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Best regards, Andrew Stewart Begin forwarded message: > From: H-Net Staff <revh...@mail.h-net.msu.edu> > Date: September 28, 2018 at 5:58:43 AM EDT > To: h-rev...@lists.h-net.org > Subject: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]: Firmin on Lynd and Lynd, 'Moral > Injury and Nonviolent Resistance: Breaking the Cycle of Violence in the > Military and Behind Bars' > Reply-To: H-Net Staff <revh...@mail.h-net.msu.edu> > > Alice Lynd, Staughton Lynd. Moral Injury and Nonviolent Resistance: > Breaking the Cycle of Violence in the Military and Behind Bars. > Oakland PM Press, 2017. 192 pp. $17.95 (paper), ISBN > 978-1-62963-379-4. > > Reviewed by Titus Firmin (University of New Orleans) > Published on H-Socialisms (September, 2018) > Commissioned by Gary Roth > > Resistance to Military and Prison Violence > > _Moral Injury and Nonviolent Resistance: Breaking the Cycle of > Violence in the Military and Behind Bars_ is the work of Alice and > Staughton Lynd, lifelong activists of social justice and the civil > rights, antiwar, labor, and prison reform movements in the United > States. In 1966, Alice Lynd published her experiences as a military > noncombatant draft counselor in _We Won't Go_. Staughton is best > known for his 1968 historiographical work, _Intellectual Origins of > American Radicalism_. Staughton taught at Yale but was forced to > leave after he was denied tenure because he visited Hanoi during the > Vietnam War. He later graduated from the University of Chicago law > school and practiced as a lawyer in Youngstown, Ohio. After > relocating to Youngstown, the Lynds became involved politically with > the prison reform movement. _Moral Injury and Nonviolent Resistance_ > is a product of Alice and Staughton Lynd's cumulative life's work as > activists for social justice. > > The organization of _Moral Injury and Nonviolent Resistance_ is > straightforward, divided into two parts: "In the Military" and > "Behind Bars." The book examines the intersections between the > military and prisons, and describes their connection to moral injury > and nonviolent resistance. In part 1, "In the Military" the Lynds > survey servicemembers and conscientious objectors in the United > States and Israel who suffered moral injury in the line of duty. > _Moral Injury and Nonviolent Resistance_ defines moral injury as when > a person believes they committed, witnessed, or failed to prevent > something that "you know in your heart is wrong." The book also > suggests that moral injury contributes to post-traumatic stress > disorder (PTSD). Interestingly, while the Lynds resisted the military > draft during the Vietnam War, they point out that the lack of a draft > during the Iraq and Afghanistan wars has created new forms of moral > inequality within the all-volunteer military. The burden of military > service is carried by less than 1 percent of the US population, > personnel who are deployed repeatedly and experience moral injury > because of these repeated tours. > > The Lynds discuss the connection between volunteerism and moral > injury with examples from a select group of Vietnam veterans who, in > contrast to most soldiers of this war, volunteered for service. The > National Council of Disability estimates that between 320,000 and > 640,000 veterans of the all-volunteer force (AVF) in Iraq and > Afghanistan suffer from invisible wounds.[1] Seventeen years of war > have created invisible injuries within the US military that only > received high-profile attention after an unprecedented spike in > suicides. From 2005 to 2015, veterans were twice as likely to commit > suicide than nonveterans.[2] The book draws attention to the many > mental health issues that servicemembers face, such as moral injury, > PTSD, postdeployment readjustment, self-harm, and suicide. > > _Moral Injury and Nonviolent Resistance_ is also in conversation with > scholars who explore the invisible wounds and experiences of war, > such as Michael Bess, Jennifer Keene, David Kieran, and Lisa M. > Mundey. The book points out that military training, especially > initial or basic combat training, is intended to desensitize > individuals in preparation for war and transform the citizen into a > member of the armed forces. Many of the examples of moral injury come > from veterans of the Vietnam War, whereas the conscientious objectors > mentioned in the book are all from the nation's most recent, longest > war. "In the Military" explores in depth the legal aspects of war > crimes in international law and US policy toward conscientious > objectors in the military. The section also broaches the legitimacy > of detention and enhanced interrogation of unlawful combatants. > > Since the introduction of the all-volunteer force, those who join do > so without compulsion, although there is an argument to be made that > the current volunteer system is a form of economic conscription. > Nonetheless, volunteers are assumed to know what they are getting > into when they sign their service contracts. It is difficult, if not > impossible, for US servicemembers to later change their > classification to noncombatant pacifist or conscientious objector. If > a servicemember desires to amend their status as a noncombatant, they > must prove that by "religious training and belief" they should be > classified as a conscientious objector. In addition, conscientious > objector status does not exclude a servicemember from service in the > military. Ultimately there is slim recourse for servicemembers who > experience a moral crisis after they join the AVF. > > The Lynds interviewed several former US servicemembers who claimed > conscientious objector status during the wars in Iraq and > Afghanistan. Several servicemembers requested objector status on the > premise that the US involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan was unjust > and illegal. Most of the ex-servicemembers interviewed wanted no > role, combatant or noncombatant, in the US military and desired to > quit the military altogether. After the US invasion in 2003, some > servicemembers never applied for conscientious objector status, went > absent without leave (AWOL), and fled to Canada. Servicemembers who > failed to request objector status and went AWOL breached their > legally binding service contract with the government. Still, not a > single servicemember who applied for objector status received it. > Most of them were placed into noncombatant roles for the remainder of > their enlistment period. > > _Moral Injury and Nonviolent Resistance_ underscores the general lack > of knowledge regarding the laws of war. Typically, most volunteers > are not aware of the nuances of international law unless they are a > member of the Judge Adjutant General (JAG). Even if servicemembers > believe the US military has broken international law, legal > technicalities exist that establish the supremacy of US over > international law.