Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Alain Badiou

2009-02-17 Thread farmela...@juno.com


-- CeJ jann...@gmail.com wrote:

Isn't it interesting just how the French colonial experience has
produced so many leading French intellectuals, writers, academics?

Do you mean like Camus?  Althusser? Derrida?

Jim Farmelant




Click to get kitchen cabinets at affordable prices.
http://thirdpartyoffers.juno.com/TGL2141/fc/PnY6rw2eZNnswusAojciGHqO5GlWB7mZHjarYioTvnrCzHfRZZJWh/

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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Alain Badiou

2009-02-17 Thread JC Helary
On mardi 17 févr. 09, at 21:32, farmela...@juno.com wrote:

 -- CeJ jann...@gmail.com wrote:

 Isn't it interesting just how the French colonial experience has
 produced so many leading French intellectuals, writers, academics?

 Do you mean like Camus?  Althusser? Derrida?

Bourdieu.




Jean-Christophe Helary


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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Alain Badiou

2009-02-17 Thread Ralph Dumain
And Bourdieu, who is far more interesting than wankers like Derrida.

At 07:32 AM 2/17/2009, farmela...@juno.com wrote:


-- CeJ jann...@gmail.com wrote:

Isn't it interesting just how the French colonial experience has
produced so many leading French intellectuals, writers, academics?

Do you mean like Camus?  Althusser? Derrida?

Jim Farmelant


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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Alain Badiou

2009-02-16 Thread CeJ
[Alain Badiou (born 17 January 1937 in Rabat, Morocco) is a prominent
French philosopher, formerly chair of philosophy at the École Normale
Supérieure (ENS). Along with Giorgio Agamben and Slavoj Zizek, Badiou
is a prominent figure in an anti-postmodern strand of continental
philosophy. Particularly through a creative appropriation of set
theory from his early interest in mathematics, Badiou seeks to recover
the concepts of being, truth and the subject in a way that is neither
postmodern nor simply a repetition of modernity.

Isn't it interesting just how the French colonial experience has
produced so many leading French intellectuals, writers, academics?

CJ

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[Marxism-Thaxis] Alain Badiou

2009-02-15 Thread Charles Brown
Ruthless Critic of All that Exists :

Full: http://mondediplo.com/2009/02/17sarkozy

Alain Badiou's book on Sarkozy reveals the philosopher's own advocacy
of change based in reality, which is beginning to displace the old
'new philosophy' of Bernard-Henri Lévy et al

By Christopher Bickerton

From Wikipedia:

[Alain Badiou (born 17 January 1937 in Rabat, Morocco) is a prominent
French philosopher, formerly chair of philosophy at the École Normale
Supérieure (ENS). Along with Giorgio Agamben and Slavoj Zizek, Badiou
is a prominent figure in an anti-postmodern strand of continental
philosophy. Particularly through a creative appropriation of set
theory from his early interest in mathematics, Badiou seeks to recover
the concepts of being, truth and the subject in a way that is neither
postmodern nor simply a repetition of modernity.

He was politically active very early on, and was one of the founding
members of the Unified Socialist Party (PSU). The PSU was particularly
active in the struggle for the decolonization of Algeria. He wrote his
first novel, Almagestes, in 1964. In 1967 he joined a study group
organized by Louis Althusser and grew increasingly influenced by
Jacques Lacan. The student uprisings of May 1968 reinforced Badiou's
commitment to the far Left, and he participated in increasingly
radical communist and Maoist groups, such as the UCFML. In 1969 he
joined the faculty of University of Paris VIII (Vincennes-Saint
Denis), which was a bastion of counter-cultural thought. There he
engaged in fierce intellectual debates with fellow professors Gilles
Deleuze and Jean-François Lyotard, whose philosophical works he
considered unhealthy deviations from the Althusserian program of a
scientific Marxism. In the 1980s, as both Althusserian Marxism and
Lacanian psychoanalysis went into decline (with Lacan dead and
Althusser in an asylum), Badiou published more technical and abstract
philosophical works, such as Théorie du sujet (1982), and his magnum
opus, Being and Event (1988).]


