weaponry. 

Given that modern industry is burning too much fossil fuel, this means
revisiting the special role of the _industrial_ proletariat in socialist
revolution, given that a reduction in industrial production implies a
reduction in the number of industrial proletarians, already diminished by
ever increasing labor saving technology that reduces the numbers of factory
workers. Although, the fewer industrial workers may become more critical and
precious to the whole process of mass production,  the other sectors of
the proletariat may become centrally important in the 21`st Century.

C. Brown





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[Marxism-Thaxis] Lenin and the legacy of classical German philosophy (German)

2006-12-15 Thread Dogangoecmen
 
Alles Einbildung?
Lenins dialektisches Konzept der Materialität steht gegen das von Kant.  
Vermittelt durch Hegels und Marxens Kritik an der Auffassung des klassischen  
Philosophen steht es dennoch in dessen Tradition
Dogan Göçmen

Lenin gehört zu jener Generation marxistischer Politiker, die  einen 
umfassenden philosophischen und hohen wissenschaftlichen Anspruch hatten.  
Georg 
Lukács (1885–1971) bezeichnete ihn als den »größte(n) Denker (...) seit  Marx«1 
und 
wies darauf hin, daß die Arbeiterbewegung und der sozialistische  Kampf 
»dringend einen heutigen Lenin« (1870–1924) braucht, der in der Lage ist,  »den 
heutigen Stand der marxistischen Theorie in politischen Aktionen«2  umzusetzen. 
Dies deutet auf den Stellenwert der Philosophie im Leninschen Werk  hin. »Alles 
ist Politik«, sagt Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937), »auch die  Philosophie oder 
die Philosophien (...), und die einzige ›Philosophie‹ ist die  Geschichte in 
Aktion, das heißt das Leben selbst. In diesem Sinn läßt sich die  These vom 
deutschen Proletariat als Erbe der klassischen deutschen Philosophie  
interpretieren – und läßt sich behaupten, daß die von Iljitsch gemachte  
Theoretisierung 
und Verwirklichung der Hegemonie3 auch ein großes  ›metaphysisches‹ Ereignis 
gewesen ist.«4 Gramsci verweist hier auf Engels'  Aussage, daß die »deutsche 
Arbeiterbewegung (...) die Erbin der deutschen  klassischen Philosophie« sei 
(MEW 21, S. 307) und stellt Lenin damit in die  Tradition der klassischen 
deutschen Philosophie, deren Universalisierung dieser  durch die 
Oktoberrevolution 
wie kein anderer bewirkt hat.

Lenins  philosophischer Kampf zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts richtet sich 
gegen die  reaktionären Strömungen, die sich alle in einer oder anderer Weise 
auf 
den  Begründer des Empiriokritizismus, auf Ernst Mach (1838–1916), beziehen. 
Im  Mittelpunkt dieser Auseinandersetzung steht das Erbe der klassischen 
deutschen  Philosophie, die sich am Konzept des »Dinges an sich« von Immanuel 
Kant  
(1724–1804), das dieser in der »Kritik der reinen Vernunft« zur Bezeichnung 
des  Wesens der äußeren Gegenstände zu einer Kategorie erhoben hat, entzündet  
hatte.

Nun kann man fragen, wo Lenin seine Philosophie ausgebreitet hat.  Auf die 
Frage, wo Marx seine materialistische Geschichtsauffassung, d.h. die  Theorie 
der proletarischen Befreiung, dargelegt habe, antwortete Lenin mit einer  
Gegenfrage: »In welchem Werk hat Marx seine materialistische  
Geschichtsauffassung 
nicht dargelegt?« (LW 1, S. 134) In Analogie dazu kann man  auf die Frage, wo 
Lenin seine Philosophie dargelegt habe, sagen: In welcher  Schrift und dem Werk 
hat Lenin seine Philosophie nicht dargelegt? Sein ganzes  Werk ist 
durchdrungen von einer dialektischen Philosophie, die er sich durch  sein 
ständiges 
Studium der Werke der klassischen deutschen Philosophie und von  Marx und 
Engels 
angeeignet und in seinen »Philosophischen Heften« bestens  dokumentiert hat. 
Doch im engeren Sinne des Wortes ist sein philosophisches  Hauptwerk das im Mai 
1909 erschienene Buch »Materialismus und Empiriokritismus«.   
Das Ding an sich
Lenin charakterisiert Kants Philosophie als einen  Versuch zur »Aussöhnung 
des Materialismus mit dem Idealismus, ein Kompromiß  zwischen beiden, eine 
Verknüpfung verschiedenartiger, einander widersprechender  philosophischer 
Richtungen zu einem System« (LW 14, S. 195). Diese angestrebte  Aussöhnung ist 
der 
Grundzug des Kantschen Systems. Schon der Titel seines  Hauptwerks, »Kritik der 
reinen Vernunft«, macht deutlich, daß die reine  Vernunft, also das reine 
Denken wie es die Philosophie als Metaphysik bis in  Kants Zeiten hinein 
praktiziert hatte, kritisiert werden müsse, weil es ihr an  Empirie, an 
Materialität 
fehle. Er hat das in den »Prolegomena zu einer jeden  künftigen Metaphysik« von 
1783 so formuliert: Wenn ich zugebe, daß »›alle Körper  mitsamt dem Raume, 
darin sie sich befinden, für nichts als bloße Vorstellungen  in uns gehalten 
werden und existieren nirgend anders als bloß in unseren  Gedanken.‹ Ist dieses 
nun 
nicht der offenbare Idealismus? Der Idealismus besteht  in der Behauptung, 
daß es keine anderen als denkende Wesen gebe; die übrigen  Dinge, die wir in 
der 
Anschauung wahrzunehmen glauben, wären nur Vorstellungen  in den denkenden 
Wesen, denen in der Tat kein außerhalb diesen befindlicher  Gegenstand 
korrespondierte«.5 Das wäre, wie Kant richtig hervorhebt, ein  idealistischer 
Standpunkt, weil er dem erkennenden Wesen alles, was außer ihm  existiert, aus 
sich 
produzieren läßt. Kant will aber nicht so weit gehen. Er  will vielmehr 
verständlich machen, daß nur die noch nicht inhaltlich bestimmten  
ursprünglichen 
reinen Begriffe aus Vorstellungen produziert werden können.  Deshalb deutet er 
auf 
den materialistischen Aspekt seiner Erkenntnistheorie:  »Ich dagegen sage: Es 
sind uns Dinge als außer uns befindliche Gegenstände  unserer Sinne gegeben, (…
) denen wir die Benennung eines Körpers geben«, 

