According to the materialistic conception, the determining factor in history 
is, in the final instance, the production and reproduction of the immediate 
essentials of life. This, again, is of a twofold character. On the one side, 
the 
production of the means of existence, of articles of food and clothing, 
dwellings, and of the tools necessary for that production; on the other side, 
the 
production of human beings themselves, the propagation of the species. The 
social organization under which the people of a particular historical epoch and 
a 
particular country live is determined by both kinds of production: by the 
stage of development of labor on the one hand and of the family on the other. 

The lower the development of labor and the more limited the amount of its 
products, and consequently, the more limited also the wealth of the society, 
the 
more the social order is found to be dominated by kinship groups. However, 
within this structure of society based on kinship groups the productivity of 
labor increasingly develops, and with it private property and exchange, 
differences of wealth, the possibility of utilizing the labor power of others, 
and hence 
the basis of class antagonisms: new social elements, which in the course of 
generations strive to adapt the old social order to the new conditions, until 
at last their incompatibility brings about a complete upheaval. In the 
collision of the newly-developed social classes, the old society founded on 
kinship 
groups is broken up; in its place appears a new society, with its control 
centered in the state, the subordinate units of which are no longer kinship 
associations, but local associations; a society in which the system of the 
family is 
completely dominated by the system of property, and in which there now freely 
develop those class antagonisms and class struggles that have hitherto formed 
the content of all written history. 
full: 
http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1884/origin-family/preface.htm

One does not have to prove an inference or it is not an inference. 
Presentation of an issue, any issue, depends to a large extent on ones purpose 
or in our 
case our political purpose. Engles presents the issue of society and its 
evolution as: "within this structure of society based on kinship groups the 
productivity of labor increasingly develops, and with it private property and 
exchange, differences of wealth, the possibility of utilizing the labor power 
of 
others, and hence the basis of class antagonisms" because his purpose is to 
outline what is fundamental in the social process.
 
What is fundamental means a complex of changing factors in which one aspect 
is more mobile than the other aspects. Hence, "the production and reproduction 
of the immediate essentials of life . . . the production of the means of 
existence, of articles of food and clothing, dwellings, and of the tools 
necessary 
for that production; . . .  the production of human beings themselves, the 
propagation of the species." 

Property relations arise within this context or after the evolution of tools 
that give rise to the material power of production. Property is transitory, 
while the shape of production - mode of reproduction, is a permanent ever 
changing feature of human existence. Revolution comes about as a result of the 
development of the means of production. An antagonism develops between the new, 
emerging economic relations and the old, static political relations within the 
superstructure. The political relations are the legal expression of property 
relations.

Marx approach to social revolution was basically that there were two classes 
that propelled history forward. One was the class that owned the means of 
production and the other was the class that toiled at these means of 
production. 
The struggle was over control of these means of production. Contradictions 
internal to the system forced a political struggle between the classes that 
ended 
in revolution. 

At the risk of being tossed out of the "Marxist movement," I do not believe 
this is entirely correct. The feudal class was not overthrown by the serf; they 
were overthrown by a new economic class outside the production and 
reproduction of the property relations of feudalism. This point is so important 
that I 
have written it 10-20 times for the past three years, at least. 

The dialectic between the toiler and the owner of the means of production is 
the dialectic of reform. Some call the struggle and fight for wages class 
struggle. It is not the meaning of class struggle. When Lenin spoke of the 
class 
struggle of the workers it was in a historically specific context of the final 
overthrow of the feudal order in conflict with the bourgeoisie attempting to 
impose its class demands and economic interest as the shape of industrializing 
Russia. When Lenin politicized against the economists of his day he was 
arguing for creating an organization to carry out insurrection and aligning a 
section of the workers in motion behind the political demand for state power or 
carrying out the bourgeois revolution under the banner of the dictatorship of 
the 
proletariat. 

The concept that the bourgeoisie and the serf overthrow feudalism lacks a 
dialectical conception of classes in their rise and fall. The energy of the 
serf 
as a serf was used by the bourgeoisie, but the objective logic of the serf as 
a class is not to destroy itself but to preserve that which makes him a tiller 
of the land, with expanded economic and political liberties. The demand of 
the serf under feudalism is to reform the system. If he is aligned politically 
to the new classes created by the new economic relations that arise on the 
basis of the development of the means of production - driven by the 
technological 
revolution, he is revolutionary in that sense. 

Marx pretty much describes the underlying social and political process in the 
Communist Manifesto under the section Socialist and Communist Literature. 

The issue of the mode of production - defined as a set of property relations, 
being in conflict with the material power of production, expressed as the 
crisis of overproduction does not reveal what is taking place today. We are 
faced 
with a more than less permanent glut and overcapacity due to the state of 
development of the technological regime. Productive forces have to be destroyed 
and shut down. The modern question is not the contradiction between the 
bourgeois property relations and the material power of production, but rather 
the 
passing over of this contradiction to antagonism on the basis of the 
qualitative 
changes in the technological regime. 

The working class and bourgeois are birthed as a contradiction or the two 
basic classes of the industrial system, with the property relations within. 
Their 
evolution begins within the feudal economic and social order. This same 
process logic is taking place today. 

The new class that has emerged today exists outside - more than less, world 
wide . . . of the system of buying and selling or exchange of commodities that 
stabilize the bourgeois property relations. This is the real proletariat.  
Social revolution as historical necessity can only arise with the development 
of 
a new class created as the result of the development of the material power of 
production. This new proletariat is a communist class. The bond that unites 
the bourgeoisie and working class is severed and sectors of both classes have 
in 
fact begun to exist in external collision to one another. The class of modern 
speculators detached from the means of production on the one hand and a 
proletariat detached from the means of production on the other. Here is the 
dialectic of class and the end game of the law of value, which Engels clearly 
saw in 
1844 and whose general laws Marx worked out. 

Political revolution was attempted on behalf of the working class during the 
last century because the communist understood the general direction of 
society. Our task was to carry out industrialization without the bourgeois 
property 
relations and absolutely liquidate - on the basis of developing the material 
power of production, all feudal economic and social relations. 


The reason "the Marxists" in the American Union do not see this process is 
because they have been under the spell of political syndicalism for an entire 
century. The grave digger of the bourgeois order is the advance of industry and 
the victory of the proletariat is inevitable. It is this new class outside of 
value production that has the historical demand and right to reorganize 
society on the basis of to each according to his need, from each according to 
their 
ability.  The evidence is right in front of us and clearly revealed in the 
history of the development of our own working class. 

Waistline 

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