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[Marxism-Thaxis] Alain Badiou

2009-02-01 Thread Charles Brown


 
http://www.lacan.com/article/?page_id=125
On Communism
Alain Badiou in Libération

 
 
Don’t you think that there is a proper compromise between the unabashed 
capitalism of Sarkozy and your antiquated radical line?
Having begun its journey four centuries ago, capitalism, even unbridled, is 
much older and archaic that all the radical lines that one opposes to it. Let 
us cease considering that liberalism, fashionable in the 1840s, embodies 
modernity and reform. It is Communism which is a new idea in Europe.
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[Marxism-Thaxis] Alain Badiou in _New Left Review_ on The Communist Hypothesis

2008-03-10 Thread Charles Brown
http://lists.econ.utah.edu/pipermail/marxism/2008-March/024922.html

http://www.newleftreview.org/?page=articleview=2705 


What is the communist hypothesis? In its generic sense, given in its canonic
* Manifesto*, 'communist' means, first, that the logic of class-the
fundamental subordination of labour to a dominant class, the arrangement
that has persisted since Antiquity-is not inevitable; it can be overcome.
The communist hypothesis is that a different collective organization is
practicable, one that will eliminate the inequality of wealth and even the
division of labour. The private appropriation of massive fortunes and their
transmission by inheritance will disappear. The existence of a coercive
state, separate from civil society, will no longer appear a necessity: a
long process of reorganization based on a free association of producers will
see it withering away.

'Communism' as such denotes only this very general set of intellectual
representations. It is what Kant called an Idea, with a regulatory function,
rather than a programme. It is foolish to call such communist principles
utopian; in the sense that I have defined them here they are intellectual
patterns, always actualized in a different fashion. As a pure Idea of
equality, the communist hypothesis has no doubt existed since the beginnings
of the state. As soon as mass action opposes state coercion in the name of
egalitarian justice, rudiments or fragments of the hypothesis start to
appear. Popular revolts-the slaves led by Spartacus, the peasants led by
Müntzer-might be identified as practical examples of this 'communist
invariant'. With the French Revolution, the communist hypothesis then
inaugurates the epoch of political modernity.

What remains is to determine the point at which we now find ourselves in the
history of the communist hypothesis. A fresco of the modern period would
show two great sequences in its development, with a forty-year gap between
them. The first is that of the setting in place of the communist hypothesis;
the second, of preliminary attempts at its realization. The first sequence
runs from the French Revolution to the Paris Commune; let us say, 1792 to
1871. It links the popular mass movement to the seizure of power, through
the insurrectional overthrow of the existing order; this revolution will
abolish the old forms of society and install 'the community of equals'. In
the course of the century, the formless popular movement made up of
townsfolk, artisans and students came increasingly under the leadership of
the working class. The sequence culminated in the striking novelty-and
radical defeat-of the Paris Commune. For the Commune demonstrated both the
extraordinary energy of this combination of popular movement, working-class
leadership and armed insurrection, and its limits: the *communards* could
neither establish the revolution on a national footing nor defend it against
the foreign-backed forces of the counter-revolution.

The second sequence of the communist hypothesis runs from 1917 to 1976: from
the Bolshevik Revolution to the end of the Cultural Revolution and the
militant upsurge throughout the world during the years 1966-75. It was
dominated by the question: how to win? How to hold out-unlike the Paris
Commune-against the armed reaction of the possessing classes; how to
organize the new power so as to protect it against the onslaught of its
enemies? It was no longer a question of formulating and testing the
communist hypothesis, but of realizing it: what the 19th century had dreamt,
the 20th would accomplish. The obsession with victory, centred around
questions of organization, found its principal expression in the 'iron
discipline' of the communist party-the characteristic construction of the
second sequence of the hypothesis. The party effectively solved the question
inherited from the first sequence: the revolution prevailed, either through
insurrection or prolonged popular war, in Russia, China, Czechoslovakia,
Korea, Vietnam, Cuba, and succeeded in establishing a new order.
But the second sequence in turn created a further problem, which it could
not solve using [...]