[Marxism-Thaxis] Critique

2006-11-30 Thread Dogangoecmen
 
The latest issue of Critique, Journal of Socialist Theory is devoted to  
Marxist Theory Today and can be seen on the link below:
 
_http://www.critiquejournal.net/critbot.htm_ 
(http://www.critiquejournal.net/critbot.htm) 

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[Marxism-Thaxis] Nicaragua election:

2006-11-05 Thread Dogangoecmen
 
 
_http://dc.indymedia.org/newswire/display/136435/index.php_ 
(http://dc.indymedia.org/newswire/display/136435/index.php) 
US intervention in Nicaragua election: threats, intimidation and bribes
 
 
Author
*   Joan Russow 
Date Created
*   29 Oct 2006 
*   _More details... _ 
(http://dc.indymedia.org/newswire/display/136435/index.php#) 
 
Date Edited
*   29 Oct 2006 02:11:32 PM
Rating
*   Current rating: 3
License
 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/publicdomain) This work is in  the 
public domain  




Urgent need for global community to address the impact of the  continual and 
constant US intervention in the democratic elections in  Nicaragua”. There 
have been years of US military and economic intervention in  Nicaragua along 
with 
US government intimidation, blatant threats, and with the  US funded 
so-called “humanitarian” organizations’ intrusion into various stages  the 
electoral 
process. 

US intervention in Nicaragua election: threats, intimidation  and bribes

Joan Russow

The impact of the continual and constant US  intervention in the democratic 
elections in Nicaragua” must not be minimized.  The years of US military and 
economic intervention in Nicaragua along with US  government intimidation, 
blatant threats, and with the US funded “humanitarian”  organizations’ 
intrusion 
into various stages the electoral process has to be  addressed by the global 
community.

In the current lead up to the  election, Bush bribed Nicaragua with a grant 
for “social programs” co-incidently  on the same day that the Nicaraguan 
government was pressured into ratifying  CAFTA. Subsequently on June 29 the US 
Controlled World Bank announced “Nicaragua  to Receive Debt Relief Totaling 
...US$37 Billion in Debt Cancellation”. In Aug  24, 2006, US- controlled World 
Bank 
approved US$17 Million Nicaragua loan from  the “World Bank for Competitiveness
” fund. In the Press release this loan was  connected to CAFTA: “With 
DR-CAFTA in place, it is essential to support the  institutions that will help 
the 
private sector grow, modernize and become more  productive as a way to increase 
investment and exports,” (Jane Armitage, World  Bank Director for Central 
America).

On October 3, in Managua, Rumsfeld  presided over the Defense Ministers of 
the Americas conference. At this  conference Rumsfeld made veiled threats 
which, 
because of past US military  attacks on Nicaragua, were intended to impact on 
the upcoming election. While  raising concerns about Venezuela and the 
supposed build up of arms, he began to  enter into bilateral agreements with 
the 
various Latin American countries that  provide arms on condition that US 
military 
will be exempt from prosecution under  the International Criminal Court. 

The infamous School of the Americas  has be renamed Western Hemisphere 
Institute for Security Cooperation and linked  with International Military 
Education 
 Training (IMET) for allied and  friendly nations”. This program exposes 
students “to the U.S. professional  military establishment and the American way 
of life” and provides human rights  face-lift Including courses demonstrating 
the “U.S. regard for democratic  values, respect for individual and human 
rights and belief in the rule of law”.  
The Presidential race is based on the “First Past the Post System” which is  
plagued with the spectre of “vote splitting”. To counter the right wing 
vote-  splitting. On Monday, April 17, Paul Trivelli, the US Ambassador in 
Nicaragua  met with right wing parties in the country to discuss and opposition 
strategy  against Sandinista leader Daniel Ortega in the November 5 
presidential  
elections. He urged the right wing to rally around Eduardo Montealegre, the  
Presidential candidate from the Alianza Liberal. Years early, the US had  
encouraged the vote splitting in the Frente Sandinista Liberation National.  
Herty 
Lewittes, recently deceased, led the break away group (MRS) Movimiento de  
Renovación Sandinista. The US contributed a few million dollars to create the  
bizarre Tarzan style park called “Hertlandia”. 

Even the Organization of  American states has criticized the US direct 
intervention by Ambassador Paulo  Trivelli U.S. congressman Daniel Burton, 
Deputy 
Secretary of State Robert  Zoellick, and US Commerce Secretary, Carlos 
Gutierria. Ambassador Trivelli  signaled that “Washington would review its aid 
for 
Nicaragua if Mr. Ortega wins  the election”. Congressman Daniel Burton, and 
Robert 
Zoellick, former Secretary  of state threatened to pull the 175 million 
dollar loan from Millennium  Challenge Corporation which is headed by 
Condolezza 
Rice .Carlos Gutierria  declared that “an Ortega victory would scare off 
foreign 
investors. Daniel  Burton also warned the Nicaraguans of dire consequences “ 
it´s important that  the people know what can happen if the government returns 
to the kind of  government there was in the 1980s.” Burton similarly “

[Marxism-Thaxis] Oaxaca is Not Alone

2006-11-03 Thread Dogangoecmen
 
 
Oaxaca is Not Alone
November 1 Action, November 20 National Strike
by EZLN 
November 01, 2006
 
_Narconews _ (http://www.narconews.com/) 
_Printer  Friendly Version_ 
(http://www.zmag.org/content/print_article.cfm?itemID=11310sectionID=59) 
EMail  Article to a Friend  