[3] The book also makes clear that volunteers have > few, if any, legal alternatives if they believe their military > service constitutes a moral or legal violation. Further thickening > the fog of war, veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars grapple > with the battlefield reality of an enemy that operates without regard > to international law. In Israel servicemembers have greater means of > resistance, since all citizens are conscripted for military service. > Israeli "Refuseniks" have enjoyed some success voicing their > opposition. Conscripts have petitioned their commanders over > operations against Palestinians they deemed immoral and illegal. The > success of the "Refuseniks" highlights a key difference between the > moral intervention of conscripts in the Israeli military and > volunteers of the US volunteer military. > > Part 2, "Behind Bars" examines moral injury and nonviolent resistance > of US prisoners in Ohio, Illinois, and California, as well as > Palestinian prisoners in Israel. Prisons are sites for dehumanization > and punishment rather than rehabilitation of inmates. _Moral Injury > and Nonviolent Resistance_ contends that servicemembers and inmates > are linked by their dual roles as both victims and perpetrators of > violence. As of 2018, there are 1,266,000 inmates in US prisons, with > around 90,000 in solitary confinement.[4] Prolonged solitary > confinement has effects analogous to torture that are deleterious to > a person's mental health. The Lynds suggest that the military and > prisons similarly dehumanize individuals and perpetuate cycles of > violence that result in moral injuries and a host of other invisible > wounds. Where prisoners find success that servicemembers do not is > through nonviolent resistance. Inmates have conducted hunger strikes > to advocate better treatment and conditions in jails and prisons. The > book also describes the ideological processes that some inmates > undergo that lead them to protest through hunger strikes instead of > prison riots. > > In the concluding chapter the Lynds widen their historical > perspective to compare the successes and failures of prison hunger > strikes with the civil rights and the labor movements. The labor > movement is examined from 1930 to WWII and then leaps forward to the > $15 minimum wage movement to highlight examples of nonviolent direct > action. _Moral Injury and Nonviolent Resistance_ argues that > individuals who peacefully resist illegal and immoral authority > communicate more effectively than their opposition because of their > seriousness, boldness, and the risk involved in their resistance. The > Lynds recommend to activists a combined strategy of nonviolent > protest and legal recourse. > > _Moral Injury and Nonviolent Resistance_ is a fine work that > illuminates the issue of morality within two of society's most > violent institutions: prison and the military. When prisoners and > servicemembers are forced to participate in circumstances that > affront their notions of right and wrong, they experience moral > injury. Individuals are further confused by vague interpretations of > international law. The Lynds identify direct action and nonviolent > resistance as crucial to both preventing moral injury and insisting > on humane treatment. Significant change is possible through peaceful, > nonthreatening resistance. > > The sources used by the authors are oral histories, personal > statements, interviews, newspapers articles, and their own personal > experiences as activists working with prisoners and servicemembers. > The few weaknesses of _Moral Injury and Nonviolent Resistance_ are > predominantly minor. The book misses several opportunities to > intersect with other, related societal issues--for example, the > economic side of the military and prison-industrial complexes that > perpetuates the cycles of violence within prisons and the military, > the history of law enforcement and the courts, and the > constitutionality of executive war powers. Regrettably, the book > suffers from minor typographical errors, though the most obvious is > the misspelling of "resistance" on the front cover. Another cause for > concern is the work's citation, albeit sparing, of Wikipedia > articles. The Lynds could have addressed the case of Private Chelsea > Manning and whether her actions may be viewed as an act of nonviolent > resistance. However, the book that the Lynds have presented is a > unique work appropriate for both scholars and activists. > > Overall, _Moral Injury and Nonviolent Resistance_ is an inspiring > study that advocates social justice. The Lynds utilize case studies > from their own personal experiences in some of the major social > justice movements of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The > book skillfully examines the shared cyclic cultures of shame and > violence that affect individuals in the military and in prison. This > work goes beyond a simple indictment of societal issues and presents > a pathway to enact meaningful change. > > Notes > > [1]. National Council on Disability, _Invisible Wounds: Serving > Service Members and Veterans with PTSD and TBI_, accessed August 14, > 2018, https://www.ncd.gov/publications/2009/March042009/. > > [2]. Kent Allen, "Veteran Suicide Rates Rose in Recent Decade," > Veterans, Military, and their Families, AARP website, June 19, 2018, > accessed August 14, 2018, > https://www.aarp.org/home-family/voices/veterans/info-2018/veteran-suicide-rate-rise.html. > > > [3]. Department of Defense, Office of General Counsel, _Law of War > Manual_, June 2015, accessed August 14, 2018, > https://dod.defense.gov/Portals/1/Documents/pubs/Law-of-War-Manual-june-2015.pdf. > > [4]. John Gramlich, "The Gap Between the Number of Blacks and Whites > in Prison is Shrinking," Pew Research Center, January 12, 2018, > accessed August 14, 2018, > http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/01/12/shrinking-gap-between-number-of-blacks-and-whites-in-prison/. > > Citation: Titus Firmin. Review of Lynd, Alice; Lynd, Staughton, > _Moral Injury and Nonviolent Resistance: Breaking the Cycle of > Violence in the Military and Behind Bars_. H-Socialisms, H-Net > Reviews. September, 2018. > URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=51172 > > This work is licensed under a Creative Commons > Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States > License. > > -- _________________________________________________________ Full posting guidelines at: http://www.marxmail.org/sub.htm Set your options at: http://lists.csbs.utah.edu/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