Full:  http://www.newleftreview.org/?page=articleview=2705 




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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Alain Badiou in _New Left Review_ on The Communist Hypothesis

2008-03-10 Thread Ralph Dumain
Can't access the full article, but hopefully it 
is not as vacuous as this extract.

At 12:34 PM 3/10/2008, Charles Brown wrote:
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 
base64Content-Disposition: 
inlinehttp://lists.econ.utah.edu/pipermail/marxism/2008-March/024922.html

http://www.newleftreview.org/[EMAIL PROTECTED]


What is the communist hypothesis? In its generic sense, given in its canonic
* Manifesto*, 'communist' means, first, that the logic of class-the
fundamental subordination of labour to a dominant class, the arrangement
that has persisted since Antiquity-is not inevitable; it can be overcome.
The communist hypothesis is that a different collective organization is
practicable, one that will eliminate the inequality of wealth and even the
division of labour. The private appropriation of massive fortunes and their
transmission by inheritance will disappear. The existence of a coercive
state, separate from civil society, will no longer appear a necessity: a
long process of reorganization based on a free association of producers will
see it withering away.

'Communism' as such denotes only this very general set of intellectual
representations. It is what Kant called an Idea, with a regulatory function,
rather than a programme. It is foolish to call such communist principles
utopian; in the sense that I have defined them here they are intellectual
patterns, always actualized in a different fashion. As a pure Idea of
equality, the communist hypothesis has no doubt existed since the beginnings
of the state. As soon as mass action opposes state coercion in the name of
egalitarian justice, rudiments or fragments of the hypothesis start to
appear. Popular revolts-the slaves led by Spartacus, the peasants led by
Müntzer-might be identified as practical examples of this 'communist
invariant'. With the French Revolution, the communist hypothesis then
inaugurates the epoch of political modernity.

What remains is to determine the point at which we now find ourselves in the
history of the communist hypothesis. A fresco of the modern period would
show two great sequences in its development, with a forty-year gap between
them. The first is that of the setting in place of the communist hypothesis;
the second, of preliminary attempts at its realization. The first sequence
runs from the French Revolution to the Paris Commune; let us say, 1792 to
1871. It links the popular mass movement to the seizure of power, through
the insurrectional overthrow of the existing order; this revolution will
abolish the old forms of society and install 'the community of equals'. In
the course of the century, the formless popular movement made up of
townsfolk, artisans and students came increasingly under the leadership of
the working class. The sequence culminated in the striking novelty-and
radical defeat-of the Paris Commune. For the Commune demonstrated both the
extraordinary energy of this combination of popular movement, working-class
leadership and armed insurrection, and its limits: the *communards* could
neither establish the revolution on a national footing nor defend it against
the foreign-backed forces of the counter-revolution.

The second sequence of the communist hypothesis runs from 1917 to 1976: from
the Bolshevik Revolution to the end of the Cultural Revolution and the
militant upsurge throughout the world during the years 1966-75. It was
dominated by the question: how to [EMAIL PROTECTED] the Paris
Commune-against the armed reaction of the possessing classes; how to
organize the new power so as to protect it against the onslaught of its
enemies] was no longer a question of formulating and testing the
communist hypothesis, but of realizing it: what the 19th century had dreamt,
the 20th would accomplish. The obsession with victory, centred around
questions of organization, found its principal expression in the 'iron
discipline' of the communist party-the characteristic construction of the
second sequence of the hypothesis. The party effectively solved the question
inherited from the first sequence: the revolution prevailed, either through
insurrection or prolonged popular war, in Russia, China, Czechoslovakia,
Korea, Vietnam, Cuba, and succeeded in establishing a new order.
But the second sequence in turn created a further problem, which it could
not solve using [...]

Full:  http://www.newleftreview.org/YÙOX\XÛIšY]ÏLÌ
H€


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