 
October 30, 2006 
Message from the
CLANDESTINE REVOLUTIONARY INDIGENOUS  COMMITTEE-GENERAL COMMAND
of the
ZAPATISTA ARMY OF NATIONAL LIBERATION
MEXICO. 
October 30, 2006. 
To the people of Mexico:
To the people of the world:
To the Other  Campaign in Mexico and the other side of the Rio Grande:
To the entire Sixth  International: 
Compañeros and compañeras:
Brothers and sisters: 
It is now known publicly that yesterday, 29th of October 2006, Vicente Fox’s  
federal forces attacked the people of Oaxaca and its most legitimate  
representative, the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO). 
Today, the federal troops have assassinated at least 3 people, among them a  
minor, leaving dozens of wounded, including many women from Oaxaca. Dozens of  
detainees were illegally transported to military prisons. All this comes in  
addition to the existing total of deaths, detainees and missing persons since  
the beginning of the mobilization demanding that Ulises Ruiz step down as  
Oaxaca’s governor. 
The sole objective of the federal attack is to maintain Ulises Ruiz in power  
and to destroy the popular grassroots organization of the people of Oaxaca. 
Oaxaca’s people are resisting. Not one single honest person can remain quiet  
and unmoved while the entire society, of which the majority are indigenous, 
is  murdered, beaten and jailed. 
We, the Zapatistas, will not be silent; we will mobilize to support our  
brothers, sisters and comrades in Oaxaca. 
The EZLN’s Sixth Commission has already consulted the  Zapatista leadership 
and the following has been decided: 
First: During whole day of November 1, 2006, the major and minor roads that  
cross Zapatistas territories in the southwestern state of Chiapas will be  
closed. 
Consequently, we ask that everyone avoid traveling by these roads in Chiapas  
on this day and that one make the necessary arrangements in order to do so. 
Second: through the Sixth Commission, the EZLN has  begun making contact and 
consulting other political and social organizations,  groups, collectives and 
individuals in the Other Campaign, in order to  coordinate joint solidarity 
actions across Mexico, leading to a nationwide  shut-down on the 20th of 
November, 2006. 
Third: the EZLN calls out to the Other Campaign in  Mexico and north of the 
Rio Grande, so that these November 1st mobilizations  happen wherever possible, 
completely, partially, at intervals or symbolically  shutting down the major 
artery roads, streets, toll booths, stations, airports  and commercial media. 
Fourth: The central message that the Zapatistas send and will continue  
sending is that the people of Oaxaca are not alone: They are not alone! 
Ulises Ruiz out of Oaxaca! 
Immediate withdrawal of the occupying federal forces from Oaxaca! 
Immediate and unconditional freedom for all detainees! 
Cancel all arrest warrants! 
Punish the murderers! 
Justice!
Freedom!
Democracy! 
From the North of Mexico.
For the Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous  Committee-General Command of 
the Zapatista Army of National Liberation.
For  the EZLN Sixth Commission. 
Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos
Mexico, October,  2006.


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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] 1956 Hungarian Revoolution

2006-10-20 Thread Dogangoecmen
 
Lets get things right. It is not about nostagia. It is about understanding  
historical contradictions. Now, this said, I do not defend everything what had  
been implemented in Eastern European countries. But the general direction was 
 right: establishing common ownership in the means of productions. I have  
experienced fashism in Turkey, which was established by the huge support of 
USA. 
 We have observed fashism in Chile. It was GDR that supported asylum seekers, 
 while USA and all Western European countries supported Pinochet. Vaclav 
Havel  the 'poet of freedom' supported the invasion of Iraque.  We need to  
understand the historical contraditions in which we all act. And the question 
we  
have to answer is what is progressive in its tendencies without any moralism. 
Is 
 it better now in Russia, Check Republic, Ungaria, GDR and so on  with  
millions of unemployed people, poverty and lot racism and with few new  rich? 
Yes,  
it was 'better to
have kept Eastern European  countries Stalinist socialist, than to have what
has happened now.'



In einer eMail vom 19.10.2006 21:40:55 Westeuropäische Sommerzeit schreibt  
[EMAIL PROTECTED]:

If those  who do not remember that the Hungarian uprising created the first 
(and only)  real soviets - workers´ councils - in Central Europe do not want 
to  celebrate this anniversary -- what do they understand of Stalinist 
regimes? I  lived the whole period there, in socialist Czechoslovakia, so I 
have my 
own  experience very different from any West European Marxist who may be  
nostalgic on Communists. Stephen  Steiger 

__
  Od: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Komu:  marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
 Datum: 19.10.2006 19:28
  Pøedmìt: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] 1956 Hungarian  Revoolution


I do not see anything to celebrate in this  socalled revolutionary uprising. 
 
Ok, it was autoritarian in  Eastern European countries. (You seem still to 
have 
 some difficulties  to accept the consequences of the transition from one 
social  formation to the higher one.) But what was the aim of the socalled  
revolutionaries. Did they want to improve socialism or destroy  what had 
been  just 
started to be built? 
 
In  einer eMail vom 19.10.2006 18:26:34 Westeuropäische Sommerzeit schreibt  
[EMAIL PROTECTED]:

It  surprises me that Clare  Spark would defend Herbert Aptheker, whom I 
know 
she  dislikes.  So perhaps Bettina really is suspect.  

Capitalism  can only corrupt Eastern Europe because Stalinism had thoroughly 
 
corrupted it  for 45 years, and for 60 years in the USSR itself.  Good 
riddance to bad  rubbish.  Unfortunately, there  is now a political vacuum 
filled by  
neoliberalism which  threatens to roll back the worldwide social democratic  
gains of  the past century.

Monday night I spoke with and shook the hand  of the one of two surviving 
leaders of the 1956 Hungarian  Revolution, who  escaped execution only 
because he 
was late for a  meeting.  I believe that  October 23 will be the 50th  
anniversary of the uprising.  I'll be  celebrating.

-Original Message-
From:  Charles Brown  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Oct 19,  2006 12:11 PM
To:  'Forum for the discussion of theoretical  issues raised by Karl Marx  
and
the thinkers he  inspired'  marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
Subject:  [Marxism-Thaxis]  urgent


   I  think Aptheker and the Soviets  were correct about Hungary  1954,
etc.,in the long view.   Capitalism is very corrupting  in  Europe.


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[Marxism-Thaxis] robert owen

2006-10-14 Thread Dogangoecmen
 
Robert Owen (1771 – 1858) was a contemporary of G.W.F.  Hegel. He saw Karl 
Marx launching the Communist Manifesto in 1848 in London. Owen’s name is well 
known among  academics, but he is hardly researched. His work is subject to 
discussions  merely in socialist circles. However, further research would show 
how 
relevant  his work is. He is rich in ideas about how to solve modern social 
problems and  how to overcome environmental crises by reorganising production 
and  consumption. 
Owen was a self-taught and self-made man. He  received only a primary 
education in Newtown  (County Powys) in Wales and an apprenticeship in London. 
But he 
developed a good grasp of  the sophisticated questions of social, moral and 
political philosophy, and  political economy. He was influenced mainly by 18th 
century French  philosophers, particularly by P.H.T. d’Holbach. But the 
primary source of his  knowledge was the conditions of the working class in 
Britain. 
Therefore, all his intellectual  and political activities, theoretical and 
practical knowledge were devoted to  improving the conditions of the working  
class. 
Owen wanted to change the world and open up a  new epoch in the history of 
humanity. His main thesis was that throughout  history humanity had been acted 
upon by circumstance. But it was time now that  human beings acted upon their 
circumstances. All his experiments and works  contain in their titles the 
expression ‘new’. His experiment in New Lanark in Scotland (1800-1825), though 
in 
many senses  revolutionary, was still an experiment to show how the profit of 
the owners of  the means of production could be improved by improving the 
conditions of the  working class. The only experiment which might be classified 
as 
socialist was New Harmony between 1825 and 1829 in Indiana in the USA. In all 
his experiments he paid  particular attention to the education of children 
and in his educational  experiments he combined theory and practice. After the 
failure of his experiment  in Indiana he was involved in publishing  
periodicals. He introduced the term ‘socialist’ in social and political  
philosophy. 
Since Friedrich Engels’ distinction between utopian and  scientific 
socialism, Owen is seen as a utopian socialist. But he was not a  utopian in 
the sense 
that he was naïve and hoping to change the world by  experimenting with 
small-scale socialist settlements. With his experiments he  wanted to stimulate 
the 
imagination, to show practically that production can be  organised on the 
principle of meeting peoples’ needs and that a new society can  be established 
throughout the world on the principle of internationalism. He was  aware of the 
fact that this would require huge effort. If he was a utopian,  then, it was in 
the sense that he thought that this effort could be made by  capitalists, who 
were interested merely in improving their profit, and by  statesmen who were 
interested primarily in enlarging their powers and empires.  But having seized 
power, even Lenin suggested that one must return now to Owen  to learn how to 
build a socialist society or in Owen’s words a New Moral  World. 
Doğan  Göçmen
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] false consciousness

