Marxism contains a language, a set of terms accepted as short cuts in  
describing society and movement. Problems arise with words and terms that mean  
different things to different folks and groups using this language. "Reform" 
and  "concession" is a case in point. When "reform" - as a logic or society 
motion,  is reduced to subjective dimensions detached from the "object" 
being reformed or  "reform of society structures" confusion ensue. Reform - 
rather than reformism,  is a material relation. Reformism is political and 
ideological. 
 
The dictionary states that reform is "an improvement or amendment of what  
is wrong." Reform means to restructure. Restructuring changes something  
material; the social relations between and within in classes. Social relations  
express and correspond to material relations of the economy. 
 
Reform and concession is not the same. Wrestling greater shares of the  
social product and expanded political liberties from the state or employer is  
the content of most social struggle. Concessions do not change the material  
relations within and between classes. Concessions can be taken based on  
political will. Reforms are more than less permanent and cannot be taken away  
based on political will alone. Something must change within the structure 
of  society for a reform of the system to become unraveled. Reforms do not 
change  the property relations. 
 
Reform can be defined as "change in relations between and within classes,  
without changing the property relations." 
 
The structure of society and the contradiction that is the unity of primary 
 classes as the process of production is the environment - context. Society 
is  the totality of the relations between classes and groups in a 
community. The  creation of wealth depends on the state of development of the 
productive forces.  The form of this wealth and mode of accumulation is the 
meaning 
of property  relations. The means of production are always developing as 
incremental  quantitative inputs until a qualitative leap is underway. 
 
As involuntary promoter of industry, the privileged ruling classes,  
economic and political layers in society have a stake in keeping the system the 
 
same because that is how their wealth, power, privilege and life experiences 
are  realized. As the means of production evolve, a corresponding deepening 
change  and contradictions widens with the static immobile property 
relations expressed  as corporations, organizations and civic structures. As 
favorable condition  emerges the social struggle ends with a quantitative leap 
in 
the social  relations, which brings a reformed society more into 
correspondence with  improved or new means of production. 
 
Our generations have witnessed, lived and recorded the epochal movement of  
a mode of production and how it reformed itself until all the space in the  
industrial system was exhausted. At each juncture - quantitative boundary 
of our  developing production relations, the subjective question of 
revolution emerged  as the cutting edge of reform. The impulse for reform 
arises from 
the  spontaneous development of means of production. Henry Ford's factory 
system  accelerated restructuring of production relations and changes the in 
the form of  the working class destroying the structural basis of 
craft/skilled labor of the  historic artisan. Assembly line production 
restructured 
the industrial work  process driving transition from craft to industrial trade 
unionism. This motion  logic was genuine reform of the system. Assembly 
line auto production nail the  coffin shut on the "company town" and laid the 
basis for suburbia; expanded the  cement and housing industry and fifty years 
later resulted in our nationwide  Interstate system. There are thousands of 
incremental changes to society brought  about by the Henry ford system. 
 
The growth of the industrial union movement was a subjective/political  
reform of the system, expressing a material reform as the system passed from 
one  quantitative boundary of growth to another. Reform of the system is a big 
thing  and in all cases gushes forth as based on continuous quantitative 
growth of a  distinct "quality" defined as state of development of the means 
of production. 
 
As the proletarian masses and labor movement in its totality spontaneously  
fought to reform the system in their favor, communists fought the 
revolutionary  struggle for reform during every leap between quantitative 
boundaries 
of the  industrial system. The most recent memory of the reform movement is 
that of the  African American freedom struggles. African Americans have 
always fought and  struggled for freedom and equality. This critical subjective 
factor of fighting  gives shape to the outcome of reform. Yet, we are 
confronted with a living  dynamic screaming for unraveling. 
 
No matter how heroic their struggle and sacrifice, they could not gain any  
freedom as a mass so long as a certain part of the economy was tied to the  
backwards means of production in labor intensive Southern agriculture.  
Mechanization of Southern agriculture was the bed rock foundation for  
corresponding change in the relations between and within classes, short of  
changing 
the property relations. With this objective logic of change underway,  more 
was needed in the disposition of the subjective forces - people, to drive  
and give shape to the reform of the system.  Many factors converged. Over a  
million Black soldiers served in the war for democracy and against fascism. 
They  came home imbued with military organizational principles and 
determined not to  be treated in the same old way.  This subjective disposition 
was 
also the  case in post WW 1 America, but a different result occurred known 
as the "Red  Summers" of "race bating" and slaughter of the black. The system 
was not yet  undergoing sufficient quantitative change, although such 
change was  accelerating. Post WW II was different. 
 
The rebuilding of Europe drove production and finance during an era of  
destruction of the sharecropping system, whose necessity grew out of  
mechanization of agriculture. Cold War was also an environment interactive with 
 
upsurge of the colonial revolutions world wide. These major and many lesser  
events converged as the gigantic Freedom Movement that began restructuring of  
America.  Legal Jim Crow - constructed as a political form of rule riveted  
to Southern agriculture, had to go. The quantitative development of the 
means of  production was central and key to this quantitative development - 
reform, of  society. 
 
Some people and organizations take the position that reform comes when  
enough people demand it. They place the subjective factor of "fight back" first 
 and at the expense of accumulative change in the means of production and 
then  the social consequence of such change. Upon closer examination "enough 
people"  shaping the outcome of change has to be fought for and organized to 
give  specific shape to the social consequence of a leap already underway. 
 
During the early phase of this quantitative leap reforming America the  
struggle of the black was most difficult.  Early in June 1943, 25,000  Packard 
plant workers, who produced engines for bombers and PT boats, stopped  work 
in protest of the promotion of three blacks. This was under conditions of  
war during a period of the "no strike agreement" and not one single worker 
was  disciplined.  Thousands upon thousands of proletarians protested in favor 
 of segregation, lynch rope rule and continued exclusion of blacks. 
 
It would not be until the outbreak of Montgomery Alabama a decade or so  
later, then the massive struggle struggles of the 1960's and 1970's that the  
relations within between classes were reformed sufficient to begin 
regulating  legal segregation to the dustbin of history. Countless examples 
exist of 
our  lived experience with the dialectic of reform and revolution. 
 
Capitalism cannot be reformed because of the gigantic and qualitative leap  
in the means of production. All quantitative boundaries of the industrial 
system  as a system have been exhausted; brought to an end by emergence of a 
new  technology regime and its application to production. No field of 
endeavor is  being reproduced and expanded based on old industrial technology. 
 
The industrial system was founded based on electro-mechanical production  
and automation, whose growth and development was the basis of reform of the  
system. Our modern means of production are in a qualitative leap from 
electro  mechanical to electronics and advanced biogenetics. 
 
We are at the end of an epoch and any social reform to come will be based  
on the objective logic of further destruction of property relations tied to 
and  corresponding to the old technology regime. Capitalism is a mode of 
accumulation  or a property relation. This mode of accumulation stands in 
antagonism with a  new economy - production and distribution increasingly 
driven 
based on a new  technology regime. 
 
WL.
 
 

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