2006-10-14 Thread Dogangoecmen
 
Dear Ralph,
 
thank you for indicating these to me.
 
With Marxist greetings,
Dogan.
 
In einer eMail vom 14.10.2006 18:57:15 Westeuropäische Sommerzeit schreibt  
[EMAIL PROTECTED]:

See my  Ideology Study  Guide:

http://www.autodidactproject.org/guidideo.html

At  least one prof. has used this in his curriculum.  My favorite  
treatment of the Marxian conception is:

Mills, Charles W.  ''Ideology' in Marx and Engels Revisited and Revised', 
The Philosophical  Forum, vol. XXIII, no. 4, Summer 1992, pp. 301-328.

Mills reviews the  literature and disagrees with McCarney's interpretation, 
for  example.

I have some more recent books on the subject I need to add to  my 
bibliography, can't remember their titles offhand.

At 10:09 AM  10/14/2006 -0400, [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:


False  Consciousness. The concept of false consciousness is a   complex
cognitive-epistemological and socio-economic political concept.  It was  
first
explored in some details by the philosophers of the  Scottish Enlightenment
prominently by Adam Smith and Adam Ferguson but  came to be associated with 
the  work of
Karl Marx and  Friedrich Engels. The concept occurs in Marx’s and Engelsâ
€™
work at  a junction point of various equally complex concepts like theory  of
history, social class, consciousness, social and self consciousness,  class
consciousness, commodification and commodity fetishism, ideology  
and  alienation.
It is often claimed (e.g Joseph McCarney)  that Marx does not use the phrase
false consciousness and Engels is,  then, referred to as the only one to use
it.  This is not true.  Both of them use the term. But though it is one of 
the
most   central Marxian terms each uses it only once in their whole  
(published)
work.  But the use of the Hegelian category of  appearance is essential 
here. One
of the  meanings of the  category appearance in Hegelian system is distorted
and  deceiving  reflection of the nature of things. Besides all sorts  of
different  meanings of the term in Hegelian philosophy, Marx  and Engels 
use it also
to  refer to distorted knowledge  and or inadequate expression of reality. 
Marx
uses  the  term in an 1854 in New York published essay Der Ritter vom
edelmütigen  Bewußsein (The knight of noble-minded  consciousness). 
However,  he uses it
not in a conceptual way to categorise a  certain  phenomenon. Rather, he 
merely
remarks polemically against A.  Willich  that he (Willich) is suspecting
behind the right facts  false consciousness. The  connotation of Engels’ 
usage  of
the term is something more substantial but  curious enough it  does not 
occur in
one of his major writings. In a letter  to  Franz Mehring from 14 July 1893 
he
discusses the genesis  of  ideology (superstructure) and how it affects
structure. He  admits that he and  Marx emphasized how structure  determines
superstructure but neglected to work  out how  superstructure affects 
structure. In this
context he asserts:  ideology  is a process accomplished by the so-called
thinker.  Consciously, it is true, but  with a false consciousness. The  
real motive
forces impelling him remain unknown  to him;  otherwise it simply would not 
be
an ideological process. Hence he   imagines false or seeming motive forces.
It is thank to the work of the  first generation of  Marxist philosophers,
prominently to that of  Georg Lukács, that the concept  false consciousness
assumed the  preeminence which it enjoys in contemporary  debates - in  
particular on
ideology. Lukács works out the meaning of the  concept  for example in his
classical essay Class   Consciousness. He suggests that Marx’s concept of 
 
false
consciousness arises  as a reply to bourgeois  philosophy and sociology of
history. According to Lukács   bourgeois philosophy of history and 
sociology tends to
give up  the sense of  history as progress to justify contemporary form of  
the
organization of society  as natural and eternal or it must cut  out 
everything
in the progress of history  that refers to the  future. Consequently, it
reduces the progress of history to  the  role individualities or 
supernatural forces
like God. Now, Marx  resolves  this dilemma of bourgeois theory of history,
Lukács  suggests, by developing his  concept of historical materialism and  
by
presenting human relations in  capitalist society as the  reification. This 
is,
then, the stage where, by  referring  to Engels’s above-mentioned letter 
Lukács
introduces the  concept of  false consciousness. He poses the question  
whether
historical materialism takes  into account the role of  consciousness in 
history.
In this connection he speaks  of  a double dialectical determination of false
consciousness. On the one  hand,  considered in the light of human 
relations as
a  whole subjective consciousness  appears to be justified because it  is
something that can be understood, that is,  it gives an  adequate 
expression of
human relations. But as an objective  category  it is 

[Marxism-Thaxis] Chavez's address

2006-09-22 Thread Dogangoecmen
 
 
*   Rise Up Against the Empire: Address to the United Nations  
*   By HUGO CHAVEZ 
*   20 September 2006 
Representatives of the governments of the world, good morning to all  of you. 
First of all, I would like to invite you, very respectfully, to those  who 
have not read this book, to read it. 
Noam Chomsky, one of the most prestigious American and world  intellectuals, 
Noam Chomsky, and this is one of his most recent books, _Hegemony or  
Survival_ (http://www.word-power.co.uk/catalogue/0141015055) : The Imperialist 
Strategy of the United States.' [Holds up book,  waves it in front of General 
Assembly.] It's an excellent book to help us  understand what has been 
happening in 
the world throughout the 20th century, and  what's happening now, and the 
greatest threat looming over our  planet. 
The hegemonic pretensions of the American empire are placing at risk  the 
very survival of the human species. We continue to warn you about this  danger 
and we appeal to the people of the United States and the world to halt  this 
threat, which is like a sword hanging over our heads. I had considered  reading 
from this book, but, for the sake of time, [flips through the pages,  which 
are numerous] I will just leave it as a recommendation. 
It reads easily, it is a very good book, I'm sure Madame [President]  you are 
familiar with it. It appears in English, in Russian, in Arabic, in  German. I 
think that the first people who should read this book are our brothers  and 
sisters in the United States, because their threat is right in their own  
house. 
The devil is right at home. The devil, the devil himself, is right in  the 
house. 
And the devil came here yesterday. Yesterday the devil came here.  Right 
here. [crosses himself] And it smells of sulfur still  today. 
Yesterday, ladies and gentlemen, from this rostrum, the president of  the 
United States, the gentleman to whom I refer as the devil, came here,  talking 
as 
if he owned the world. Truly. As the owner of the world. 
I think we could call a psychiatrist to analyze yesterday's statement  made 
by the president of the United States. As the spokesman of imperialism, he  
came to share his nostrums, to try to preserve the current pattern of  
domination, exploitation and pillage of the peoples of the world. 
An Alfred Hitchcock movie could use it as a scenario. I would even  propose a 
title: The Devil's Recipe. 
As Chomsky says here, clearly and in depth, the American empire is  doing all 
it can to consolidate its system of domination. And we cannot allow  them to 
do that. We cannot allow world dictatorship to be  consolidated. 
The world parent's statement -- cynical, hypocritical, full of this  imperial 
hypocrisy from the need they have to control everything. 
They say they want to impose a democratic model. But that's their  democratic 
model. It's the false democracy of elites, and, I would say, a very  original 
democracy that's imposed by weapons and bombs and firing  weapons. 
What a strange democracy. Aristotle might not recognize it or others  who are 
at the root of democracy. 
What type of democracy do you impose with marines and  bombs? 
The president of the United States, yesterday, said to us, right  here, in 
this room, and I'm quoting, Anywhere you look, you hear extremists  telling 
you 
can escape from poverty and recover your dignity through violence,  terror 
and martyrdom. 
Wherever he looks, he sees extremists. And you, my brother -- he  looks at 
your color, and he says, oh, there's an extremist. Evo Morales, the  worthy 
president of Bolivia, looks like an extremist to him. 
The imperialists see extremists everywhere. It's not that we are  extremists. 
It's that the world is waking up. It's waking up all over. And  people are 
standing up. 
I have the feeling, dear world dictator, that you are going to live  the rest 
of your days as a nightmare because the rest of us are standing up, all  
those who are rising up against American imperialism, who are shouting for  
equality, for respect, for the sovereignty of nations. 
Yes, you can call us extremists, but we are rising up against the  empire, 
against the model of domination. 
The president then -- and this he said himself, he said: I have come  to 
speak directly to the populations in the Middle East, to tell them that my  
country wants peace. 
That's true. If we walk in the streets of the Bronx, if we walk  around New 
York, Washington, San Diego, in any city, San Antonio, San Francisco,  and we 
ask individuals, the citizens of the United States, what does this  country 
want? Does it want peace? They'll say yes. 
But the government doesn't want peace. The government of the United  States 
doesn't want peace. It wants to exploit its system of exploitation, of  
pillage, of hegemony through war. 
It wants peace. But what's happening in Iraq? What happened in  Lebanon? In 
Palestine? What's happening? What's happened over the last 100 years  in 

[Marxism-Thaxis] rosa luxemburg and hegelian philosophy (german)

2006-09-17 Thread Dogangoecmen
 
Rosa Luxemburg: Die »schneidende Waffe der Hegelschen Dialektik«
Dogan Göçmen
 (javascript:imgToggle2768('img2768');)  


Die philosophische Seite des Luxemburgischen Werkes ist kaum  untersucht. 
Selbst unter Linken ist bislang hauptsächlich ihre politische  Theorie 
berücksichtigt worden, die sich allerdings häufig auf eine sehr  
fragmentarische 
Rezeption gründet und sich oft auf Schlagwörter reduziert. Dies  führt meistens 
dazu, 
daß ihre Kernaussage nicht nur verzerrt wird. Nicht selten  werden solche aus 
dem Zusammenhang gerissene Schlagwörter gerade von ihren  Gegnern gegen jene 
Ziele ins Feld geführt, für die Luxemburg gekämpft  hat.

Die fragmentarische Rezeption ergibt sich u.a. dadurch, daß sie  keine 
geschlossene Arbeit hinterlassen hat, die als ihr Hauptwerk identifiziert  
werden 
kann. Sie hat viele Artikel sowie kleinere und einige größere Schriften  
verfaßt, die auf die »praktischen Zeitfragen« der damaligen deutschen und  
internationalen sozialdemokratischen bzw. kommunistischen Bewegung eine Antwort 
 
suchten. Selbst ihre wohl umfassendste wissenschaftliche Arbeit, »Die  
Akkumulation 
des Kapitals«, liest sich noch an vielen Stellen wie ein  Rohmaterial. Aber der 
eigentliche Grund für die fragmentarische Lesart ihrer  Texte seitens ihrer 
Interpreten liegt wohl darin, daß ihr Werk nicht von ihrem  philosophischen 
Verständnis her interpretiert wird.

Zwar hat Luxemburg im  engeren Sinne des Wortes kein philosophisches Werk 
verfaßt, auch hat sie keine  »Philosophischen Hefte« oder »Konspekte« wie etwa 
Lenin hinterlassen. Dennoch  war sie an philosophischen Fragen mehr 
interessiert, als man zunächst vermuten  mag. Selbst philosophische 
Diskussionen, die nur 
für Fachphilosophen von  Interesse sein mögen, konnten ihrem auf das Ganze 
gerichteten Blick nicht  entgehen.1 Ihr Werk bietet einen »lebendigen Spiegel« 
der methodologischen und  wissenschaftstheoretischen Debatten zu Beginn des 20. 
Jahrhunderts, an denen sie  mit vielen Beiträgen aus hegelisch-marxistischer 
Perspektive beteiligt war.  Insofern ist ihr Werk eine unerläßliche Quelle – 
auch für die Vergegenwärtigung  dieser Debatten und ihrer philosophischen 
Haltung zu diesen. Zudem wäre es  falsch bei marxistischen Theoretikern wie 
Luxemburg, um sie als Philosophin  einzuordnen, nach »reinen« philosophischen 
Werken 
zu suchen, denn es geht ihnen  nicht allein um die Entwicklung der 
dialektischen Philosophie, sondern auch um  ihre Aufhebung, also um die 
Anwendung der 
Philosophie auf praktische Probleme. 
Widerspruch als Bewegungsform
In ihrem Werk findet man nicht mehr als ein Dutzend Hinweise  auf Hegel und 
seine Philosophie. Doch sie verweisen auf das Herzstück seines  Systems, auf 
die Dialektik der Bewegung und damit auf die des Widerspruchs. »Der  große 
Philosoph Hegel« habe gesagt, der Widerspruch sei »das Fortleitende«, also  das 
Bewegende (GW 5, S. 719). Der Widerspruch ist der Grund der Bewegung und  nicht 
etwa im siebenten Himmel zu suchen, sondern in den Dingen  selbst.

Es ist diese Lehre, durch die Hegel die verknöcherte Denkweise in  Fluß 
brachte. Was man sonst über das Hegelsche System kritisch anmerken mag, er  
definiert bereits zu Beginn der »Wissenschaft der Logik« die permanente 
Bewegung  als 
das Wesen aller Existenz. Der Trieb, also die Bewegung, sagt er, sei »ein  
Negatives, das eine positive Richtung in sich enthält. Es ist eine der  
wichtigsten Erkenntnisse, diese Natur der betrachteten Reflexionsbestimmungen,  
daß 
ihre Wahrheit nur in ihrer Beziehung aufeinander und damit darin besteht,  daß 
jede in ihrem Begriffe selbst die andere anhält, einzusehen und  festzuhalten; 
ohne diese Erkenntnis läßt sich eigentlich kein Schritt in der  Philosophie 
tun.«2 Und wenig später fügt er dann hinzu: »Es ist aber eines der  
Grundvorurteile der bisherigen Logik und des gewöhnlichen Vorstellens, als ob  
der 
Widerspruch nicht eine so wesenhafte und immanente Bestimmung sei als die  
Identität; 
ja, wenn von Rangordnung die Rede und beide Bestimmungen als  getrennte 
festzuhalten wären, so wäre der Widerspruch für das Tiefere und  Wesenhaftere 
zu 
nehmen. Denn die Identität ihm gegenüber ist nur die Bestimmung  des einfachen 
Unmittelbaren, des toten Seins; er aber ist die Wurzel aller  Bewegungen und 
Lebendigkeit; nur insofern etwas in sich selbst einen Widerspruch  hat, bewegt 
sich, hat Trieb und Tätigkeit.«3 Es ist diese Widerspruchslehre, die  Luxemburg 
als »die schneidende Waffe der Hegelschen Dialektik« genannt hat (GW  1/2, S. 
137).

Geschichtlichkeit als Forschungsmethode ist für Luxemburg  vor diesem 
Hintergrund eine unerläßliche Bedingung, die erfüllt werden muß, wenn  die 
Untersuchungsgegenstände in ihrem Wesen, in ihrem gewordenen Werden und  
Vergehen 
angemessen erfaßt, erklärt und kritisch dargestellt werden sollen. Am  
ausdrücklichsten hat sie diesen Gedanken in ihrem Aufsatz »Karl Marx«  
ausgesprochen. Auf 
die Frage, was die »Marxsche Lehre« sei, 

[Marxism-Thaxis] adam smith

2006-08-19 Thread Dogangoecmen
The Adam Smith Problem
 
_Dogan  Gocmen_ 
(http://www.tesco.com/books/browse.aspx?bci=247|Economics*4293236570|HardbackN=4291382909)
 
 
 
 
About the book
This is the first scholarly work to deal solely with the  Adam Smith problem, 
namely the apparent contradiction between Adam Smith's most  famous works, 
The Theory of Moral Sentiments and The Nature and Causes of the  Wealth of 
Nations. Since the 1840s scholars have puzzled over and attempted to  explain 
the fact that these works offer two fundamentally different and  contradictory 
concepts of human nature. In this radical new approach Do an  Gocmen argues 
that there are, indeed, two different concepts of human nature; in  The Theory 
of Moral Sentiments, Smith advocates a broad synchronization of  human 
intention and behaviour under a beneficent providence in a system of  mutual 
sympathy, whereas Wealth of Nations is a critical account of the human  
situation 
of the individual and is an egoistic description of human beings in  commercial 
society. Gocmen argues that Smith does indeed put forward two  different and 
varied ideas, arguing that the ethical position articulated in  The Theory of 
Moral Sentiments can be, and was intended by Smith to be,  applied as a 
basis for criticising the commercial society analysed in the  Wealth of 
Nations.;Gocmen argues that this ethical position points to the  character of 
its 
ideal future replacement, that of Adam Smith's Utopia. Gocmen  therefore 
dismisses 
as short-sighted and oversimple the common assumption that  Adam Smith's 
Utopia consists merely of 'the invisible hand', the idea that  markets would 
regulate everything if left to their own dynamics. This book  challenges the 
traditional approach to Adam Smith and is the first contribution  to the 
solution of 
a long-standing debate, making it essential reading for  anyone wanting to 
understand the moral philosophy, political economy and utopian  thought of Adam 
Smith.
 
 
_http://www.tesco.com/books/product.aspx?R=1845114000bci=247|Economics*429323
6570|Hardbackin_merch=1in_merch_title=in_merch_name=The+Adam+Smith+Problem_
 
(http://www.tesco.com/books/product.aspx?R=1845114000bci=247|Economics*4293236570|Hardbackin_merch=1in_merch_title=in_merch_name=The+Adam+Smith+Problem
) 

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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Hardt and Negri's 'Multitude'

2006-08-15 Thread Dogangoecmen
 
I do not know Negri's earlier writings. But I am very critical of 'Empire'.  
In my view it is in fact a rightwing book though leftwing intended. This has 
to  do with Hardt's and Negri's jurisprudential starting point. It mystifies 
the  concept of power and that of agent. Their critique of globalisation ends 
up 
 in  everything but critique of imperialism.
dogan
 
In einer eMail vom 15.08.2006 10:33:24 Westeuropäische Sommerzeit schreibt  
[EMAIL PROTECTED]:

I have  recently started reading ‘Multitude’, without reading their prior 
text  ‘Empire’. I am finding myself interested in their use of the concepts 
of  ‘multitude’, ‘bio-power’ and ‘immaterial’ and ‘affective labour’, but 
not  
yet sure how to situate the text in regards to the rest of their oeuvre. I  
am interested in mailing lists views on their work.

Views,  articles, responses  please



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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] More of the same : what evidence for new class forces st...

2006-06-15 Thread dogangoecmen
Charles, I agree with you. To see what changes take place in the forces 
and relations of production we need to study some the stuff on 
Knowledge Based Economy, Information Age and Information Society from a 
Marxist perspective.


Dogan



-Ursprüngliche Mitteilung-
Von: Charles Brown [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Verschickt: Do, 15 Jun 2006 10:29:29 -0400
Thema: [Marxism-Thaxis] More of the same : what evidence for new class 
forces st...


 X-INFO: INVALID TO LINE
Waistline2
Same question: what evidence is there of new class forces stepping  

on to
the
world stage ?

Answer: the empirical evidence is the revolution in the forces of
production
and the changing in the form of the working class


CB; So, the revolutionary class is still the working class, but it has 
just

changed in form.


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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Rosa Lichtenstein responds to Ralph

2006-05-25 Thread dogangoecmen
Charles, I agree with you entirely. After Gramsci's profound critique of 
Bucharin's mechanist approach to dialectics, Bucharin's works must be read very 
carefully and only for historical reasons rather than to understand what 
dialectics are about. 
 
Dogan
 
 
 
-Original Message-
From: Charles Brown [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Thu, 25 May 2006 08:54:45 -0400
Subject: [Marxism-Thaxis] Rosa Lichtenstein responds to Ralph


X-INFO: INVALID TO LINE

Rosa cites Bukharin as giving the best summary of Dialectical Marxism.
Ironically, at one point Lenin called Bukharin the Party's favorite , but
criticized him for lack of dialectics in his work. I guess it makes sense
that if Rosa is a critic of dialectics ,a weak dialectician would be the
best at summarizing dialectical marxism.

I'm sorry Ralph took a hit, but some debate might not be all bad.

Charles

http://homepage.ntlworld.com/rosa.l/index.htm
May 2006 Latest

25/06/06: Several readers new to Marxism and/or Philosophy have found some
of my Essays rather difficult. I intend to publish absolute beginners guides
to all my ideas over the next few months.

12/05/06: I have just received a copy of Bukharin's 'Philosophical
Arabesques' (Monthly Review Press, 2005). Based on initial reading, it is
easily the best summary of Dialectical Marxism yet produced by a genuine
revolutionary (other than that written by John Rees, the main target of this
site -- even if both still fail to make their case, and by a wide margin).

Several of the Essays posted here will need to be updated because of
Bukharin's book; indeed, I might have to devote an entire Essay to it.

However, in view of the circumstances surrounding its writing, and the fate
of its author, criticism of this remarkable work will not be at all easy;
indeed, it will leave a bitter taste in my mouth.

oOo



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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] People's History of Science

2006-03-02 Thread Dogangoecmen
equally, i can say please read Hans Heinz Holz  and my paper in  praksis 
before we can talk. if you want to exchange ideas then formulate them or  leave 
it.
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] People's History of Science

2006-03-02 Thread Dogangoecmen
what a brainful statement, what a scietific and philosophical  approach!
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] People's History of Science

2006-03-02 Thread Dogangoecmen
what illiteracy. what anglo-imperilism.
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] People's History of Science

2006-03-01 Thread Dogangoecmen
rosa, charles,
 
sorry for geting involved in this talk. just one remark: rosa says  class 
struggle will go on. how can she say that if she rejects the concept of  
dialectic. since it is dilectic itself that reveals itself in the class  
strugle and 
if she says class struggle will go on then she in fact relies on the  concept 
of dilectic. if she rejects dilectics and nonetheless says class  struggle will 
go on then she in fact rejects to analyse why class struggle will  go on. the 
claim that it will somehow go on is not sufficient  for s  scietific point of 
view and to secure that the enemy is defeated. best,  dogan..
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Ludwig Andreas Feuerbach

2006-01-26 Thread Dogangoecmen
'but he never [Feuerbach] threw himself into the political movement,and indeed 
had not the qualities of a popular leader.'


It is perhaps true that he did not have the 'qualities of a popular leader. But 
in last two years of his life he became a member of Social Democrat Party of 
Germany.

-- 
Dr Dogan Gocmen
42 Warrender Park Road
Edinburgh  EH9 1HH
Scotland/UK

Tel: +44 131 229 7798


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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Re: Feuerbach's idealism

2006-01-26 Thread Dogangoecmen
Ralph: 'Have any of Feuerbach's posthumous papers been translated into English?'


I don't know whether they are published into English. But some of his post 
humous papers are published by Alfred Schmidt - a collection in two volumes 
under the title: 'Anthropological Humanism'. 

Ralph: 'From what you say, there's a significant time lag between the 1840s and 
these later views.  Should not one suppose there is also a substantive 
difference as well?'

Yes, indeed. I particularly think of his short comment on the first volume of 
Capital. Because I do not have the paper before me just now I cannot give the 
exact quote. But he says something like The solution to the questions of 
happiness lies in political economy. Therefore, one should read Marx's capital. 
This might also explain why he became a memeber of social democrat party (SPD). 
In other words, he became more political and did exactly that what Marx was 
missing in his writings and activities.

Ralph: 'Were Marx and Engels wrong about what Feuerbach wrote in his most 
fertile period, the 1840s?'

I don't think so. I am just suggesting that we must also take into account his 
later intellectual (and indeed political) activities - particularly in 1860s 
and 70s.


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Re: spam: [Marxism-Thaxis] Feuerbach's idealism

2006-01-25 Thread Dogangoecmen
I'm sorry but I do not agree. Just two pints. First, one just needs to read 
Feurbach's paper on mind body dualism to see how he defines thought, namely as 
a function of matter. Second, Marxist scholars prefer to repeat what Marx and 
Engle's said about Feuerbach. But if we read his poshomous published papers he 
goes a long way towards Marx - after having read the first volume of Capital.

In an email dated Wed, 25 1 2006 4:52:35 pm GMT, Ralph Dumain [EMAIL 
PROTECTED] writes:

I think this is quite an eloquent statement of where Feuerbach went wrong, 
and congruent with M  E's criticism of Feuerbach in the 1840s.

At 10:37 AM 1/14/2006 -0500, Charles Brown wrote:
Feuerbach


feuerbach
http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1886/ludwig-feuerbach/ch03.gif

The real idealism of Feuerbach becomes evident as soon as we come to his
philosophy of religion and ethics. He by no means wishes to abolish
religion; he wants to perfect it. Philosophy itself must be absorbed in
religion


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-- 
Dr Dogan Gocmen
42 Warrender Park Road
Edinburgh  EH9 1HH
Scotland/UK

Tel: +44 131 229 7798


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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Like Kant, he doesn't know anything

2006-01-12 Thread Dogangoecmen
Ernst Bloch, Subject Object: Kantian Epistemology can know nothing unless 
everything is in the light.

Dogan Gocmen


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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] new class struggle thesis/stalin pole2 -Strategyand tacti

2005-11-07 Thread Dogangoecmen
Waistline: What is lacking is the subjective understanding of the moment. We 
are still trying to advance on the basis of formulations and doctrine of the 
past period 
and they are useless today.

DG: I wish it was like this and we could pass to a higher civilisation than 
capitalism without any reorganisation of production, distribution etc. But 
transitions in history do not work like that. I do not deny the fact that the 
more a society is advanced the shorter may be the transition. I do not think 
that we can jump over the transitory period (how long or short it may be) 
because we will not be the only agents on the scene. I agree with you that 
objective conditions for a transition are more than ripe. But what about the 
subjective requirements. Even then if th esubjective criteria are met what do 
we know about the coming civilisation except our experiences in utopian 
experiments in 19th century and in socialist coutries in 20th century we do not 
know what is going to come. We will therefore invent a lot to pass to a higher 
civilisation.
DG

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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] new class struggle thesis/stalin pole2 -Strategy and tacti

2005-11-05 Thread Dogangoecmen
but revolutions are not voluntary acts. there are objective and subjective 
preconditions need to be ripe historically and to be met on the subjective 
level.
DG

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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] All forty-five volumes

2005-07-27 Thread Dogangoecmen
well, I've not read all 45 volumes. But I know he says something like in one of 
his major works. Unfortunately I do not remember just now where.

regard
dogan

In an email dated 26/7/2005 2:36:26 pm GMT Daylight time, Charles Brown 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:

X-INFO: INVALID TO LINE

I have a lot of respect for someone who has read all forty-five volumes of
Lenin's CW.

Is there anything in there where he says the capitalists will sell us the
rope with which we hang them ?

CB

^

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Born:   Glen Ridge, New Jersey   (1966)   
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http://www.etext.org/Politics/AlternativeOrange/  student newspaper. 

MIA Work History: 

During Summer of 2001 became co-director of the Lenin Internet Archives
having read all 45 volumes of Lenin Collected Works from 1995
http://www.lafn.org/~cymbala/Booksred/bib1995.html  to 1997
http://www.lafn.org/~cymbala/Booksred/bib1997.html . 

Currently pushing to finish Lenin Collected Works
http://marx.org/archive/lenin/works/cw/index.htm  along with David Moros
http://marx.org/admin/volunteers/biographies/rcymbala.htm#dmoros . 

Currently (on hold) creating a Debian http://packages.debian.org/  package
for Text Encoding Initiative's P4 DTD http://www.tei-c.org/P4X/ST.html . 

EBay id:   rcymbala 



The photo seen above was taken in front of a garage door on Balmy Street in
San Francisco's Mission District. The young boy is writing resistence
(RESISTE) as his village is burning, a young woman sits on boxes marked
for EXPORT holding an empty plate, and a group of adults use guns to fight
the country's U.S.-backed military. Another group of adults hold BW
pictures of their disappeared family members, as a man dumps grain or corn
onto the ground that was bound for a so-called rich country where obesity
is epidemic and the poor continue to starve. 



Volunteers w/o a Bio. Page:   
Tim Delaney 
Charles Farrell 
Carl Kavanagh 
Lee Joon Koo 
Marc Luzietti 
David Moros 
Kent Smith 
UNKNOWN 
ANONYMOUS 
J. Doe 



MIA Steering Committee http://marx.org/admin/volunteers/steering.htm  



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-- 
Dogan Gocmen
University of Edinburgh
School of Social and Political Studies
Adam ferguson Building
George Square
Edinburgh, EH8 9LL
Scotland/UK


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[Marxism-Thaxis] adam smith

2005-07-15 Thread Dogangoecmen
please find attached my paper on adam smith's approach to mind body  dualism. 
it is in german. any comment is welcome.
dogan göcmen
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] And the Winner is . . .

2005-07-14 Thread Dogangoecmen
 
In einer eMail vom 14.07.2005 15:21:35 Westeuropäische Sommerzeit schreibt  
[EMAIL PROTECTED]:

X-INFO:  INVALID TO LINE
Jim Farmelant 
The winner of BBC Radio 4's Greatest  Philosopher contest,
is the man with the beard.  See:
http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/history/inourtime/inourtime.shtml





So,  when you strip away the Marxist-Leninism, the Soviet era and later
Marxist  theory, who was Karl Marx? Where does he stand in the history  of
philosophy? He wrote in his Theses on Feuerbach, Philosophers have  only
interpretd the world in various ways, the point, however, is to change  it -
which begs the question, is he really a philosopher at  all


^
CB: Gee they immediately start an attack. Why strip  away the
Marxist-Leninism, the Soviet era and the later Marxist theory ?  That's part
of _why_ he won the vote. This philosopher of the real, not a  real
philosopher ?

Guess this is not the winner the contest  holders wanted.

Once a again a spectre is haunting  Europe.




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unfortunately, true...
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] And the Winner is . . .

2005-07-14 Thread Dogangoecmen
 
However, this shows how little they understand Marx. To change world to  Marx 
means to revolutionise the philsophy and change the world by using this  
revolutionary philosphy. It is in other words a claim for a philosophical 
change  
the world. But it shows at the same time that they cannot accept the fact that 
 so many people still pay high attention to the philosophy of Marx. This 
might  also be reason why they add an attack to the announcement.
Dogan Gocmen
 
 
In einer eMail vom 14.07.2005 15:21:35 Westeuropäische Sommerzeit schreibt  
[EMAIL PROTECTED]:

X-INFO:  INVALID TO LINE
Jim Farmelant 
The winner of BBC Radio 4's Greatest  Philosopher contest,
is the man with the beard.  See:
http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/history/inourtime/inourtime.shtml





So,  when you strip away the Marxist-Leninism, the Soviet era and later
Marxist  theory, who was Karl Marx? Where does he stand in the history  of
philosophy? He wrote in his Theses on Feuerbach, Philosophers have  only
interpretd the world in various ways, the point, however, is to change  it -
which begs the question, is he really a philosopher at  all


^
CB: Gee they immediately start an attack. Why strip  away the
Marxist-Leninism, the Soviet era and the later Marxist theory ?  That's part
of _why_ he won the vote. This philosopher of the real, not a  real
philosopher ?

Guess this is not the winner the contest  holders wanted.

Once a again a spectre is haunting  Europe.




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